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MODERN HISTORY: 



FROM THE 



Cmning d! C^rM 



AND THE 



CHANGE OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC INTO AN EMPIRE, 



TO THE 



YEAR OF OUR LORD 1850. 



BY PETER**FREDET, D.D. 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN ST. MABY'S COLLEGE, BALTIMORE. 



jfjourtl^ HB^itton, inlar^tlr atiJt im^roS-etir. 



Historia testis temporum, lux veritatis, vita memoriae, magistra vitse, nuntia 
vestutatis. — Cicer. lib. ii. de Orat. c. ix, n. 36. 



BALTIMORE: tlzJt^ 

PUBLISHED BY JOHN MURPHY & CO. 

NO. 178 MARKET STREET. 

PHILADELPHIA: KAY & TROUTMAN. — PITTSBURGH! GEORGE QUIGLBY. 

Sold by Bookaellera generally throughout the United Stated. 

1850. 



Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year eighteen hundred and fifty, by 

JOHNMURPHY&CO., 

in the Clerk's office of the District Court of Maryland. 






PREFACE. 



The utility of History as a branch of public and private instruction 
has always been admitted. Cicero calls it "the witness of ages, the 
torch of truth, the life of memory, the oracle of life, the interpreter 
of the past," and does not hesitate to say, that *' to be ignorant of 
what has happened before one's birth, is nothing less than to remain 
in a continual state of childhood." (Cicer. in oral. n. xxxiv). Plu- 
tarch informs us that Cato the Censor, whose name and eminent 
qualities reflected so much honor upon the last days of the Roixtan 
Republic, composed for his infant son, and, with his own hand, 
wrote in large characters, a description of remarkable actions taken 
from the lives of illustrious Romans; in order, said he, that this child 
might be enabled, from his very infancy, and without leaving the pa- 
ternal roof, to become acquainted with the great men of his country, 
and to imitate those ancient models of probity and virtue. 

History is an immense repository, whence we may, with little la- 
bor, derive extensive knowledge, and draw many instructive and 
useful lessons ; nor is there any study (except that of Religion) bet- 
ter calculated to improve all the faculties of the soul. By its means, 
the memory is furnished with a multitude of interesting events j 
the judgment continually improves, from the assiduous attention 
which is given to objects well deserving of notice ; and experience, 
so necessary in life, is easily acquired, because we appropriate to 
ourselves that of others, and become wise at their expense. History 
conduces also wonderfully to the improvement of the heart : every 
where it aflbrds moral examples adapted to tiie different stations and 
conditions of social life; every where it presents to our imitation 
models of courage, of patriotism, probity, disinterestedness, generous 
sentiments and heroic actions. Its pages, indeed, are frequently filled 
with the narrative of various crimes ; but these it mentions only to 
inspire us with horror for them, and to convince every one, that un- 
ruly passions, besides degrading humanity, generally prove the cause 
of the subversion of empires, not less than of the ruin of private in- 
dividuals and families. 



IV PREFACE. 

History gives us another very important instruction, in the continual 
change and succession of kingdoms and empires. There we behold 
the all- wise and powerful Providence of God displaying itself in the 
course of human affairs ; sometimes granting to his people good and 
virtuous rulers ; at other times, permitting political storms to burst 
forth, wars to rage, and wicked men to reign for the chastisement of 
nations; then restoring tranquiUity, and rendering subservient to his 
designs, even those events in which our limited reason can per- 
ceive only the agency of creatures. Thus we are taught to humble 
ourselves under the mighty hand of God, to refer every prosperous 
effect to Him, as its only real and independent cause, and to expect 
from Him alone a lasting happiness. 

These advantages are to be found chiefly in Modern History, which 
extending to many more countries than the history of former ages, 
presents us with more numerous and remarkable instances of the ef- 
fects of divine justice upon kings and nations. It likewise abounds, 
much more than the periods long since past, in heroic deeds, and, in- 
cluding the times of the Christian era, exhibits a much greater mul- 
titude of personages worthy of being proposed as models of virtue, 
than could ever be afforded by the ancient Greeks and Romans. 
Hence, Modern History, though generally little known, should be 
considered as peculiarly important and useful: not indeed, as we find 
it in the works of many recent authors, such as Hume, Gibbon, and 
others, whose partiality, prejudice, or even irreligion, appears in al- 
most every page of their works ; but, as it ought to be presented 
to the reader, in a spirit of candor and impartiality, after a sincere 
and diligent research on the part of the writer. 

The present course includes all the time which has elapsed from 
the coming of Christ, and even from the battle of Actium (b. c. 31), 
to the age in which we live. Although a shorter duration than this 
is commonly, though arbitrarily, assigned to Modern History, we 
have thought proper to refer its beginning to the memorable epoch 
which is termed in the Scripture the fulness of times, (Ephes. i. 10), 
and which nearly coincides with the change of the Roman Republic 
into an Empire after the battle of Actium. Thus, in reckoning from 
the dispersion of the sons of Noah, and following the division of 
Sacred History into two chief parts, the Ancient and the JVew Law, 
we have a similar and very natural division of the civil history itself 
into two grand portions, the one before, the other after the coming 
of Christ; and whilst we take a view of the civihzed world during 
the last eighteen hundred years, we also perceive the connexion 
which it had with the Christian Church from her foundation. 

To treat of each nation separately, is not the object of the present 
work • we are not writing a collection of particular histories, but a 



PREFACE. V 

general one: nor, on the other hand, is it our intention to confine our- 
selves, as is too frequently done, to a meagre outline of names, dates 
and facts, without mentioning their necessary circumstances; but, 
by selecting from the best historians of the different nations, whatever 
is most important and worthy of notice, to present, as far as possible, 
a detailed and connected view of the whole. Nothing more can be 
reasonably expected from an elementary course of this class : if it omits 
no essential fact or circumstance, and, at the same time, does not im- 
pede the progress of the narrative by introducing numberless events 
of secondary importance, surely nothing more can be desired in this 
respect, either for instruction or amusement. There is no other means 
of imparting, in an interesting manner, a sufficient knowledge of 
History. Should any disadvantage occasionally arise from this plan. 
It will be compensated by synoptical and chronological tables ; and, 
moreover, facts of an extraordinary nature, or which have been com- 
monly misrepresented in modern publications, will be illustrated by 
notes placed in the latter part of the volume. 

As a conclusion of these preliminary remarks, and an immediate 
introduction to Modern History, some idea must be given of the po- 
litical disturbances which so long agitated ancient Rome, and termi- 
nated in the destruction of the Commonwealth. 

The Romans, by their invincible patience and constancy during 
seven hundred years, had conquered almost the whole of the then 
known world, viz. Italy, Gaul, Spain, Northern Africa, Egypt, Sy- 
ria, Asia Minor, Greece, lUyria, etc. But, at the same time, al\ 
kinds of vices were introduced. Love of country, and respect for 
the laws were gradually superseded by luxury, avarice, intrigues, 
and an almost universal corruption. Public employments and dig- 
nities, the emoluments of which had increased, were solicited with 
extraordinary avidity; ambitious candidates sought only to flatter the 
people; and generals of the same character strained every nerve to 
gain the troops over to their party, even resorting to extravagant 
promises and presents, in order to attain their object. 

Sylla, having obtained, after his great victories, the Dictatorship 
for life, proved to the world that Rome could endure a master ; like 
him, Pompey and Julius Caesar successively rendered themselves 
all-powerful. The violent death of the latter, who was slain in the 
Senate, augmented, instead of lessening the evil. There were now 
three competitors for the supreme power : Antony, Lepidus, and the 
young Octavius, grand-nephew and adopted son of Caesar. During 
their triumvirate, all in Rome who were most remarkable for their 
courage and their opposition to tyranny, were destroyed : Cicero was 
put to death; Brutus and Cassius were defeated at Philippi; and 
with them expired the liberty of the Roman people. 



VI PREFACE. 

Octavius and Antony, having removed the feeble Lepidus, made 
various agreements respecting the division of power; but the young 
Caesar, more dexterous than his colleague, always found means to 
obtain the better share, gained the popular favor in Rome, and ra- 
pidly advanced to the sovereign authority. Antony, in his attempts to 
repair his losses, engaged in a civil war, which served only to accele- 
rate his utter ruin : his defeat in the battle of Actium, and his death 
which followed soon after, left Octavius undisputed master. This 
memorable event, which took place in the year 722 after the building 
of Rome, and 31 before the coming of Christ, brings us to the be- 
ginning of our course of Modern History, which includes eight parts 
or epochs, in the following order: 

The first part comprises the time which elapsed from the battle of 
Actium (b. c. 31), to the accession of Constantine (a. d. 306); in- 
cluding 337 years. 

The 2d from the accession of Constantine (a. d. 306), 

to the fall of the Roman Empire in the West (a. d. 476) ; . ... . . 

170 years. 

The 3d from the fall of the Roman empire in the West 

(a. d. 476), to its revival under Charlemagne (a. d. 800); 

324 years. 

The 4th . . . i . . from the revival of the Western Empire under 
Charlemagne (a. d. 800), to the beginning of the Crusades, (a. d. 
1095); 295 years. 

The 5th from the beginning of the Crusades (a. d. 1095), 

to their termination (a. d. 1272); ...... 177 years. 

The 6th from the end of the Crusades (a. d. 1272), to 

the discovery of America (a. d. 1492); 220 years. 

The 7th from the discovery of America (a. d. 1492), to 

the Treaty of Versailles, or Paris, in which the Independence of the 
United States was solemnly and universally acknowledged (a. d. 
1783); 291 years. 

The 8th from the Treaty of Paris (a. d. 1783), to a. d. 

1850; 67 years. 



CONTENTS. 



PART I. 



FROM THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM (B. C. 31), TO THE ACCESSION OF 
CONSTANTINE (A. D. 306). 



Page 

Roman Empire, 13 

Augustus,. lb. 

Tiberius, 23 

Caligula, 33 

C'laudius, 35 

Nero, 38 

Galba— Otho— Vitellius, 44 

Vespasian, 48 

Titus, 54 

Domitian, 56 

Nerva — Trajan, 59 

Adrian, 61 

Antoninus Pius, 65 

Marcus Aurelius, 68 

Commodus — Pertinax — Didius 

Julianus, 69 



Page 

Septimius Severus, 70 

Caracalla — Macrinus— Helioga- 

balus, 77 

Alexander Severus, 78 

Military Usurpers, 83 

Claudius II, 85 

Aurelian, 87 

Interregnum — Tacitus, 90 

Probus, ib. 

Car us, and his two sons Cari- 

nus and Numerian, 92 

Diocletian and Maximian; af- 
terwards Constantius Chlorus 

and Galerius, ib. 



PART II. 



FROM THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE (A. D. 306)iTO THE DOWNFALL 
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE WEST (A. D. 476). 

Page Page 

Constantine the Great, 98 Honorius and Arcadius, 123 

Constantius, and his brothers Valentinian III, in the West; 

Constantine II and Constans, 107 in the East, Theodosius II, 

Julian, 109 or the Younger, 126 

Jovian, 113 Marcian — Leo the Thracian, in 

Valentinian and Valens, 114 the East — Last period and 

Theodosius the Great — Gratian fall of the Western Empire, 131 

and Valentinian II,. . . .. .... 116 



TAl 



CONTENTS. 



PART III 



t'ROM THE DOWNFALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE (A. D. 476), TO 
ITS REVIVAL UNDER CHARLEMAGNE (A. D. 800). 



Page 
Foundation of the principal and 
most celebrated States of Eu- 
rope, 135 

Anglo-Saxons in Great Britain- 

Hengist, ib. 

Visigoths in Spain — Evaric, . . . 136 

Franks in Gaul — Clovis, 138 

Ostrogoths in Italy — Theodoric 

the Great, 140 

Emperors of Constantinople, . . 142 

Justin I, ib. 

Glorious reign of Justinian, 144 

Justin II— Tiberius II, 153 

Mauritius, 157 

Phocas, 161 

Heraclius, 162 

Rise of Mahometanism, 164 

Progress of Mahometanism, 167 

Conquests of the Saracens in 
Syria, Palestine and Mesopo- 

teimia, ib. 



Page. 

Conquests of the Saracens in 
Egypt, 169 

in Persia, Rhodes and 

other countries, 171 

Dissensions among the Sara- 
cens, 174 

Prosperity of the Greek empire 
under Constantine Pogonatus, ib. 

Conquests of the Saracens in 
Africa, 176| 

in Spain,. . . . 1791 

Saracens defeated in the East — 
Leo the Isaurian, 181 

Saracens defeated in France — 
Charles Martel, 182: 

Pepin, king of France, 184j 

Charlemagne, king of France \ 
and Lombardy, I86i 

Remarks on the state of civil- : 
ization, learning, and particu- 
larly religion, during the third 
part of modern history, 192 



PART IV. 

FROM THE REVIVAL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE (A. D. 800), TO THB 
BEGINNING OF THE CRUSADES (A. D. 1095). 



Page 

Charlemagne, Emperor, 196 

Louis the Debonnaire, and his 
sons — Feudal system, 200 

Arabian and Greek Empires du- 
ring the ninth century, 201 

Spain during the ninth and tenth 
centuries, 205 

England during the ninth and 
tenth centuries, 209 

France and Germany in the 
tenth and eleventh centuries, 214 

Eastern nations in the tenth and 
eleventh centuries, 217 



Pagej 

Ireland, particularly during the 
tenth and eleventh centuries, 220| 

Danish kings in England — Sax- 
on line restored, 22: 

Normans in England — William 
the Conqueror, 22 

Normans in Italy, 227J 

Chivalry, particularly in Spain ; 
— Rise of the kingdom of 
Portugal, 228 

Aifair of Investitures, 230 

Remarks on the Middle Ages — 
Truce of God, 282 



CONTENTS. 



IX 



PART V, 

FJaOM THE BEGINNING OF THE CRUSADES (A. D. 1095), TO THEIR 
END (A. D. 1272). 



Pcige 
Origin and causes of the Cru- 
sades,. ..„.. . 239 

First Crusade, 240 

General view of the first Cru- 
sade. — Return of the Cru- 
saders, 250 

Kingdom of Jerusalem, 252 

Second Crusade, 255 

Germany and Italy under Fre- 
deric I (Barbarossa). — Eng- 
land and Ireland under Henry 

II (Planta^enet)., 257 

Fall of the kingdom of Jerusa- 
lem. 260 



Third Crusade, 262 

Fourth Crusade, 269 

Fifth Crusade. — Foundation of 
the Latin empire of Constan- 
tinople, ^ 270 

Wars throughout Europe, 274 

Conquests of Genghis -Kan in 

Asia, 279 

Sixth Crusade, 281 

Seventh Crusade. — St. Louis,... 284 
St. Louis continued.-Civil war 

in England, 287 

Eighth and last Crusade, 288 

Remarks on the Crusades, 292 



PART VI 

FROM THE END OF THE CRUSADES (A. D. 1272), TO THE DISCOVERT OP 
AMERICA (A. D. 1492). 



Page 
England, Wales, and Scotland, 

under kings Edward I and II, 298 
Germany under the emperor: 
Rodolph of Hapsburg.-Com- 
raencement of the Helvetian 

Confederation, 299 

Prosecution and abolition of the 

Knights-Templars, 302 

Progress of the Christians of 
Spain, and signal victories 

over the Moors, 304 

War between France and Eng- 
land, 306 

Edward III of England and 

Philip VI of France, ib. 

Edward HI and John II, 310 

Edvi^ard III and Charles V, 313 

Rise of the Ottoman empire, 
and its progress, till the bat- 
tle of Nicopolis, 317 



Page 
Tamerlane and the Mogula. — 

Battle of Ancyra, 321 

Renewal of war between Eng- 
land and France, 324 

Henry V and Charles VI, 325 

Henry VI and Charles VII,.... 327 

Fall of Constantinople, 331 

Mahomet II continued, 337 

Mahomet II and Hunniades,.. 338 
Mahomet II and Scanderbeg, . . 340 
Mahomet II and Peter d'Aubus- 

son, 342 

Contest of the houses of Lan- 
caster and York in England, 344 
Ferdinand and Isabella. — Final 
overthrow of the Moors in 

Spain, 347 

Remarks on the discoveries 
made during the sixth period 
of Modern History, 330 



■^ 



CO^fTEKTS. 



PART VII. 

FROM THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA (A. D. 1492), TO THE TREATT OF 
VERSAILLES, OR PARIS, IN WHICH THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNI- 
TED STATES WAS SOLEMNLY AND UNIVERSALLY ACKNOWLEDGED 
(A. D. 1783). , 



Page 
Preliminary observations on 
America, 252 

Discovery of America. — Chris- 
topher Columbus, ......... . 254 

Portuguese settlements in Asia, 361 
Decline of the Italian republics. 
— Wars for the possession of 
Italy. — Cardinal Ximenes. — 

Pope Leo X, 364 

Luther and the Reformation,.. . 367 
Charles V and Francis I, . . . . 369 
Charles V and Soliman II,. . . . 371 
Conquest of Mexico. — Hernan- 
do Cortez,. 374 

Conquest of Peru. — Francis Pi- 

zarro, 383 

Charles V continued. — Acces- 
sion of Philip II, and first 
transactions of his reign, .... 385 
England under the Tudors, .... 387 
War against the Turks. — Siege 
of Malta.-Loss of Cyprus. — 

Battle of Lepanto, 389 

Philip II continued. — The re- 
public of Holland. — France 
under the last Valois and 
Henry IV. — General state of 
Europe in the beginning of 

the seventeenth century, 396 

The Thirty years war, 399 

Civil weir in England. — Com- 
monwealth. — Restoration, . . . 401 



Page 

British and French colonies in 
North America, 405 

Splendor of the Reign of Louis 
XIV, 407 

War of Flanders, of Candia, 
etc.,... 409 

War of Holland — and subse- 
quent events till the league 
of Augsburg, 411 

League of Augsburg. — Revolu- 
tion in Endand,.. 415 

Succession of Spain. — ^Death of 
Louis XIV,. 417 

Decline of the Turks, . . . . 422 

Rise of Prussia and Russia. — 
Peter the Great. — Charles 
XII, king of Sweden, 424 

Western Europe from the death 
of Louis XIV in 1715 to the 
treaty of Vienna in 1735, 426 

Eastern Europe'.-Thamas Kouli 
Kan, or Nadir Schah, the 
Persian conqueror, etc., 427 

War of the succession of Aus- 
tria. — The Pretender in Eng- 
land and Scotland, 429 

Old French war, otherwise 
called War of Hanover, or 
Seven years war, 432 

Origin and progress of the 
American Revolution 434 

War of Independence, 437 



PART VIII. 

FROM THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES, OR PARIS, IN WHICH THE INDEPEN- 
DENCE OF THE UNITED STATES WAS SOLEMNLY AND UNIVERSALLY 
ACKNOWLEDGED (A. D. 1783), TO THE YEAR OF OUR LORD 1850. 

Page 

Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor, 455 

Second American war, 463 

General view of the Civilized 
World, from the year 1815, to 
the year 1844. — Conclusion,.. 465 
Appendix for 1844—1860, 469 



Formation of the Federal Con- 
stitution of the United States.- 
Washington, first President,.. 444 

French Revolution, 446 

Napoleon Bonaparte, General 
and Consul,. *.,,,. 450 



CONTENTS. Xf 



NOTES. 

Page 

NoTS A. — Character and Death of Seneca, Lucan, etc., 469 

B. — ^The historian Josephus, 470 

C. — ^Number of Martyrs, during the general persecutions of 

the Church, , . 472 

D. — Attempt of the emperor Julian to rebuild the temple of 

Jerusalem, 476 

E. — Mahomet's pretended miracles,. . . . * 479 

F. — Answer of Pope Zachary to a consultation of the French, 480 

G. — Temporal Dominion of the Pope, 481 

H.—Popes of the Middle Ages, 483 

I. — Conquest of Ireland, 486 

J.— Prosecution and abolition of the Knights-Templars, 489 

K. — Inquisition, 492 

L.— Bull of Alexander VI, called the Bull of partition, 494 

M. — Influence of the Roman Church on the improvement of 

science. — ^Affair of Galileo. — The Calendar,. ......... 496 

N. — Massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, 497 

O.— Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, , , , 499 

P. — On religious persecution, 502 

Tables of contemporary Sovereigns, 509 

Chronological table, 521 

Table of Authors. 686 



MODERN HISTORY. 



PART I. 



/BOM THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM (B. C. 31), TO THE ACCESSION OF CON-- 
STANTINE, (A. D. 806). 



ROMAN EMPIRE. 

AUGUSTUS.— B. c. 31. a. d. 14. 

On his return to Rome after the battle of Actium, Octavius, after- 
wards called Augustus, deliberated whether he should abdicate or 
retain the almost unlimited power which he possessed. He felt 
more inclined to the latter measure ; but his mind was a prejr to fear 
and anxiety, when he considered the love of the Roman people for 
liberty", and the danger to which, by preserving the supreme authority 
in his own hands, he would be unavoidably exposed. 

To act the mone prudently in a matter of such importance, he 
caused the alternative to be discussed in his presence by his two dear- 
est and most trusty friends, Agrippa, a celebrated warrior, and Mae- 
cenas, a profound politician. Dion Cassius the historian has trans- 
mitted to us the contradictory advice of these two great men, 
Agrippa first delivered his opinion, and, though a relative of Augus- 
tus, and the chief instrument of his victories, openly declared for a 
generous abdication of the supreme power into the hands of the se- 
nate and people. He represented the great danger of attempting to 
govern, in the capacity of sovereign, men born and raised in a re- 
public; nor did he fail to insist on the striking precedent of Julius 
Csesar, who, a few years before, had been killed in the senate, for 
hazarding a similar proiect. 
2 ' ' 



14 MODERN HISTORY 



Part J. 



Msecenas v/as of a different opinion: lo him the scheme of abdi- 
cation appeared more brilliant than prudent; and he strenuously 
maintained that it would prove fatal to all parties. Were Augustus 
to descend to the condition of private life, his death would be sought 
and easily procured by his enemies ; while, on the other hand, con- 
sidering the violent storms which had lately shaken the republic, and 
looking over the broad extent of the Roman dominions, it was evi- 
dent that Rome could no longer subsist without a monarch. 

Augustus, having patiently heard his friends and thanked them for 
iheir advice, determined to follow the opinion of Maecenas, without 
entirely rejecting that of Agrippa. He accordingly retained the sove- 
reign power, but would not assume the title and insignia of a king, 
contenting himself with the name of imperator, a title which was 
frequently given to commanders of armies after a signal victory. His 
object was to effect a real change, and yet apparently to preserve the 
ancient form of government. The consuls and other public officers 
were appointed as regularly as before, and although subordinate and 
accountable to Augustus, exercised the same functions which they 
had to perform in the days of the Commonwealth. He also divided 
the provinces between himself and the Senate, to which body he as- 
signed the nearest, as being the most peaceable; but reserved for 
himself such as were more exposed to the attacks of an enemy. He 
thus concentrated in himself the whole military power, by holding 
the command of the standing troops, which were stationed in those 
provinces only that were liable to invasion. 

Notwithstanding the doubtful character of these measures, the use 
which Augustus made of his great authority, was truly beneficial to 
the Romans. *^* After twenty years continuance," says Velleius Pa- 
terculus, ''the civil contests ended, foreign wars ceased, peace was 
re-established, hostilities were every where quelled ; vigor was re- 
stored to the laws, authority to the tribunals The fields were 

again cultivated; sacred things were respected, and the lives and 
property of the citizens placed in a state of security."* Nor did 
Rome and Italy alone reap the fruits of these happy improvements. 
The several provinces, before distracted by civil wars, or plundered 
and harassed by the avidity of their governors, now began to re- 
cover from all those evils, and to enjoy their former prosperity. 

No sooner did Augustus see his authority well established in le 
Capital, than he set out (b. c. 27), to visit the various parts of the 
empire, Gaul, Spain, Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, etc. Residing in 

* Finita vicesirao anno bella civilia, sepulta externa, revocata pax, sopitus 

ubiqufe armorum furor; restituta vis legibus, judiciis auctoritas .Re- 

diit cultus agris, sacris honos, securitas hominibus, carta cuique rerum sua= 
nun posse ssio. — VM, Paterc. Hist., part: 2d. 



1,0, ill AUGUSTUS, 15 

each for some tlmea he regulated the government^ enacted suitable 
laws, and applied himself particularly to the repression of licentious- 
ness, which he, although his own conduct was not blameless, justly 
considered as one of the greatest evils of the state. 

The progress of science and literature formed one of the principal 
objects of his attention, Cicero, Sallust and Cornelius Nepos hav- 
ing been, a short time before, snatched away by death, Augustus en- 
deavored to repair this loss, by encouraging the genius of others sr 
as to make them contend sucessfuUy with the Greek writers in elo- 
quence and poetry. Such especially were Virgil, Horace, Ovid and 
Livy J all of whom enjoyed the uninterrupted favor of Augustus, 
except however the poet Ovid, who, having witnessed some shame- 
ful disorders in the emperor's family, was, on that aocount, banished 
to Tomos, a town of Scythia near the Euxine Sea, where he ended 
his life the same day on which Livy died at Padua (a. d. 17). Livy 
left a complete history of Rome, from its foundation to his own time, 
consisting of 140 books, most of which are lost; yet, the few which 
have been preserved, are sufficient to place their author in the first 
rank of historians, particularly for his noble and elegant style, f-Io- 
race died almost suddenly, in the 56th year of his age (b. c. 8). 
Virgil having gone to Greece, where he expected to procure the 
proper information and tranquillity necessary for the completion of 
his ^neid, was prevailed upon to return with Augustus to Rome. 
Although laboring under indisposition, he embarked on the Adriatic ; 
the navigation augmented the violence of his disease, and he expired 
on his arrival at Brundusium, at the age of 51 y^ars ; (b. c. 19). His 
remains were interred at Naples, and on his tomb was placed the 
following epitaph composed, it is believed, by himself; it contains, 
in two verses, the place of his birth, that of his death and burial, and 
tlie subjects of his various poems: 

I sung flocks, tillage, heroes; Mantua gave 
Me life, Brundusium death, Naples a grave.* 

Virgil, not having had time to give the last touch to his principal 
poem, commanded, just before his death, that it should be cast into 
the flames ; but this rigorous order, happily for literature, was not 
executed. Augustus, besides preventing its destruction, took care 
that nothing should be added to the work, a circumstance which ac- 
counts for the many unfinished verses found in the iEneid. Its au- 
thor is justly looked upon as the prince of Latin poets. He was 
moreover skilled in mathematics, geography, natural and moral phi- 

* Mantua me genuit, Calabri rapuere, tenet nunc 
Partbenope ; cecini pascua, rura, duces- 



16 MODERN HISTORY. 



Parti. 



icsophy ; and, what is still more admirable, amidst the general esteem 
m which he was held for his talents, he always preserved a modest 
deportment; he was plain in his manners, even at court, and pure 
in his morals, even in the most corrupt of ages. 

The wisdom of Augustus was like an abundant spring whence 
happiness flowed without interruption, spreading itself over every 
portion of the world and through every class of society. Governing 
others, as he himself would have wished to be governed, he marked all 
the years of his reign by numerous acts of a wise and prudent adminis- 
tration. His behavior towards the senate and the people exhibited a 
happy mixture of condescension and firmness: when deliberating on 
public affairs, he was not offended at seeing his opinions strenuously 
opposed; wJien inclined to anger, his custom was, either to leave 
the company for a moment, or, in compliance with an advice which 
he had received from the philosopher Athenodorus, to repress the 
feelings of nature, before saying or doing any thing. With regard 
to the people in general, he was studious to conciliate their favor by- 
public exhibitions and largesses; and the Romans saw, with the ut- 
most pleasure, not only abundance and security completely restored 
among them under his government, but their city also wonderfully 
embellished by his orders and care. According to his own expression, 
*' he found it of brick, and left it of marble:" nor did he however, 
trespass on the rights of the inhabitants, preferring to leave some 
works unfinished and imperfect, rather than encroach upon the pro- 
perty of others. 

The conduct of Augustus towards particular persons, was equally 
admirable. He excused the senators from all troublesome ceremonials, 
and would not suffer them to wait upon him at the palace, in order 
to conduct him to the senate-house : here he received their compli- 
ments and returned their salutations, calling them by their names. 
Nor did he extend this mildness and affability to senators only, or to 
persons of distinction ; he permitted all to approach him, and was 
accessible even to the citizens of the lowest classes, receiving their 
petitions with kindness, and encouraging those whom reverential 
awe rendered timid and bashful. 

Very many instances are related of his moderation and clemency 
towards those who behaved disrespectfully in his regard. The fol- 
lowing one will suffice. As he was making preparations for a jour- 
ney, a senator, named Rufus, said at an entertainment: '*I wisk 
that Augustus may never come back again;" and jesting about the 
number of victims which were usually sacrificed in thanksgiving for 
the emperor's return, he added that all the oxen and calves entertained 
the same wish. These words were carefully treasured up by some 
of the guests. The next day a slave of Rufus reminded his master 



l'/r>:lk AUGUSTUS, 17 

of what he had said when heated with wine, and advised him to go 
and be the first to declare his fault to the emperor. Rufus followed 
tiie advice ; he hastened to the palace, presented himself before Au- 
gustus, and attributing his conduct of the previous day to a fit of 
madness, begged him to forgive his foolish temerity. Augustus 
granted his request. "Ccesar," said Rufus, "no one will believe 
that you have restored me to your friendship, unless you make me a 
handsome present." The prince granted this also, adding with a 
smile: " for my own sake, I will take care not to be angry with you 
in future." 

However, Augustus did not always suffer the odious imputations 
cast upon his character to pass unnoticed : a proper care of his 
reputation often induced him to repel them, either by discourses de- 
livered in the senate, or by declarations publicly made in his name. 
But he was a stranger to revenge. Tiberius, who afterwards suc- 
ceeded him, and who was of a very different character, having once 
exhorted him to punish an insult, Augustus replied : " My dear Ti- 
berius, do not abandon yourself too much to the vivacity of your 
age, and be not so indignant at those who speak ill of me 5 it is 
enough to prevent them from doing us any harm." 

Who would imagine that a man of such mildness and moderation 
had, in his youth, shed so much blood, and committed so many cru- 
elties? This change in Augustus, though springing perhaps from 
interested views, cannot but appear truly astonishing. Examples 
may be found of a good natural disposition corrupted by constant 
prosperity, and especially by unlimited power; but to find, in such 
circumstances, bad qualities removed, and succeeded by noble and 
generous feelings, is extremely rare. 

A government so mild, and possessing so many advantages both 
for the state and private citizens, excited a general esteem and love 
for its wise regulator. Even when he proposed to the senate, with 
more policy than sincerity, the resignation of his power, the senators, 
either through a dread of new evils, or through attachment to his per- 
son, entreated him to continue in the possession of the supreme 
authority. He had, or pretended to have the modesty to accept it 
only for ten years; but it was successively bestowed upon him for ten 
more, when that term had elapsed. 

Still more honorable for Augustus was the manner in which he 
received, in compHance with the desire of the whole nation, the title 
of Father of his Coiinti'y, a title so eminently glorious when truly me- 
rited. At first, the people offered it to the emperor by a solemn em- 
bassy; Augustus having refused, all the inhabitants of Rome insisted, 
•and with unanimous acclamations earnestly begged that it should be 
accepted- In fine, the senators agreed among themselves 10 matfe a 



18 MODERN HISTORY, 



Pan I. 



last effort; and one of their number, Messala, in the name of all, 
addressed Augustus in these terms: "Caesar, the senate together with 
the Roman people proclaim you the Father of the country." The | 
emperor, moved even to tears, answered: '* Senators, having reached j 
the summit of my wishes, what else can I ask of the immortal gods, \ 
tlian that I should always deserve and obtain from you the aifectionate 
sentiments which you have just expressed?"^ This was truly the 
happiest day of his life. 

Still, as there are alv/ays some discontented persons even under the 
most moderate governments, Augustus was not secure from secret 
conspiracies. He showed himself inexorable in the punishment of the_ 
first offenders, Ignatius Rufus, Murena and Cepion; but he pursuecffl! 
a different course in the case of Cinna, a grand-son of Pompey, whose 
party many persons of high standing had joined. The emperor was 
informed of the bold design by one of the accomplices, and this infor- 
mation threw him into the greatest perplexity. Must he again shed 
torrents of blood, or would it be more expedient to forgive ? This 
ahernative was the subject of a conversation between him and his 
wife Livia, and to the empress is attributed the honor of having in- 
duced her husband to lean on the side of clemency. Hi« resolution 
bemg formed, he sent for Cinna, named in his presence all the con- 
spirators, whose leader he was, and showed himself perfectly 
acquainted with the manner, time and place which they had ap- 
pointed. Cinna was thunderstruck at this unexpected disclosure; but 
his surprise Was still greater when Augustus, after enumerating the 
benefits he had conferred on him, added: " Cinna, I forgave you 
once, when you were found in the camp of my enemies; I now par- 
don you a second time, after you have attempted to be my murderer. 
Let us become sincere friends, and by our future conduct towards 
eacii other, make it doubtful which is greater, my generosity or your 
gratitude." 

To this noble language, Augustus joined equally generous pro- 
ceedings; he nominated Cinna consul for the ensuing year, and 
gave him many other marks of particular affection. In return, Cinna 
became the faithful friend of his sovereign, and was ever afterwards 
inviolably attached to his interests. The emperor derived a still more 
valuable advantage from his clemency on this occasion ; it completed 
his popularity in Rome, and from that time, effectually prevented con- 
spiracies against his person and authority. 

* Csesar Auguste, senatus consentiens cum populo Romano, te consalutat 
patrice patrem. Cui lacrymans respondit Augustus his verbis : Compos fac- 
tus votoruin meorum, P. C, quid habeo aliud Deos immortales precari, 
quam ut hunc consensum vestrum ad ultimum vitse finera mihi perferre 
liceat ? Sueton. in August. 



l\l[ul AUGUSTUS. 19 

The most memorable event during the reign of this prince, was the 
birth of our Saviour. Augustus unintentionally contributed to the 
accomplishment of the designs of Heaven on this point : as he had 
issued a decree that the whole world should be enrolled, every one in 
liis own city, the B. Virgin was obliged to go with St. Joseph from Na- 
zareth to Bethlehem, a little town of the tribe of Juda.* There, as the 
Prophet Micheas had foretoldf, the Incarnate Son of God was born 
and commenced the work of our redemption, about four thousand 
years after the creation of the world, seven hundred and fifty-three 
after the building of Rome, and thirty-one after the foundation of the 
empire. 

The birth of Christ coincided with the very uncommon circumstance 
I hat the temple of Janus was shut; this was the case only during a 
universal peace. From Romulus to Augustus, an interval of seven 
hundred years, it had been shut only twice : first, under the reign of 
Numa, and a second time, between the first and second Punic wars. 
The tranquillity which the world now enjoyed, was a figure of that 
spiritual peace which the Eternal Son of God came to impart to 
mankind. 

This tranquiUity originated chiefly in the moderation of Augustus •, 
no sooner did he find himself without a competitor in Rome, than 
his views became wholly pacific. He never undertook a war, except 
through necessity and when the advantages expected from it far ex- 
ceeded the loss that might be feared. His usual saying was, that they 
who, without hesitation, purchase small advantages by running great 
risks, resemble a man fishing with a golden hook, the value of which 
far exceeds that of all the fish he may hope to catch. On the 
same principle, he frequently blamed Alexander for having continu- 
ally sought to extend his empire by warfare, rather than govern it in 
peace and watch over its internal prosperity. 

Still, Augustus was compelled to engage in several wars, most of 
which became successful through the ability of his generals. The 
Cantabrians in Spain were defeated by Agrippa. Tiberius repressed 
the rebels of Dalmatia and Pannonia, subdued the Rhetians in despite 
of their mountains, and humbled the pride of JVIaroboduus, a powerful 
king of the Marcomans; whilst his brother Drusus, a young hero, 
made four glorious campaigns in the heart of Germany, and extended 
his conquests as far as the river Elbe. The Roman arms were every 
where respected : the Parthians returned the prisoners and colors that 
had been in their possession since the defeat of Crassus (b. c. 53) ; 
and the nations of India sought, through embassies, the alliance and 
friendship of Augustus. 

These brilliant successes were followed by a disaster, the more 
* Luke, ii. 1, 3, etc. \ Micheas, v. 2. 



20 MODERN HISTORY. Pan i. 

grievous to the prince and to the people, as it was quite unexpected. 
Uuintilius Varus, who commanded in Germany five Roman legions 
(about 25,000 men), and some auxiliary troops, gradually rendered 
himself odious to the inhabitants by his love of money and his great 
extortions. His imprudence soon caused his complete overthrow. He 
obstinately refused to give ear to the warnings which he received of a 
threatened insurrection, and was even prevailed upon by Arminius, a 
young German prince whose fidelity he did not suspect, to .divide his 
army into several separate bodies, and to station them in different 
quarters. These scattered troops were easily destroyed by the natives, 
and the revolt became general. At length, the Roman general, 
aware of his danger, hastened with three legions to subdue the rebels ; 
but he imprudently suffered himself to be blocked up between woods 
and marshes, and Arminius, with all the forces he could collect, attacked 
him during the night and amidst the horrors of a violent storm. 
The Romans fought bravely, but in vain; they were cut to pieces 
together with their commander and officers, and but very few 
escaped to carry back the tidings of the defeat (a. d. 9). 

Never was Augustus so much afflicted at the news of any misfor- 
tune. When he was apprised of the event, he rent his garments 
through excess of grief, and was often heard to cry out : •* Varus, re- 
store me my legions." He feared moreover that the Germans would 
pursue their victory, invade Italy and attack Rome itself: but the 
danger was not so great as had been imagined, and the following 
year, Tiberius easily checked the progress of the enemy. 

Another source of grief for Augustus in his advanced age, was 
the misconduct of some of his children and grand-chiidren, whom he 
was obliged to send into exile. The death of those around him in 
whom he had placed all his confidence, such as Agrippa and Maece- 
nas, or whom he expected to be the future support of his throne and 
family, likewise pressed heavily upon him. Drusus, his step-son, 
was taken oflf in the midst of his victorious career : Marcellus, his 
nephew and son-in-law, died at a premature age; as did also Caius 
and Lucius Caesar, the emperor's grand-sons, children of Agrippa. 

Next to Augustus, Agrippa was beyond dispute the first man of 
his age, great in peace and in war, illustrious in the field and in the 
cabinet. Sicily, Greece, Germany, Gaul and Spain, were succes- 
sively the theatres of his military achievements. In time of peace, his 
mind was ever occupied with grand and noble designs all tending to 
the public good ; and he has rendered his name immortal by works far 
surpassing in splendor and magnificence those of any other private 
individual. Q^ualified to hold the first rank in a republic, he contented 
\uraself with the second under Augustus, who made him his son-in^ 
law, colleague, and intended successor. 



■: ^; 14! AUGUSTUS. 21 

The intimacy of their friendship reflects equal honor on both. 
Agrippa obtained the favor of Augustus without mean condescension 
and flattery ; and Augustus^ without either distrust or jealousy of 
Agrippa's conspicuous merit, raised him almost to an equahty with 
himself. After the death of so faithful a friend, he honored his re- 
mains by magnificent obsequies, at which he himself pronounced the 
funeral oration, and would not sufier him to be laid in any other tomb 
than that destined for himself. 

Maecenas too, although indolent with regard to his own affairs and 
person, was an able minister, who joined a superior mind to bene- 
ficence and modesty. He always endeavored to procure the advan- 
tage of others, and on the contrary never availed himself of the em- 
peror's friendship to promote his own interest. To him and to his 
constant protection were science and hterature principally indebted for 
the high degree of perfection, which they attained under the reign of 
Augustus. 

Drusus, as Ave have already said, conquered a great part of Ger- 
many. As a Roman, no one surpassed him in noble and gene- 
rous feelings; as a general, he was equalled, in that age, only by 
Agrippa and by his own son Germanicus. 

In fine, Marcellus, a young prince possessed of uncommon talents, 
mid still more admirable for his moral virtues, was, in every respect, 
deserving of his high rank and fortune. He had already acquired gen- 
eral esteem; he was the hope of the Romans and the pride of his uncle 
Augustus, when death exhibited in his person a new instance of the 
frailty of human grandeur. This made Virgil say in the 6th book of 
his iSineid: 

« This youth, the blissful vision of a day, 

Shall be just shown on earth, and snatched away." — Dryden.* 

And again, after alluding to the great hero of the same name, con- 
spicuous in the second Punic war : 

« Ah ! couldst thou break through fate's severe decree, 
A new Marcellus would arise in thee."t 

These beautiful verses, when first publicly reched, drew tears from all 
who heard them, and particularly touched Augustus and his sister 
Octavia, the young prince's mother, who remained inconsolable till 
death. 

Thus the emperor was compelled to centre, if not all his affection, 
at least all his expectation in Tiberius. He now chose him for his 

* Ostendent terris hunc tantum fata, neque ultra 

Esse sinent. 
\ Heu, miserande puer ! si qua fata aspera rumpas, 

Tu Marcellus eris. 



22 MODERN HISTORY. 



Pari I. 



colleague and successor, as the only one whom he knew truly capa.- 
ble of upholding the empire. He himself, however, did not entirely 
withdraw from the cares of the government, a burden always agreeable 
to his ambition. Even, when his health was dechning, his mind 
continued ever busy and active. At length, whilst traveUing through 
the south of Italy, on his way from Beneventum to Rome, he fell 
dangerously ill, and could not proceed beyond Nola in Campania. 
When he saw that the end of his life was near, he ordered a looking- 
glass to be brought to him, and his hair to be dressed ; then called in 
his friends, and asked them if they thought he had well played his 
part in the drama of life. Being answered in the affirmative, he cried 
out in a Greek verse with which the ancient plays generally termi- 
nated : '' Give me then your applause.'^ Thus, at the age of seventy- 
six, after reigning forty-five years, he expired on the 19th of August, 
a month formerly called Sextilis, but to which he had given his name. 
He was buried at Rome with great pomp, and even divine honori 
were impiously paid to his memory. 

Augustus possessed, in an eminent degree, all the qualifications 
necessary to become the founder of the Roman empire under its 
present form; viz. penetrating genius, energy of soul, activity, and 
above all, a consummate prudence under all possible circumstances. 
His long administration may be proposed, in most points, as a model 
of excellent government; and he himself might be looked upon as 
one of the best of princes, could we forget that the mild and beneficent 
Avgustiis had once been the fierce and cruel Octavim. Hence, the 
common opinion entertained respecting his public character is, that it 
would have conduced greatly to the happiness of mankind, if Octavivs 
had never been born, or if Augustus had never died. 

The census of the Roman citizens was taken several times under 
his reign. In the beginning, they amounted to four millions and sixty- 
tkree thousand; towards the end, to four millions one hundred and 
thirtv-seven thousand, and shortly after, under the emperor Claudius, 
they were found to be nearly seven millions. These numbers com- 
prised, very probably, not only the inhabitants of Rome, but all per- 
sons in every part of the empire who had obtained by birth or by 
special privilege, the right of Roman citizenship,* such as was pos- 
sessed by St. Paul, a Jew and a native of Tarsus in Cilicia.f To 
ascertain precisely the population of the city of Rome at that epoch, 
seems quite impossible ; but from a variety of circumstances, it may 
be reasonably supposed to have amounted to about two millions, 

* See Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs, vol. 1, p. 4, 48, 244, 
t jlcL App. XXI. 39; and xxii. 25, 26, 27, 28. 



A. D. 14-~^J7. TIBERIUS. 2S 

TIBERIUS, A, D. 14r-=S7. 

Immediately after the death of Augustus, Tiberius, who had now 
completed his fifty-fifth year, assumed all the marks of the imperial 
dignity. He was the son of the empress Livia, by a former mar- 
liage with Tiberius Nero. His mother, indeed, by her credit and in- 
fluence, greatly contributed to his elevation, but it was perhaps owing 
chiefly to his own mihtary and political talents; and these would 
certainly have fitted him for his high station, had he not chosen to 
act the part of a vicious and tyrannical prince. 

Shortly after his accession to the throne, Tiberius began to manifest 
the perverse inclinations of his heart. Naturally morose and cruel, 
jealous of any glory acquired by others, he was full of dissimulation, 
and the more to be dreaded, as he knew how to conceal his anger. 
It sometimes happened that, whilst he was politely entertaining indivi- 
duals in his palace, sentence of death was pronounced against them, 
by his orders, in the public tribunals of Rome. The most trifling 
faults in matters regarding his government, were visited with the 
penalties of high-treason. 

With such a prince it was dangerous to jest. Having postponed 
the payment of some legacies bequeathed by Augustus to the Roman 
people, a wag, who wished to remind him of his obligation, took ad- 
vantage of a funeral that was passing along the street, approached 
the bier, and feigning to whisper something in the ear of the dead man, 
said, in a tone loud enough to be heard by the by-standers : '*Pray, 
remember to tell Augustus that his legacies are not yet paid.'' The 
emperor, being informed of this piece of wit, sent for the unfortunate 
jester, paid him his portion of the legacy, and ordered him to be put 
to death immediately, saying : " Let him go himself to Augustus, and 
he will be able to bring him later and better news than that carried by 
the dead man.'' The jest however had its desired effect, and the 
legacies were shortly after paid to the people. 

Notwithstanding the vices and tyranny of Tiberius, his reign was 
not altogether inglorious. At home, it exhibited many acts of justice, 
firmness and munificence; and it was marked abroad by many suc- 
cessful events, the honor of which belongs partly to Drusus, his son, 
but chiefly to Germanicus, his nephew, son of the former Drusus. 

On the reception of the first news of the late emperor's death, the 
legions stationed both in Pannonia and Germany for the defence of 
these countries, openly revolted, demanding from their leaders, with 
alarming threats, an increase of their pay and an earlier discharge 
iVom military service. Drusus and other persons of high rank, with 
I few cohort!*, were dispatched to qtioll the insurrection iu Pannoni^i. 



24 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part I. 



On their arrival, they found every thing in dreadful confusion, which 
neither the presence of Drusus, nor the reading of his father's letters, 
was able to remove. He, on the contrary, had the mortification to see 
his guards and counsellors exposed to the violence of the soldiery, and 
himself to insulting cries and clamors. The following night seemed 
to threaten the perpetration of still greater crimes, when, in a clear 
and serene sky, the moon was beheld suddenly, though gradually, 
losing its brightness. The overawed soldiers, unacquainted with the 
cause of the eclipse, considered it as a token of the wrath of Heaven , 
and of the frightful punishment which awaited their disobedience.*^ 
Drusus and his council skilfully availed themselves of this favorable 
circumstance, and, ordering the leaders of the rebels to be arrested, had 
them executed on the spot. After this, most of the soldiers speedily 
returned to the strict rule of military discipline ; the three legions were 
then separated without much trouble, and sent to distant quarters ; by 
which measure, the few remaining sparks of rebellion were easily ex- 
tinguished. Drusus, having thus re-established good order, and 
deeming his presence no longer necessary, set out for Rome. 

Germanicus, who held the command in Germany, had many more 
difficulties to encounter in staying the revolt of his numerous troops. 
It was only by extraordinary exertions, by subjecting himself to every 
hardship and even endangering his life, by opportunely exercising 
severity and lenity, that he was enabled to revive discipline and re- 
gularity among the legions both of the Upper and Lower Rhine. 

Passing then from one extreme to the other, the soldiers despatched 
with their swords all who had been foremost in the rebellion ; and 
afterwards, in order to exercise their valor more properly, they asked 
to be led against the barbarians. Germanicus readily complied with 
their desire. He threw a bridge over the Rhine, advanced into the 
hostile country with a numerous troop of chosen men taken from the 
legions and the allies, and suddenly attacking the Germans, made o 
great slaughter of them, whereas, among the Romans, not one sol 
dier was wounded. 

An account of this disaster soon reached several of the neighbor 
ing tribes. Inflamed with resentment, they took up arms, and post 
ing themselves to advantage, surrounded the woods through whicll 
the victors were to pass in returning to their camp. After skirmish 
ing with the front and the flanks of the army, they fell with thei; 
whole strength upon the rear. The light cohorts of the auxiliar^j 
troops found themselves unable to sustain the shock, and began ti 

* Noctem minacem, et in scelus erupturam fors lenivit : nam luna clan 
repents cselo visa languescere. Id miles rationis ignarus omen praesentinn 

accepit sibi laborem ffiteninm portendi, etc. — Tacitus, Anna!, lit 

1, n. xxvrii. 



ji. p. 14—37. 



TIBERIUS, 25 



be thrown into confusion ; when Germanicus, riding at full speed to 
one of the legions^ cried aloud tiiat the time was now come for them 
to efface^ by a noble exploit, the guilt of the late revolt; "Let them 
charge with courage, and gain immortal honor." Animated by these 
words, the legion rushed to the attack, and at the first onset, broke 
the ranks of the enemy. The barbarians fled to the open plain, where 
the Romans pursued them with dreadful carnage; from that time, 
the march was unmolested, and the soldiers went into winter 
quarters. 

Tiberius received the intelligence of these events with mingled 
pleasure and anxiety. That the sedition was at an end, was to him 
a source of satisfaction ; but he feared that the success of Germani- 
cus would inspire him with the idea of claiming the throne for him- 
self. This was a groundless suspicion ; the young prince, by refusing 
at the time of the revolt, the empire proffered to him by the muti- 
nied legions, had just given an incontrovertible proof of his constant 
fidelity. Still nothing could diminish the secret envy of Tiberius, 
and he only waited for some opportunity, or rather sought some pre- 
tence, to recall his nephew to Rome. 

In the mean time, Germanicus had matured his plan of opera- 
tions for the ensuing summer. He opened the campaign by a sud- 
den and successful irruption into the territories near the Rhine, 
After this, he prepared to march against the niain forces of the enemy, 
then assembled under the command of the same Arminius who had, 
six years before, obtained a memorable victory over the Romans. 
Four legions and the cavalry proceeded by land; Germanicus with 
four other legions embarked on the German Sea, the more easily to 
reach the mouth of the river Amisia (the Ems). All arrived in due 
time at the place of destination, and the whole army marched to- 
wards the forest where the bones of Varus and his legions were said 
to lie unburied. 

As the Romans were advancing, an awful spectacle met their 
view and excited in every breast feelings of horror. They saw tli€ 
ground white with bones, in some places thinly scattered, in others 
lying in heaps, as the unfortunate soldiers of Varus happened to fall 
in flight, or in a body resisted to the last. Fragments of javelins and 
the limbs of horses lay scattered about the fields; human skulls werv^; 
Been upon the trunks of trees ; in the adjacent woods stood the blood- 
stained altars on which the tribunes and principal centurions had 
been offered up in sacrifice : and near the decaying intrenchments 
of the Roman camp, was the spot where some, who at first escaped 
the general massacre, were supposed to have rrjade their last effort^ 
and perished in the attempt. 

AH were affected at tbjspipurpful sights ^nd with hearts oppriessed 



26 MODiUlN HISTORY. Pan i. 

with grief, buried the remains of their slaughtered countrymen. This 
duty performed, they pressed forward in pursuit of an enemy whom 
it was not less difficult to overtake than to conquer ; at length, Ger* 
manicus deeming the opportunity favorable, ordered his cavalry to 
begin the attack. But Arminius, taking advantage of the defiles and 
other difficult parts of the country, feigned a retreat to the forest; 
then suddenly Avheeling about, he gave the signal to the troops that 
lay in ambush in the woods, to rush out against the Romans. The 
cavalry which had been advancing, and the auxiliary cohorts destined 
to support it, struck with surprise, were put to flight, and might have 
been entirely defeated, had not Germanicus come up with the legions 
in order of battle, and checked the career of the enemy. The armies 
parted upon equal terms, and retired to winter quarters, not however 
without the loss of many brave men on the side of the Romans; 
whilst the survivors were exposed to innumerable hardships, which 
they overcame only by their fortitude and patience. 

In all this variety of events, Germanicus invariably displayed the 
greatest personal courage, extraordinary prudence, and a constant 
solicitude for the welfare of his troops. His ability in improvmg 
every advantage and every occasion of success, was particularly re- 
markable. When the Germans were to be attacked and driven jfrora 
same post, he took upon himself the most arduous part of the at- 
tempt, leaving the easiest duties to his lieutenants, and yet attributing 
afterwards to their conduct so much of the success, that three of them. 
Silius, Apronius and Cecina, obtained triumphal honors. 

He looked upon the soldiers as his children, and treated them with 
truly paternal kindness. He never uselessly exposed them to dan- 
gers, nor fought any battle, except when almost certain that he would 
obtain a considerable advantage. After an engagement, he visited the 
wounded, consoled them by placing before them the glory of the past 
and the hope of the future, supphed their wants, and with his own 
money indemnified those who had suffered any loss in the campaign. 
So many virtues and amiable qualities greatly endeared Germanicus to 
his troops, whilst his valor and skill made him formidable to the enemy. 
The only fault perhaps in his conduct, was the unrelenting and inhu- 
man rigor with which he carried on the war against the Germans, 
spreading slaughter far and wide, and laying the whole country waste 
with fire and sword, without regard to age or sex.* 

What has already been said of the Germanic war, belongs to the 
years 14 and 15 of our Lord. To ensure the success of the next 
campaign, Germanicus determined to have all his troops conveyed 
by water into the heart of the enemy's country ; by his orders, a 

* Tacit. Annnl. lib, I, n. li, lvi ; and lib. II, n. xxv. 



K. D. 14-57. 



TIBERIUS, 27 



fleet consisting of a thousand vessels was fitted out for the intended 
expedition. They sailed from the eastern channel of the Rhine, pro- 
ceeded over the lakes, and entering the German Ocean, navigated 
as far as the river Amisia. There the men disembarked, and the 
ships were left safe at their moorings. The Romans advanced through 
the plain, crossed the Visurgis (Weser), and attacked the Germans, 
who were encamped on the right bank of that river. 

At the signal given by Germanicus, the infantry began the assault 
in front J the cavalry, at tlie same time, charged the flank and rear; 
both attacks were ma je with so much vigor, that the barbarians, not- 
withstanding their natural bravery, were thrown into confusion and 
driven from all their posts. Yet Arminius performed wondei-s ; by 
his voice, by signs, by every means in his power, still endeavoring 
to sustain the combat. Wounded as he was, and nearly surrounded, 
he braved every danger, and at length by vigorous exertions, escaped 
from the field, having previously besmeared his face with his own 
blood, in order to disguise his person. 

The enemies were now completely routed. The victory cost the 
Romans Httle or no effusion of blood ; but the country, ten miles 
round, was covered with mangled bodies and the arms of the van- 
quished. Among the spoils was found a large quantity of fetters, 
which the Germans, in the anticipation of victory, had destined for 
the Roman prisoners. The legions, on the field of battle, again pro- 
claimed Tiberius emperor, and having raised a mound, placed on the 
top of it a pile of German arms, trophies of their victory, with an 
an inscription at the base setting forth the names of the conquered 
nations. 

To the Germans nothing could be so exasperating as this monu- 
ment of Roman glory. Inflamed anew with the desire of revenge, they 
raised fresh troops, and once more resolved to try the hazard of a bat- 
tle. Their martial spirit was not less than that of the Romans : still, 
after a fierce and obstinate combat, they were again defeated, and many 
of them, seeing that further resistance would be fruitless, surrendered 
at discretion. 

The summer being now far advanced, Germanicus ordered some of 
the legions to return by land to winter quarters ; he himself sailed with 
tlie rest down the river Amisia to the Ocean. The weather was favor- 
able, and the sea presented no other roughness on its surface, than that 
occasioned by the stroke of the oars and the rapid motion of a thous- 
and vessels. But this calm was of short duration. The sky became 
overcast; a storm of hail burst upon them with sudden fury ; squalls 
of wind drove the billows in different directions; and the pilot no 
Jonger knew what course to steer. Horses, arms and baggage were 
thrown overboard in order to lighten the ships; still many of them were 



28 MODERN HISTORY. Part I. 

either sunk, or wrecked on distant islands, where the soldiers perished 
by famine or lived only upon the carcasses of horses cast by the sea 
upon the beach. 

At length the storm abated, and the remaining vessels successfully 
reached the land. Germanicus, almost driven to despair, took every 
possible care to gather and comfort his troops, and furnish them with 
new arms and clothes. Having refitted the fleet, he' sent ships to the 
islands scattered through the German Sea, in search of the soldiers 
who had been cast away : by these timely efforts most of them were 
saved. 

The news of these disasters spreading abroad, the Grermans thought 
of renewing the war; but Germanicus was not slow in counteracting 
their designs : two or three parties of Roman troops very soon proved 
to them the frailty of their hopes. According to the account given by 
the prisoners, there never was seen among the barbarians more general 
consternation : they were now forced to confess that the Romans rose 
superior to adversity, a nation of heroes not to be in any way subdued ; 
and no doubt remained that another summer would terminate the war. 

But, Tiberius could no longer brook the idea that Germanicus 
should acquire so much glory in the command of armies, and he ar- 
dently desired his return. All his letters were to that effect. In them, 
he remarked that it would be much more expedient to abandon the 
Germans to their own dissensions, and that it was now high time for 
their conqueror to return, and enjoy in the capital the glorious rest 
due to his protracted labors. Germanicus obeyed, though with reluc- 
tance. His entrance into the city exhibited a magnificent spectacle; 
and, that nothing might be wanting to the splendor of the occasion, 
Tiberius ordered money to be distributed among the people and the 
soldiers, in the name of the young prince. He moreover appointed 
him his colleague in the consulship for the ensuing year; but these 
marks of good will, though specious, were by no one thought sincere. 

It is true, however, that what he had foreseen with regard to the 
termination of the war, really happened. The different nations of 
Germany, no longer dreading a foreign power, began, according to 
the custom of barbarians, to quarrel among themselves. Various bat- 
tles were fought, in which Arminius, at the head of his countrymen, 
the Cheruscans, maintained his former glory, and gave to the power 
of the Marcoman king Maroboduus, a fatal blow from which this 
prince never recovered. About the same time, letters were received at 
Rome from another German chieftain, in which he proposed to de- 
spatch Arminius, provided poison should be sent well prepared for 
that effect. These letters were read in the senate ; but the proposal was 
magnanimously rejected, and, in imitation of the noble conduct of 
ancient generals in similar circumstances, Tiberius answered the Ger- 



A. D. 14—37. 



TIBERIUS. 29 



man prince that it was not by poison and fraud, but by steel and open 
force that the Romans were accustomed to subdue their enemies. 

Nevertheless, Arminius did not long survive. When he saw the 
Roman troops withdrawn from, the German territories, and Maroboduus 
his chief rival fallen, he had the ambition to aim at the sovereign power. 
The independent spirit of his countrymen turned many of them 
against him : Arminius fought with various success, and fell at last by 
the treachery of his own relations; "A man," says Tacitus, ** un- 
doubtedly to be considered as the deliverer of Germany, and with far 
more honor than generals and kings of former days, as he had not merely 
to cope with Rome in her infancy, but to struggle against her, now 
that she had grown into a flourishing and powerful empire. He at- 
tacked the Romans in the height of their glory, and in his efforts 
against them, was sometimes victorious, often defeated, yet, in the issue 
of the war, still unconquered."* He lived only thirty seven years, 
during twelve of which he commanded the Germanic league; leaving 
after him a renown very great indeed, but tarnished by his attempt to 
wrest from his countrymen that liberty which he and they had so long 
and so gloriously defended. 

The death of Arminius lulled the emperor's apprehensions with 
respect to the Germans, who having lost their hero, did not for a long 
time excite any dangerous disturbance, but v^ere contented with the 
peace which the Romans suffered them to enjoy. This was the great 
object which Tiberius had ardently wished for: he desired nothing so 
much as to prevent troubles and maintain tranquillity in the empire. 
Hence, whilst he exercised his tyranny in Rome, Italy and the pro- 
vinces had comparatively litde to suffer under his goverment. On 
many occasions, he manifested great zeal for the due administration 
of justice, and althoi]gh addicted to many gross vices, endeavored to 
stem the torrent of general coruption. Acting up to his own maxim, 
that the sheep must he sheared, not Jiayed, he took great care that the 
subjects of the empire should not be oppressed by excessive taxes, 
and was attentive to afford speedy assistance to those who experienced 
unavoidable misfortunes. 

Thus, when many parts of Asia Minor were laid waste by a tre- 
mendous earthquake which destroyed in one night twelve celebrated 
cities (a. d. 17), the liberality of the emperor was an abundant source of 
rehef to the surviving inhabitants. He granted them a remission of all 
tribute for five years, and sums of money proportionate to their losses. 
By this generosity, Tiberius gained great encomiums, and the cities of 
Asia, to perpetuate its remembrance, struck medals — some of which 
are vet extant. A few years after, all that quarter of the capital on 

* Tacit. Annal. lib. II, n. lxxxviii 

3# 



30 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part I'. 



Mount Cselius was destroyed by a conflagration; Tiberius^ without 
waiting to be solicited and petitioned, and without any partiahty for the 
rank of the sufferers, equally indemnified all those whose houses had 
been burnt; such as had no friend or protector at court, were sent for, 
and received the sums necessary to rebuild their dwellings. At an- 
other time, he gave a hundred millions of sesterces (about three mil- 
lions of dollars), to repair the losses occasioned by a similar accident. 
These acts of generosity were the more to his honor, as he was very 
modest in his own buildings. In fine, there was another kind of pubhc 
calamity that claimed and drew forth his munificence : the practice 
of exacting heavy interests, and the want of a good currency, having 
caused scenes of great distress among the people, he procured a con- 
siderable fund to be lent out of the imperial treasury, without interest, 
for three years, on condition that the borrower, for the security of the 
exchequer, should give a mortgage on lands of double the value. By 
that seasonable aid public credit was revived. 

These various examples plainly show, that Tiberius was not so 
regardless of the miseries of his subjects as some writers assert. 
Yet, notwithstanding these generous acts, it must be confessed that 
nis character was really perverse and cruel. From his very youth, 
these defects had appeared; so much so, that his tutor declared him 
to be a lump of clay moistened with blood. Hence Rome and the 
patrician families had much to dread and suffer from his suspicious 
pohcy : it was even a misfortune to be nearly related to him ; a 
great part of his own family became the unhappy victims of his 
cruel and jealous temper. " v 

Germanicus, after his triumph, was sent to Asia with great pow- 
ers from the emperor and the senate, to settle some important busi- 
ness, and tranquillize many of the provinces in which considerable 
disturbances had lately been excited. He faithfully executed his 
commission, and conferred upon those countries innumerable bene- 
fits, with a courteous dignity which enhanced their value. Every 
where, his noble and generous conduct attracted equally the praises 
and the afiections of the people. 

But Cneius Piso, a proud and violent man, had been at the same 
time appointed by Tiberius governor of Syria, with secret orders, as 
it was believed, to annoy, oppose and counteract Germanicus in 
every thing : a commission which, whether given or feigned, was 
too faithfully performed. For a long time the young prince bore 
with patience and moderation the affronts and injuries heaped on 
him by his vile persecutor, and even treated him with generosity ; 
then an open rupture followed, shortly after which Germanicus fell 
sick arid died at Antioch, under the impression that he had been 
poisoned by Piso and his consort Plancina. 



A. D. 14—37. 



TIBERIUS. 31 



Intense was the grief occasioned throughout the empire by the 
death of Germanicus. When his disconsolate Avidow Agrippina 
carried back in an urn the ashes of her husband^ she found the 
Toads covered with people whose tears and sighs told her how deeply 
they shared in her affliction. But it would be difficult to describe 
the sorrow evinced in the capital; the day on which the remains 
of the prince were deposited in the tomb of Augustus, was one of 
inexpressible mourning. Tiberius himself manifested exteriorly a 
grief in which his heart probably had no share, and was obliged to 
abandon Piso to the public indignation. This unhappy man was not, 
it is true, convicted of the crime laid to his charge ; but he had com- 
mitted other crimes deserving the severity of the law. Piso per- 
ceived his danger: before the trial was concluded, he was found dead 
in his chamber, with his throat cut, and a sword lying near him on 
the floor; but whether he had committed suicide, or had been killed 
by others for fear of what he might disclose, was left uncertain. 

The other enemies of Germanicus met with little severity ; on the 
ooutrary, his family supplied new victims to the insatiable hatred of 
Tiberius. So far did the cruelty of the emperor extend, that he 
caused Agrippina and her two eldest sons to perish by ill-treatment 
and starvation. Having a real affection for no one but himself, he 
bore with a firmness bordering on insensibility, the death of his own 
son Drusus, who had been poisoned by the commander of the prae- 
torian (imperial) guards. 

This commander was a certain ^lius Sejanus, who, gaining the 
favor of Tiberius, rose from the rank of a simple knight to that of 
his chief minister. New honors were daily conferred upon him, and 
in a short time his power was not far inferior to that of Tiberius 
himself. Not satisfied with this success, he conceived the daring 
design of opening bis way to the throne by the extermination of the 
imperial family. After Drusus and the sons of Germanicus were 
removed, he prevailed upon the emperor to retire from Rome for the 
sake of greater tranquillity, and to intrust the reigns of government 
to him, his tried and faithful minister. But whilst Sejanus, thus far 
successful, was revolving in his mind the last step for the accom- 
plishment of his designs, his treason was detected; and Tiberius 
having, by a message, informed the senate of the whole affair, sen- 
tence of death was pronounced against the traitor and executed 
without delay. Most of the friends and relations of Sejanus were 
involved in his ruin. 

Whilst these painful transactions took place in Rome, Judea was 
the theatre of most interesting events. For more than three years, 
our Lord favored it with the public spectacle of his heavenly virtues 
and the preaching of his Gospel, which he confirmed by many mi- 



32 



MODERN HISTORY. pani. 



raclesj and finally, by his passion and death, he completed the great 
work of the redemption of mankind (a. d. 33). Three days after, 
he rose glorious from the dead ; frequently appeared to his disciples, 
giving them, during forty days, various necessary instructions about 
the establishment and government of his Church; committed to St. 
Peter the care of his flock;* commissioned him and the other Apos- 
tles to go and teach all nations, with the positive promise of his daily 
assistance till the end of the world ;t and then ascended into hea- 
ven in their presence. 

After ten days, the Apostles being all assembled in Jerusalem, the 
Holy Ghost came down upon them in a visible manner. They im- 
mediately began to preach with astonishing success. The first two 
discourses of St. Peter converted eight thousand Jews : many more 
afterwards became converts; so that, even before the close of Tibe- 
rius' reign, a numerous Church was already estabhshed in Jerusa- 
lem, whence the light of the Gospel began to diffuse itself in every 
direction and in every part of the world. 

These are the only consohng objects which present themselves to 
our view in the midst of a deluge of crimes; for no age Avas ever 
more corrupted. Tiberius, above all, without ceasing to pay some 
attention to the pubhc weal, every day gave fuller scope to his un- 
ruly passions, and to his tyrannical cruelties against the first families 
of the empire. Informations, trials and executions were multiplied, 
and the most illustrious personages in Rome gradually disappeared, 
unhappy objects of the hatred of a suspicious and sanguinary 
prince. 

Nothing can be imagined more degrading to humanity, than the 
scenes which marked the last years of his life. No less odious to 
himself than to others, he retired into the small and at that time 
delightful island of Cap.rea, a name which no one ever after remem- 
bered and pronounced without horror. There he .abandoned him- 
self, for several years, to all the excesses of the most profligate pas- 
sions, his cruelties always keeping pace with his debaucheries. At 
length his constitution was broken, and his strength began to fail. In 
the hope of finding a more salubrious situation, he left the island of 
Caprea, and went over to the continent, where, falhng very sick at 
Misenum, a promontory near Naples, he was, on the 16th of March 
(a. d. 37), seized whh a fainting fit, during which many thought 
him dead. He however recovered his senses : but Macro, the com 
mander of the praetorian guard, who had already paid his homage 
to the presumed successor, gave orders that the old emperor should 
be smothered with piUows. Thus, in his seventy-eighth year, and 

i 
* John xxi. 16, 17. f Matth. xxviii. 19 20. 



k. D. 37—41. 



CALIGULA. 33 



trie twenty-third of his reign, Tiberius perished by the perfidy of his 
own friends; a treatment of which he himself had been so fre- 
quently guilty. 

He did not reach at once the height of wickedness which has justly 
caused his memory to be held in detestation : Tacitus well observes 
a striking gradation in his course of vice and tyranny, and accurately 
defines its different stages. "Tiberius," says he, "was much es- 
teemed whilst a private man, and as long as he held offices under 
Augustus. He was artful in feigning virtue, in the beginning of his 
own reign, until the death of Germanicus and Drusus; his actions 
were a mixture of good and evil, during the hfe time of his mother Li- 
via; detestably cruel, but secret in his debaucheries, while he loved or 
feared Sejanus; lastly, he abandoned himself to every sort of profli- 
gacy, when, freed from all the restraints of fear and shame, he knew 
and followed no other guide than the bent of his abominable incli- 
nations."* 

Phsedrus, the celebrated fabuhst, and Gluintus-Curtius, the elegant 
historian of Alexander, lived under Tiberius; the poets Persius and 
Lucan flourished shortly after. 



CALIGULA.— A. D. 37— 4L 

One of the sons of Germanicus, not only had escaped the ruin ii 
which the rest of his family were involved, but even constantly en 
joyed the favor of Tiberius, and became his adopted son. This wai 
Cai'us, better known by the name of Caligula (from Caliga, a sor- 
of military boot which he had been accustomed to wear, whilst yet i 
child, in the camp of his father). He succeeded the late emperoi 
without opposition, and even to the great satisfaction of the whole 
empire ; indeed he seemed at first, by several acts of clemency ano 
beneficence, to deserve this mark of pubhc esteem. He restored manjf 
privileges to the people ; delivered innocent and calumniated persons- 
from prison and banishment; abolished arbitrary prosecutions foi 
crimes of state; and evinced so good intentions, that he receiver 
from the senate the most flattering honors. 

But the joy of the Romans was not of long duration, and theu 
hopes of a prosperous government were cruelly deceived. Caligula 
was taken dangerously ill, and after his recovery, either because he 
was unwilling any longer to restrain his passions, or because his 
intellect had been impaired by the violence of the disease, he began 

* Tacit. Aimal. lib.YI. n. lvi. 



34 MODERN HISTORY. Parti. 

to act like a madman, and indulged in every species of injustice, cru- 
elty and licentiousness. 

He commenced his extravagant career by spending, in games and 
foolish entertainments, two billions five hundred millions of sesterces 
(about sixty-three miUions of dollars), in less than one year ; and 
when the public treasury was drained, he had recourse to the most 
frightful extortions. Daily confiscations, oppressive taxes, rapine, 
plunder and murder of the wealthiest citizens, were the means to 
which Caligula resorted, in order to gather heaps of gold and silver for 
the indulgence of his uninterrupted extravagance. On one occasion, 
being at play, he happened to want money. He sent for the public 
register which contained the names of the property-holders, condemned 
a certain number of them to death, and said, with a smile, to those 
with whom he was playing : '^ How unlucky you are ! It has taken 
you a long time to win a small sum, and in one moment I have won 
six hundred milHons of sesterces (fifteen millions of dollars)." 

In barbarity Caligula was never surpassed. He wished that the 
Roman people had but one head, that it might be struck off at a blow. 
This being impossible, he at least caused many persons to be massa- 
cred by his soldiers, or thrown into the arena, there to be devoured by 
wild beasts, their tongues having been previously cut out, to prevent 
them from complaining. He forced others to kill themselves, among 
the rest young Tiberius his cousin, and grand-son of the late emperor. 
Neither rank nor age was exempt from his fury. At a repast with 
the two consuls, he suddenly burst into a loud laugh : the consuls hav- 
ing respectfully entreated him to acquaint them with the cause of his 
extraordinary joy; ^'^Iwas thinking," he replied, " that it requires 
but a sign from me, to have both of you killed in an instant." It was 
his pleasure to see the victims of his monstrous cruelty suffer excru- 
ciating torments ; his delight to make them feel death, and behold their 
blood flowing and their limbs scattered. 

The more ferocious and barbarous he was towards men, the more 
kind and feeling he was towards beasts. He honored his horse, 
called Incitatus, in every manner he could imagine : he gave him a 
palace, with guards, servants, a cook, and such other attendants as 
the happy animal might require in order to entertain his guests with 
due solemnity. He invited him to his own table, at which he gave 
him gilded barley to eat, and wine to drink in golden cups. Incitatus 
was clothed in purple, wore a collar of pearls, and the night before he 
had to run in the race, sentinels were placed around his palace, to 
prevent the least noise that might disturb his repose. In fine, Caligula 
was accustomed to swear by his horse, and he would have appointed 
him consul, had he not been prevented by death. 

His military exploits were not less extravagant. In addition to 



A. r^. U-M. 



CLAUDIUS. 35 



liie firniies stationed in various parts of the empire, he raised 
new troops, and Avent with them and a band of comedians, buffoons, 
and gladiators, to join the old legions encamped on the banks of the 
Rhine. Here he found himself at the head of nearly two hundred 
and fifty thousand men. As the Germans scorned to fight against 
such a general ; that he might not leave the frontier without some 
semblance of victory, he contrived a scheme in perfect accordance 
with his character. A detachment of his own troops was senf^o the 
other side of the Rhine, with secret orders to conceal themselves in 
a wood. Then Caligula, crossing over at the head of the legions, 
marched against them ; the pretended enemy was easily routed, and 
the emperor returned crowned with laurels. 

His courage impelled him afterwards to go to the sea-coast facing 
Great Britain. As soon as he arrived, he drew up the legions along 
the shore, and having gone up a short distance in the imperial galley, 
returned in great haste and gave the signal for battle. The soldiers, 
with surprise, asked who was their enemy ; when Caligula informed 
them that the enemy was the ocean just conquered by him in their 
presence, and that they had nothing else to do than collect the shells 
thrown on the shore, as trophies of this great victory. The better to 
perpetuate the remembrance of so glorious an event, he laid the foun- 
dation of a lofty tower, and set out for Rome, in order to give himself 
the honors of a triumph. 

To fill up the measure of his absurdities, he even arrogated to him- 
self divine honors. He had a temple erected to his-name, and a statue 
to which sacrifices were offered. Of the order of sacrificators insti- 
tuted for this purpose, the principal members were his uncle Claudius, 
his wife, his horse, and himself. 

At last it entered into the mind of Caligula that the Jews were a 
most unhappy people in not acknowledging him as a god; he there- 
fore resolved to have his statue placed and adored in the temple of 
Jerusalem. But before he could execute his design, a violent death 
closed his career of crime and impiety. Cherea, a tribune of the pre- 
torian guards, stabbed him in the middle of Rome, after he had reigned 
four, and lived twenty-nine years (a. d. 41). His name is every 
where recorded as that of the worst of men and a monster of cruelty. 



CLAUDIUS.— A. i>. 41—54. 



On the assassination of Caligula, dreadful confusion followed in 
Rome, It was the wish of the senate to re-establish the commosi- 



36 MODERN HISTORY. Parti. 

wealth; but the praetorians proclaimed Claudius emperor, and the 
senators were compelled to submit. 

This Claudius was the brother of Germanicus, and uncle of Cali- 
gula ; a man of so weak an intellect and such unconquerable timidity, 
that his mother Antonia, when she met with any silly person, was 
accustomed to say: "He is as great a fool as my son Claudius."! 
Such a man was assuredly more in need of being governed, thanj 
qualified to govern others ; yet, for the greater humiliation of heathenj 
Rome, Almighty God permitted him to hold the sceptre during thir-' 
teen years. :' 

The most important event of his reign was an invasion of Great;' 
Britain, which reduced a considerable part of that country to the Ro- , 
man power. Hitherto, the Britons had retained their original inde- ( 
pendencej but at the instigation of Beric, a British chieftain whomj 
domestic factions had driven from his native land, the emperor com-i 
manded Aulus Plautius to undertake the conquest with four legionRj 
and their auxiliaries. It was with great difficulty that the troops weref 
induced to engage in the attempt, and go to another world; for such| 
they considered Great Britain : at length they followed their general, 
crossed the channel, and landed, as it appears, in the county of Kent. 
The natives, notwithstanding their fright at the first appearance of 
the invaders, made a gallant resistance; but, overpowered by the 
well-disciplined troops of the Romans, they soon began to give way, 
and Plautius, pursuing his advantage, arrived at the mouth of the 
Thames. No sooner was Claudius informed of the success of his 
lieutenant, than he set out to take the command in person. He did 
not, however, stay more than sixteen days in the island : after receiv- 
mg the submission of the natives in the vicinity, he returned to Rome, 
where he enjoyed the honors of a ma-gnificent triumph. 

The war nevertheless was not yet ended. Plautius, who was left 
behind with a powerful army, spent four years more in extending 
and securing his conquests. Vespasian, an officer whose merit af- 
terwards raised him to the throne, greatly distinguished himself in 
that expedition : at the head of a Roman legion and some auxih- 
aries, he fought thirty battles, took twenty towns, and subdued two 
of the British nations. Thus, a great part of the country north and 
south of the Thames, was reduced into a Roman province. 

Five years after the beginning of the war (a. d. 48), Plautius went 
to receive, in the capital of the empire, the reward of his services, 
and was succeeded in Britain by Ostorius Scapula, who not only kept, 
but even enlarged the conquests of his predecessor. Soon after hi 
arrival, he was suddenly attacked by the Britons bordering on the 
Roman province, who thought that an extraordinary effort miglitriJ 
them of their invaders, at a time when the new general was yet un 



A. D. 41—54. 



CLAUDIUS. 37 



acquainted with their manner of warfare and the rigor of their win- 
ters. Ostorius, sensible how much the reputation of a commander 
depends on his first success^ immediately marched against them, cut 
to pieces those who resisted, and dispersed the survivors. A second 
victory, which in a short time followed the first, gave him a decided 
superiority over the natives. 

But, the Silures who lived between the Severn and the Irish Sea, 
were not so easily subdued. Led on by Caractacus, the greatest 
warrior in the country, they continued to defend their liberty with 
undaunted courage. Their army, bv the arrival of many allies, be- 
came very numerous, and so great was their animosity against the 
Romans, that Ostorius could not without difficulty be induced to give 
them battle. His troops loudly insisting, and crying out that they 
were sure of victory, Ostorius looked upon their ardor as a happy 
presage, nor was he deceived in his expectation. No obstacle could 
successfully oppose the Roman legions. They crossed a river, en- 
tered the enemy's intrenchments, and amidst a shower of darts, oc- 
cupied the heights on which their adversaries had posted themselves. 
The Silures were entirely defeated. The family of Caractacus fell into 
the hands of the victors, and the chieftain himself, betrayed by his 
own relations, was delivered in chains to the Roman general. 

This event was celebrated in Rome with great joy. " The fame 
of Caractacus had already crossed the seas; and the natives of Italy 
were anxious to behold the man who had braved for nine years the 
power of Rome. As he passed through the imperial city, he ex- 
pressed his surprise that men who possessed such palaces at* home, 
should deem it worth their while to fight for the wretched hovels of 
Britain."* He appeared in the presence of Claudius with charac- 
teristic magnanimity, and, whilst the other prisoners bewailed with 
tears their unhappy fate, he behaved and spoke like a hero. The 
emperor treated him with kindness, and set him and his family at 
liberty. 

The other events of the reign of Claudius are little worthy of no- 
tice. His government was a mixture of good and evil, from the va- 
iiriety of good and evil counsels which he received, and according as 
he was left to his natural moderation, or controlled by base advisers. 
In private, he led a contemptible life, and after being infamously dis- 
honored by Messalina, his first wife, he was poisoned by his second 
wife Agrippina. 

This Agrippina, the daughter of Germanicus, was a wicked and 

ambitious princess, who used her utmost endeavors to secure the suc- 

^(cession to the throne for Domitius, her son by a former husband. 

* Lingard's Hist, of Eng. vol. I. a. d. 5a. 



38 MODERN HISTORY. Part i 

Having at length prevailed upon Claudius to adopt Domitius, ^nd 
confer on him the title of Csesar, to the exclusion of his own son 
Britannicus, she soon effected the object of her wishes, by poisoning 
the stupid emperor. He died in the 14th year of his reign, the 64th 
of his life, and the 54th of the Christian era. 



NERO.— A. D. 54—68. 



The son of Agrippina, on assuming the imperial crown, exchanged 
his birth-name Domitius for that of Claudius Nero, the name of his 
adoptive family. He had enjoyed the benefits of a good education 
under the philosopher Seneca. While controlled by this wise tutor^ 
and by Burrhus, the commander of his guards, a man of great ta- 
lents and integrity, Nero preserved a show of decency in his pub- 
lic conduct. Like Tiberius and Caligula, he commenced his reign 
by performing several laudable acts, took great care to have the city 
plentifully supplied with every thing needful, and gave considerable 
pensions to poor senators who could not otherwise support their rank 
and dignity. On a certain day, when a death-warrant was brought! 
to him to be signed; "I wish,'' said he, "1 had never learned tq 
write." When the senate, on one occasion, had offered him theiij 
sincere thanks, he replied: ''I shall be happy to receive your thanks; 
when I truly deserve them." In a word, Nero's actions, in the be-|' 
beginning, were characterised by clemency, liberality, kindness, and 
every thing calculated to win the affections of the people. 

But his vices could not long brook restraint; his true characteij 
appeared in its native deformity, a compound of all that is cruel, in-j 
famous and base. His cruelty first displayed itself in the poisoning 
of his young brother Britannicus, whose gentle disposition had ex- 
cited his fears lest he should gain too much upon the favor of the 
Romans. The poison which perfidious officers administered to the, 
young prince at table, was so violent, that he presently lost the use 
of his senses, fell upon the floor, and soon expired ; whilst Nero, who 
was present, and scarcely eighteen years old, beheld that awful spec^ 
tacle with the steadiness of a tyrant already hardened in crime. I 

This atrocious deed was but a prelude to another still more hei-l 
nous, the murder of his mother Agrippina. He endeavored first tq 
have her drowned in the sea; but, this plan failing, she was, by hk 
command, slain in a house into which she had retired. 

After such crimes, nothing, how horrid soever, can appear asto^ 
nishing in the hfe of such a monster as Nero. He spared neither hia 



D. 54-68. 



NERO. 39 



first wife, Octavia, whose veins were opened by his orders; nor his 
second, called Poppea, whom, in a fit of rage, he killed by a blow 
with his foot : nor his tutor Burrhus, whom, it was believed, he poi- 
soned, in order to rid himself of his admonitions; nor his preceptor 
Seneca, who, together with the poet Lucan, being accused of having 
taken part in some conspiracy against him, was commanded to termi- 
nate his own existence ; a command which both obeyed.* Nero sported 
with the lives of others, and Rome daily lost her most virtuous and 
illustrious citizens, the victims of his tyranny. 

In the mean time, it was necessary to adopt measures for repelling 
the Parthians from Armenia, which they had lately invaded. Corbulo, 
a general of well known talents, was sent against them. When he 
arrived in Syria to take the command of the legions, he found them 
greatly weakened by idleness and insubordination. His first care was 
to subject them, as well as the new levies, to the laws of strict disci- 
pline, and to train them to the hardships of war by constant labor, 
painful marches or encampments, and other military exercises; by 
rewards properly bestowed and punishments justly inflicted; but par- 
ticularly by giving to all the example of unshaken courage in dangers, 
and unconquerable fortitude in enduring fatigue. 

As soon as Corbulo could rely on his troops, he led them against 
the enemy. On their side, the Parthians advanced against him, under 
the command of Tiridate, a brother to their king Vologeses. Accord- 
ing to their custom, they moved with rapidity from place to place, 
and by this wild and desultory warfare, more than by victories, kept 
the country in constant alarm. Corbulo endeavored, but in vain, to 
bring them to an engagement : he was obliged to adopt the very plan 
of the enemy, and dividing his troops into separate bodies, at last suc- 
ceeded in counteracting all the operations of Tiridate. 

This however did not suffice to terminate the war, and more decisive 
measures were resorted to by the Roman general. He pressed for- 
ward, compelled all the towns and fortresses in his way to surrender 
and finally arrived before Artaxate, the capital of Armenia : it was taken 
in one day, and burnt, after suflJcient time had been allowed to the 
'inhabitants to save their lives; Tigranocerta, another important city, 
surrendered without resistance, and was spared by the conquerors. 
The ^rthians, then terrified at the sudden and repeated successes of 
Corbulo, sued for peace. It was granted, and even Armenia, which 
iiad been the chief occasion of this long struggle, was given as a pos- 
session to Tiridate, on the sole condition that he would lay down his 
liadem at the feet of the emperor's statue in the Roman camp, and 
ifterwards repair to Rome, to receive it again from the emperor him- 

I * See note A. 



40 MODERN HISTORY. 



Tart I^ 



self. Terms so favorable to his fortune, the P^.';^ <f.:i prince readily 
accepted and faithfully executed. The Romans, on their part, strictly 
fulfilled their engagements; thus we see that they were still terrible in 
battle, and moderate after victory. 

What Corbulo did in Asia, was done m Great Britain by Suetonius ! 
Paulinus, another famous general. To him the empire was indebted [ 
for the reduction of the isle of Mona, now called Anglesey, where he j 
established a garrison and destroyed the groves used by the natives for 
their cruel and superstitious rites. But the Britons, availing them- ; 
selves of his absence, formed a powerful league to recover their free- | 
dom, and to throw off a yoke which the insolence and extortions of | 
the Roman soldiers rendered every day more oppressive. The whole i 
province rose in arms; the colonies founded by the conquerors v/ere ' 
laid waste with fire and sword ; London and other municipal towns | 
were pillaged, and their inhabitants slaughtered to the number of j 
seventy thousand persons, all citizens or allies. 

Suetonius had returned, and was now endeavoring to put down 
the insurrection. He formed his best troops into one body of about 
ten thousand men, and determined, notwithstanding the enormous 
disproportion between this number and that of the insurgents, to at- 
tack them, and bring on a decisive battle. For this end, he selected 
a spot encircled with woods, narrow at the entrance, and protected 
in the rear by a thick forest. In that situation, he had no fear of an 
ambuscade, and the enemy had no access except in front. The Bri- 
tons brought into the open plain that lay before them, an immense 
multitude of warriors (no less than two hundred and thirty thousand, 
according to Dion Cassius), under the command of Glueen Boadicea, 
a woman of masculine courage. They were already exulting, and 
so confident of victory, that they had placed their wives upon wagons 
at the extremity of the plain, to enable them to survey the action, 
and behold the wonders of British valor. 

When the signal for battle was given, the Britons seeing the Ro 
mans silent and motionless in their narrow defile, advanced with ra- 
pidity, and discharged their darts. At that moment, the legionaries 
rushed forward in the form of a wedge; the cavalry at the same time 
bore down upon the enemy, and overpowered all who dared to resist. 
The Britons betook themselves to flight; but, as a retreat \Hfts ex- 
tremely difficult, on account of the wagons which they had placed 
in the rear, a dreadful slaughter ensued, in which eighty thousand of 
these unfortunate people are said to have perished ; whereas the Ro- 
mans lost only four hundred men. This splendid victory, equal to any 
of ancient times, greatly contributed to keep Britain in subjeciion ; 
the more so^ as Boadicea, unable to bear the idea of such a defeat.. 



A. V. 54—68. 



NERO. 41 



survived but a very short time. Still, the country was not entirely 
subdued until the reign of Domitian. 

Whilst, at the two extremities of the empire, Corbulo and Sue- 
tonius maintained its majesty, in Rome it was more and more de- 
graded by Nero. He plunged without shame into every kind of de- 
<bauchery. He frequently spent the night in running through the 
streets, in the garb of a slave, accompanied by a band of rioters, 
with whom he attacked every one that he met, and stole whatever 
fell in his way. His delight during the day was to drive chariots in 
the circus, or to act the part of a comedian on the stage : there hej 
danced, sang and played on the lute, compelling the audience to ad- 
mire him and give him their applause. 

His daily expenses were enormous : he endeavored to dispel the 
horror which his crimes excited, by making large donations of lands, 
houses, gold, silver, jewels and other valuable objects, to the common 
people; also by having magnificent plays and shows frequently re- 
peated. Not satisfied with all this, he was fond of exciting surprise 
by the singularity 'of his exhibitions, and would often unite at the 
same time and place, shows of a different and even contrary kinds : 
for example, a vast sheet of water would, the moment after a sea- 
fight had been performed on it, be instantly drained, and become a 
field of battle for land troops and gladiators. Dion Cassius men- 
tions a certain occasion on which the scene was changed in this 
manner four times in one day. 

While Nero thus consulted the gratification of the people, he was 
still more attentive to his own. Not to mention the extravagant 
luxury of his table, he built a palace so magnificent, so profusely 
ornamented with ivory, gold and precious stones, that it received the 
name of the ''golden palace." When it was finished, Nero said that 
then, for the first time, he had a decent habitation. He hazarded at 
gaming immense sums of money; never put on the same coat twice,- 
never undertook a journey without taking along with him at least a 
thousand carriages, with a proportionate number of attendants in 
costly apparel, drivers splendidly dressed, and mules shod with sil- 
ver. In fine, he was as fond of his monkey as Caligula had been 
of his horse; and accordingly, he gave it dwellings in the town and 
lands in the country, and after its death, buried it with royal pomp. 

If to this profusion we add his mania for building, we shall easily 
conceive how the revenues of the whole empire were not sufficient 
for Nero. As he was determined constantly to follow up his extra- 
vagant principles, rapine and extortion became his only resource. 
Towards the end of his reign, so exorbitant were the contributions 
which he exacted, that not only Italy, but also the provinces, all the 

|; parts of the empire, and even the allies, were ruined. 

4* 



42 MODERN HISTORY. Part I 

His cruelties were always equal to his other enormities. The blood 
of illustrious citizens continued, under various pretences, to be spilt in 
Rome; "At last," says Tacitus, "Nero desired to destroy virtue it- 
self, by putting to death Barea Soranus and Thrasea Psetus, the twojl 
most distinguished and virtuous members of the senate."* Corbulo, 
as the reward of his great services, received sentence of capital pun- 
ishment, the execution of which he prevented by killing himself; 
and Vespasian narrowly escaped the same fate, for having slept 
whilst the emperor was singing on the stage. 

It seemed that nothing more was requisite to render Nero an ac- 
complished monster, than that he should become an incendiary; and 
such he really became (a. d. 64). To him most historians attribute jj 
the famous conflagration which in that year destroyed two-thirds of ij 
Rome. It lasted mne days, during which there was nothing to beij 
seen in the city but consternation and despair. Nero, on the con-| 
trary, from the summit of a tower, contemplated with delight the I 
devouring flames, and in a theatrical dress, sang verses on the burn-jj 
ing of Troy. Such, at least, was the common report at the time. [ 

The town was rebuilt upon a new and more regular plan; but thei 
wretched prince, in order to remove the just suspicion that it had 
been set on fire by his orders, laid this crime to the charge of the| 
Christians, who, by the apostolic labors of St. Peter and St. Paul, \\ 
were already very numerous in Rome. As the purity of their lives jj 
was a censure on the corruption of the age, and their total separation jl 
from pagan festivities, an occasion of hatred and contempt, Nero ij 
thought them fit subjects for pubhc vengeance.f Numbers of them 

* Tacit. Annal. lib. XVI, n. xxr. I 

f Thus an unjust and atrocious charge ffave rise to the first persecution ; 
which the Church of Christ had to suffer from the Gentiles. It was fit that j 
her first persecutor should be the same prince who proved an enemy to all j] 
virtue. But the example being once set by him, was afterwards too faith- \ 
fully imitated, and from this time to the reign of Constantine the Great, the | 
Christians were almost continually vexed and tormented, as well under the j 
good as under the bad emperors. I 

These persecutions were carried on, sometimes by command of the em- | 
perors themselves ure^ed on by ruthless magistrates ; sometimes by an in- : 
surrection of the people ; and sometimes by solemn decrees pronounced in 
the senate, upon the rescripts of princes, or in their presence. Then the I 
persecution was more universal and bloody ; and thus the malice of uhbe- j 
lievers, ever inveterately bent on destroying the Church, was excited, from • 
time to time, to new acts of fury. From these successive outbreaks of vio- \ 
lence, ecclesiastical historians reckon ten persecutions under ten emperors, j 

Of all the faithful, the bishops were always the most severely treated ; i 

of all the Churches, the Church of Rome was persecuted with the greatest 
violence ; and thirty Sovereign Pontiffs sealed with their blood that Gospel ; 
which they declared to the whole earth. — See Bossuet, Discourse on Univ I 
History, part I, ad ann. QQ and 95. 



k. D. 54—68. 



NERO ^ 43 



were arrested, and doomed to siifFer the most frightful torments. 
Some, wrapped in the skins of wild beasts, were left to be devoured 
by dogs; others, fixed to a cross, waited in the most cruel agonies, 
the slow approach of death; others were burned alive, and many, 
covered with inflammable matter which was set on fire, served as 
torches during the night in the imperial gardens. In order to enjoy 
this awful spectacle, Nero went through the avenues in his chariot, in 
the dress of a charioteer. It was during this persecution that St. Peter 
and St. Paul suffered martyrdom, the former by the cross, the latter 
by the sword, both at Rome, and on the same day. 
' Nero had now gone through all the stages of his execrable life. 
'His power was upheld only by terror, and by numerous troops of 
'satellites whom he amply rewarded. At length, all mankind, whose 
Oppressor he was, rose up against him, after Vindex in Gaul and 
Galba in Spain had given the signal of the general insurrection. 
The news, disregarded at first by Nero, very soon filled him with 
:error and rage. It was reported that, in his despair, he wished to 
5end assassins into all the provinces, to kill the governors, the gene- 
rals of armies and the exiles, to poison the senators at a feast, to set 
lire to the town in various parts, and at the same time to let loose all 
I he wild beasts kept for the public shows, in order to prevent the in- 
habitants from extinguishing the flames. He thought afterwards of 
raising new troops for his defence, or of moving by his tears the 
riompassion of the army ; and at length resolved to fly into Egypt. 
fSut he had neither time nor power to execute any of his designs. 
[' The example of Vindex and Galba was readily followed throughout 
! he empire, and even in the capital itself by the Prsetorian guards. 
I The tyrant then retired to a country-house, four miles from Rome, 
j|be property of a certain Phaon, one of his freed-men, where he 
jitoped to remain concealed; but the senate, after having been silent 
ind timid for so long a time, now ordered that he should be sought 
jjfter, apprehended, and put to an ignominious death. Nero, at the 
jst intelligence of the fatal edict, was struck with terror, and wept 
■oth at the approach of his last hour and at the loss of his musical 
oice. Whilst thus lamenting, he heard the sound of horses' feet, 
Ind the noise of the soldiers sent to drag him from his retreat, and 
.'•Iready quite near the house; he then wished some of his atten- 
"I'ants to embolden him, by setting him the example of a voluntary 
eath. As no one was disposed to be so complaisant, he drew a dag- 
;j;er, and applying it to his breast; "What a musician," said he, 
5*1* the world is going to lose !" Still he hesitated : at length, with the 
elp of Epaphroditus, his freedman, he stabbed himself and expired, 
[;i the thirty-first year of his age and the fourteenth of his reign 



44 IMODEUJV HISTORY. 



Parti 



(v. n. r>8); the vrry j^aiwc clay (the olovontli oCJuno) on which he hat 
put his uutbrtuiuilo \vilt» C)o(avia to Uoalh, j>ix yoais bolbiv. 

The iamily of Cwsar Augustus became extinct by tlie deatli of 
Nero. iSt. Aui^nstiut^ assigns to him the lirst phice in the catalogud 
ot wicked entperors ;^ an opinion which has been embraced by posJ 
terity : for, in the common judgment of men, no greater odium can 
be thrown on any prince, even on a prolligate tyrant, than to oal 
liim a second JShv. 



CJALIJA— OTUO— VITELLIUS.— A. r. 6S—60. 

Galba, that governor of Spain whom we have already mentioned, 
experienced no dilUcuhy in causing himself to be acknowledged em 
peror. He was oi' noble extraction, venerable for his age, and dis- 
tinguished for his abilities in inferior employments. But when em- 
peror, his conduct answertxl neither the eminence of his dignity, nor 
the pubhc expectations. On the one hand, his excessive contidenw 
in imwortiiy friends led him into many faults : on tl\e other, his par- 
simony and severity provoked the hatred of the soldiers, and their 
fury rose to such a pitch, that they stubbtxl him in the middle of 
Rome, after he had reigned seven months. 

Otho, a dissolute and ambitious man, who had bt^en the chief 
leader oi' the conspiracy against Galba, succeeded him upon the 
thiviue. Still, he Avas acknowkxlged only in the capital and in the 
neighboring provinces, the legions of Germany, having about the 
same time, dcclartxl their commander Vitellius emperor. The two 
rivals had recourse to arms in support of their respective claims. 
Otho Avas successt'ul in the Ivginning; but his forces Avere soon after 
defeated at Bedriacum, a village near Cremona in Lombardy, and 
though he had still numerous armies at his disposal, he killed him- 
self after a reign of three months : the Avhole empire noAv declared 
for Viielluis. 

This hoAvcATr was not so much OAving to the abilities of Vitellius 
himself, as to the exertions of his generals and the braA'ery of his 
troops. His personal merit consisted chietiy in eating and drinking. 
He took four abundant and costly meals every day, and all countries 
and seas Avere laid under contribution, in order to furnish the most 
exquisite game and tish tor his table. No repast could be otlered to 
him below the value of tour hundreil thousand sesterces (about ten 
thousand dollars); so that even the richest citizens AA'ere ruined by 

* re at it. Dt% iib. V. c. \ix 



A. D. C&-(59. 



OALIJA OTHO VITELLIUS. 45 



ih<t oxponsf.'.s wliich his visit occasioned. Luciu.s Vilollius, his brother, 
gave him a dinner in whicli two thousand fishes and seven thousand 
birds were served up at table. His guests lost their health in con- 
sequence oi'tliis excessive and uninterrupted good cheer, and one of 
them, called Vihius Priscus, having contracted a disease which dis- 
pensed him with attending those fatal repasts, congratulated himself, 
saying : "■ I was undone, had I not fallen sick.'' 

The sov(;reign power, thus degraded by so many contemptible 
princes, at last passed into better hands. The legions of the East, 
justly indignant at seeing those of the West and the Praetorians in 
K(;riie dispose of tiie empire at their pleasure, offered the crown to 
their own general Vespasian, a man of low birth, but of remarkable 
talfints. lie hesitated for a'time, fearing the unhappy consequences 
tiiat might possibly happen; at length, he yielded to the advice and 
entreaties of his friends, and was acknowledged emperor by all the 
eastern provinces. But the main obje(;t was to induce the inhabitants 
of Jl(jme and Italy to declare in his favor. As they continued to side 
with Vitellius, Vespasian resolved to subdue them by famine, and by 
slopping the convoys of provisions from Egypt. This was indeed a 
wise and [)rud(;nt scheme, though it might have taken a long time to 
obtain full success; but Antonius Primus, one of Vespasian's gene- 
rals, rendered it unnecessary, by the bold and decisive measure which 
he took to decide the quarrel at once. It is inten.sling to see how, in a 
few weeks, this general, full of ardor and activity, arrived from Illyria, 
surmounted all obstacles in his way, repeatedly defeated the VitelUan 
force.'*, and, pursuing his victorious career, attacked Home itself, forced 
an entrance into that capital, and quickly terminated tlie contest by 
annihilating the party of Vitellius. 

Primus entered Italy by the north, at the head of the Illyrican 
legions and some auxiharies from Mffisia. His march was rapid, 
and met with little or no resistance, till he reached the neighborhood of 
(Jremona, where he found himself opposed by those same legions of 
Gei many, whose valor had placed Vitellius on the throne. Two of them 
formed a sort of van-guard, while six others were yet at a distance. 
Primus judg(.'d lliat the success of the whole campaign depended on 
preventing their junction, and fighting them separately. Accordingly, 
lie took along with him four thousand horses, and leaving orders to 
the inliinlry to follow as s[)eedily as possible, he advanced against the 
two legions. The victory was entirely his work. At the first attack, 
his !^(;ldiers, not exi)ecting so vigorous a resistance, fled in disorder, 
n6twithstanding the efforts of Primus to stop them. He appeared 
wherev(!r there was extreme danger or some gleam of hope, pierced 
with his pike the standard-bearer whom he saw flying, and taking 
the standard in his own hands, turned it towards the enemy. His 



46 MODERN HISTORY. Part l.j 

intrepidity changed the fortune of the day. Shame at the thought of 
abandoning so brave a general, kept around him about a hundred j 
horsemen, and whilst they sustained the shock, their companions also 
returned to the field of battle. The VitelHans began to waver, were | 
routed, and retired into the city of Cremona. 

In the evening, all the forces of Primus were assembled. Animated 
by their first success, they asked to be led without delay to the attack 
of the town ; nor could their ardor be checked, until they received in- 
formation that the six other Vitellian legions had just arrived, andj 
were ready to renew the battle. Primus did not lose one instant : he | 
arrayed his troops, placed the auxiliaries in front; the legions five in| 
number, in the centre -, the cavalry on the wings and rear, and in this jl 
order waited for the enemy. I 

The engagement became general towards nine o'clock at night; and! 
notwithstanding the confusion which darkness necessarily occasioned, i 
was carried on with a fury scarcely to be conceived. Nearly the ' 
whole night, the issue was doubtful, though there seemed to be some j 
disadvantage on the side of Primus, whose legions suffered dreadfully 1 
from the military engines of their opponents. The light of the rising { 
moon began to turn the bloody contest in his favor. The shadows of j 
bodies were projected towards the Vitellians, who, deceived by the 
appearance and believing the enemy to be nearer, did not throw theii I 
darts far enough : whereas they themselves were clearly discerned by j' 
their foes, who hurled their weapons with unerring aim.* i 

No sooner could Primus distinguish objects, than he went through j 
every rank, animating his troops, and with equal dexterity and sue- | 
cess, he availed himself of the rising of the sun : the soldiers of the third | 
legion, who had served under Corbulo in Asia, saluted it with loud ' 
cries, according to the Syriac custom ; whence a rumor was spread, i 
and obtained credit among the combatants, probably through a strata- j 
gem of Primus, that great reinforcements had come to his army. The \ 
Vitellians began to waver: Primus, perceiving this, pressed them' 
with redoubled vigor, and breaking their ranks by a last effort, put 1 
Ihem completely to flight. I 

They were pursued with great slaijghter, till they reached the camp 
that surrounded Cremona. In order to deprive them of this last 
resource, the victorious army resolved to attack the camp without 
delay. This, indeed, ofiered almost insuperable difficulties, as it was 
defended by a whole army, and well fortified by a ditch, a parapet, 

* Neutro inclinaverat fortuna, donee adulta nocte, luna surgens ostendejet 
acies, falleretque. Sed Flavianis sequior a tergo: hinc majores equorum 
virorumque umbrae, et falso, ut in corpora, ictu, tela hostium citra cadebant: 
Vitelliani adverso lumine collucentes, velut ex occulto jaculantibus, incjauti 
oiferebantur. — Tacit, Histor, lib. Ill, n, xxiii. 



A. D. 68-69. GALEA. ^OTHO.— -VITELLIUS. 47 

and powerful engines which threw with violence darts and stones. 
But nothing could check the ardor of the soldiers of Primus : they ad- 
vanced towards the intrenchments with their shields joined and raised 
over their heads ', here again a fierce combat ensued. The assailants 
were exposed to an incessant shower of arrows and enormous stones 
from the Vitellian engines ; although wounded, bruised and repulsed, 
they renewed the attack, mounted upon each other's shoulders, wrested 
the swords from the hands of their opponents, leaped upon the ram- 
parts, or broke open the gates, and rushing into the camp, filled it in 
one moment with mangled bodies and streams of blood. 

These three victories were the work of twenty-four hours, and the 
fruit of the most obstinate courage ever displayed by Romans fighting 
against Romans. The third legion distinguished itself on that occa- 
sion in a particular manner, and maintained its former glory. But 
no glory was equal to that acquired by Primus in these actions : he 
had, as it were, by a single blow, commenced and nearly finished the 
war, nor could the Vitellians ever regain their former ascendency. 
The city of Cremona, struck with terror, surrendered to the victors, 
and having unfortunately done so without previous conditions, was 
abandoned to plunder and destroyed by fire. All the West began to 
follow the example of the East, and to declare for Vespasian ; so that 
Rome and a few Itahan provinces were all that now remained on the 
side of Vitellius, and even these but for a short time. 

After some transactions of minor importance. Primus with his vic- 
torious troops arrived before the walls of the capital. Here also they 
were vigorously opposed ; a series of battles which were fought at 
the gates, afterwards m the streets, and finally in the praetorian camp, 
cost the lives of fifty thousand persons. In every one of them, the 
soldiers of Primus conquered their opponents; the Vitellians were 
driven to their last posts, and, though they still resisted with deter- 
mined courage, being overpowered by numbers, all fell, with their 
faces turned towards the enemy. 

Vitellius, unworthy of so brave soldiers, shut himself up in a lit- 
ter, and was carried to a house in a distant part of the town, from 
which he intended secretly to make his escape and retire into Cam- 
pania. But either fear and restlessness of mind, or the hope of kind 
treatment from the conquerors, induced him to return to his palace ; 
he found it changed into a vast solitude, and the apartments closed, 
all his oflacers and servants having fled. Weary of wandering about, 
he concealed himself behind a bed in the porter's room, but was soon 
discovered by a party of the victorious soldiers. Notwithstanding his 
entreaties, they led him away with his hands tied behind him, his 
clothes torn, and a cord about his neck, not one person showing him 
the least compassion. Nay more, some were so inhuman as to prick 



48 MODERN HISTORY. 



Pait I 



his chin with their swords, to force him to raise his liead and see his 
statues overthrown. He was dragged in this manner to the common 
dung-hill^ where they put him to death, and then threw his body into 
the Tiber. He had reigned eight months, reckoning from the death of 
Otho, who himself had reigned only three: so that the same year (aJ 
D. 69) saw four successive emperors, viz : Galba, who died in Janu- 
ary, Otho in April, VitelUus in December, and Vespasian who was 
left sole master before the end of this same month. 



VESPASIAN.— A. D. 69—79. 

The year following (a. d. 70) was rendered famous by the entire 
overthow of the Jews, and by the destruction of their nation, city and 
temple.* - ' 

From the time when Judea, hke so many other countries of the 
East, after having been subdued by the Romans, was formed into a 
province of the empire, the Jews always bore the yoke with extreme! 
reluctance. Their desire to shake it off, was continually increased 
by the tyranny and extortions of the Roman governors. Under Fio- 
rus, the last governor, their patience was completely exhausted, and 
public animosity being raised to the highest pitch, they rose in arms 
in the year 66, two years before the death of Nero. 

Their first endeavors were generally successful. They defeated the 
Romans, killed many of them, and repulsed Cestius Gallus, the go-i 
vernor of Syria, who had come to the assistance of Florus. But; 
affairs on each side assumed a very different aspect, when Vespasian 
received from Nero the charge of prosecuting the war against the 
Jews. Under this able general, the Romans quickly recovered their 
usual superiority. Nearly the whole of Galilee and Judea was sub- 
dued in two campaigns, and, although the insurgents fought in many 
places with desperate valor, Vespasian drove them from their posi- 
tions, and approached. Jerusalem. He then prepared to lay siege to 
this capital; but, being at that time proclaimed emperor, he departed 
for Egypt, aud left to his son Titus the conduct of the war. 

Jerusalem, one of the principal cities of the East, was a place of very 
difficult access. • Its high position on two mountains, a double, even 
treble enclosure of strong walls and towers where the approach was 
naturally easier, and many other fortifications, would have rendered it 
unconquerable, had not the obstinacy and bhndness of its inhabitants; 
forced, as it were, the justice of God to achieve their ruin. Thej 

* See note B. 



A. D. 69^79. 



VESPASIAN. 49 



Roman legions commanded by Titus encamped round the'city towards 
the beginning of April, and, as this was about Easter, one of the 
principal solemnities of the Jews, an immense multitude of people hap- 
pened thus to be shut up as in a prison. Their provisions were soon 
consumed, and famine began to exercise its ravages. Moreover, there 
were in the town two or three furious factions, which, it is true, 
uoited their efforts to oppose the assaults of the Romans, but, as soon 
as the danger was over, quarrelled and fought among themselves. 
They did not perhaps let one day pass, without committing new cru- 
elties, and staining with blood the streets of the city or the pavements 
of the temple. 

The siege lasted until September, and during all that time, Titus 
unceasingly called upon the wretched inhabitants to surrender, giving 
them a lull assurance of pardon. All was useless ; they defended 
every inch of ground and opposed every attack with such obstinate 
fury, that the besiegers sometimes despaired of success ; once, espe- 
cially, when, after having labored for seventeen days to prepare bat- 
tering rams and other engines of war, they could not prevent their 
being burnt and destroyed by the Jews in the space of a few hours. 
Titus himself, though he had already obtained possession of the first 
and second walls, was at a loss how to act in order to repair this loss. 
After much deliberation, he resolved to change, in some particulars, 
his former plan of attack, and the soldiers as well as officers armed 
themselves with new courage for the execution of his designs. By 
his orders, they built all around the city, six miles in circumference, 
a wall fortified by thirteen towers, to prevent the escape of the rebels 
and the introduction of provisions into the town. Through the won- 
derful activity of the Romans, the work was finished in three days. 

From that time especially, the famine raged most dreadfully in 
Jerusalem. The greater part of its inhabitants were reduced to eat 
such things as they could not behold without horror; the leather of 
their shoes and shields, dried hay, withered herbs, were food which 
they would greedily devour. The soldiers of each faction violently 
entered the houses, and visited every corner, to discover provisions. 
If they found any, they wrested it from the owners; if they found 
none, they put those unfortunate people to the rack, and made them 
suffer cruel torments, in order to force them to disclose what might be 
concealed. Barbarity was carried so far as to take from the poorest 
among the people some herbs and grain which they had collected 
daring the night outside of the walls, at the risk of their lives; with- 
out leaving them a small part which they asked in the name of God, 
Neither women nor little children were spared, when found with a 
little food in their hands. 

And this was not done by the soldiers only. AH hearts v/ere 



50 MODERN HISTORY. Parti. 

steeled against the feelings of humanity and compassion. Husbands 
wouiu snatch meat from their wives ; children would wrest it from their 
parents ; and what almost surpasses belief, mothers would deprive 
their little infants of the necessaries of life. Nay, one of them went 
so far as to deprive of life itself her little child, in order to eat its flesh, 
and prolong her own existence by that horrid sustenance. The 
houses seemed to be changed into graves, most of them being filled 
with dead and dying. The streets were strewed with so many 
corpses which blocked up the Avay, that an order was given by the 
chiefs of the rebels, to gather them into great heaps in some uninha- 
bited buildings, or to throw them from the wall into the valley. 
More than six hundred thousand bodies were thus thrown, and, at 
one gate only, there were counted one hundred and sixteen thousand 
in the space of three months. As to the survivors, they resembled so 
many skeletons or walking ghosts; the whole city presented nothing 
but desolation and the image of death. 

When the Romans heard these things, some would not believe 
them ; others were moved to compassion ; but the greater number, 
inflamed with indignation, became still more animated against the 
Jewish people than they were before. Titus heaved a deep sigh, 
and called heaven to witness that he was not the author of such hor- 
rid miseries, since he had frequently, but in vain, offered a full par- 
don to the Jews if they would surrender. He therefore determined 
to carry on the siege with fresh vigor, this being the only means to 
subdue those furious rebels. New and repeated assaults took place, 
in which extraordinary efforts were made, and many persons killed 
on each side 3 at length, the Romans carried by storm the third wall 
with the lower part of the town, and entered the porticos of the tem- 
ple and its exterior galleries, which they set on fire. 

It was the wish of Titus to save the temple itself j but one of the 
soldiers, says the historian Josephus, hurried on by a certain divine 
impulse, took a fire-brand, and being hfted up by another soldier, 
threw it into one of the inner rooms contiguous to the sanctuary. 
The flames immediately rose. In vain did the Jews endeavor to ex- 
tinguish them ; in vain did Titus also make the most strenuous efforts 
to stop the conflagration : in spite of both the conqueror and the con- 
quered, the fire spread with unusual rapidity. At the same time, the 
legions, fond of pillage, and enraged by the long resistance they had 
met whh, slew all who had taken refuge in the temple and the gaMe- 
ries. The whole space was soon covered with dead bodies, over 
which the Romans advanced in pursuit of the Jews who fled before 
them, and streams of blood were running through the flames. The 
conflagration w£is so violent, and the building so extensive, that the 
hiU upon which it stood seemed u|l on ^re; whi'&t the outcries of an 



A. D. 69—79. 



VjEspasian. 51 



immense number of Jews, prolonged by the neighboring echoes, 
were heard on all sides, and increased the horror of the scene. 

The fatal day was come : that splendid temple, the most celebrated 
in the universe, and the centre of the true religion before the coming 
of Christ, was in a few hours reduced to ashes and to a heap of ruins. 
It perished after a duration of six hundred years, and, by a striking 
occurrence, Avas consumed by fire in the same month and on the 
same day (the tenth of August), on which the former temple or tem- 
ple of Solomon was burnt by Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon. 

Although the rebels still made some resistance in the upper psrt of 
the town, Titus found no difficulty in expelling them from all the 
positions which they occupied. The Romans completed the reduc- 
tion of Jerusalem on the eighth of September, and put every thing to 
fire and SAvord. What the flames had spared, was entirely .demolished, 
and levelled with the ground : not a stone was left upon a stone, ia 
the whole city ; only some parts of the western wall and three re- 
markable towers were preserved, both for the sake of the Roman gar- 
rison which was to be left in Judea, and as monuments of so signal 
a victory. The booty, notwithstanding the ravages of the fire, was 
so great, that gold lost half its value in the neighboring provinces. 
Eleven hundred thousand Jews perished during the siege; ninety- 
seven thousand were made prisoners, and condemned, some to hard 
labor, others to death ; whilst many were sold at a low price, and 
dispersed all over the earth. 

Thus were the predictions of our Lord concerning the utter destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem, entirely fulfilled.* It was a manifest punishment 
of the crime of deicide, which the Jews had committed thirty-seven 
years before; and of the awful imprecation which they had uttered 
with one voice, during our Saviour's passion : " His blood be upon us, 
and upon our children.''^ Titus himself, though a heathen, viewing 
all the circumstances of their disaster, the most extraordinary that 
ever befell a nation, confessed that he was only the instrument of 
divine vengeance.^ 

This the Jews also would have acknowledged, had they not har- 
dened their hearts, and shut their eyes against the light. During 
many years before the war, they were admonished of their impending 
calamity by prodigies more and more terrific. All their doctors con- 
fess that strange phenomena were daily seen in the temple; in so 
much, that a famous Rabbin cried out one day : " O temple! temple! 
What is it that moves thee, and why art thou thus terrified?" 

In the year immediately preceding the beginning of hostilities be- 

• Matt. xxiv. — Mark, xiii. — Luke, xix, xxi. f Matt, xxvii. 25. 

X Josephus, De bello Jud. lib. YL-Philost. vii. Jpoll. Tyan. lib. VL 



52 MODERN HISTORY. 



Parti 



tween the Jews and Romans^ on Easter-Day, a gate of the inner court 
of the temple, all of brass, and so heavy that twenty men could scarcely 
move it, was opened of its own accord. Some weeks later, chariot? 
and troops of soldiers in their armor, were beheld running among 
the clouds, and surrounding the cities. 

What is more striking than the noise heard in the sanctuary on the 
day of Pentecost, and that audible voice which issued from the inmost 
recess of that sacred place: ^' Let us go hence, let us go hence'?" 
The holy Angels, guardians of the temple, loudly declared that they 
were forsaking it, because Almighty God, who had there established 
his abode during so many ages, had now given it up to reprobation. 

Josephus* and Tacitusf have both related these prodigies, which 
therefore cannot be reasonably doubted. The following one, although 
mentioned by Josephus only, must however appear the least ques- 
tionable of all, as having been visible to the whole people. Four 
years before the war commenced, a certain man going up from the 
country to Jerusalem for the feast of the Tabernacles,^ suddenly began 
to cry out : '* a voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice 
from the four winds ; a voice against the temple and against Jerusa- 
lem j a voice against all the people !" From that time he ceased not 
crying day and night : " wo, wo to Jerusalem ! " He redoubled his 
cries on the festival-days. No other words fell from his lips ; those 
who pitied him, those who rebuked him, those who gave him the 
necessaries of life, could never obtain from him any thing but this 
terrible sentence: "wo to Jerusalem!" He was arrested, tried by 
the magistrates, and condemned to be scourged : at every question, and 
at every lash, he constantly answered, without ever complaining of 
his sufferings ; " wo to Jerusalem!" Being dismissed as a madman, 
he ran up and down the whole country, incessantly repeating the 
same awful prediction, "wo to Jerusalem!" For seven years he 
continued to cry out in this manner without relaxation, the strength 
of his voice remaining ever the same. Durmg the siege of Jerusalem, 
he shut himself up in the city, going incessantly round the walls, and 
crying with all his might : " wo to the temple ! wo to the city ! wo 
to all the people !" at last he added, " wo to myself!" and was imme- 
diately carried off by a stone shot from an engine ; thus having been, 
at the same time, a prophet, a witness, and a visible proof of the 
divme vengeance lying heavy upon his whole nation. 

Shortly after the destruction of Jerusalem, Titus repaired by land to 
Alexandria, and thence by sea to Rome. The emperor, his father, 

* Josephus, De hello Judaico, lib. VI. f Tacitus, histor. lib. V. n. xiii. 

X Thus called, from the custom of the Jews to make on that feast taber- 
nacles or tents, as a memorial of their having dwelt under tents for forty 
years in the desert. 



A. D. 69—79. 



VESPASIAN. 53 



went forward from the city to meet him; and they enjoyed together 
the lionors of a magnificent triumph, for the successful conclusion of 
the Jewish war. 

The reign of Vespasian henceforward passed in peace. This wise 
prince restored the empire to its ancient splendor. He respected the 
laws, and caused them to be respected by others ; enforced the rules 
of military discipline ; prevented or punished oppression ; encouraged 
virtue and talents. The luxury of the Roman tables was an invete- 
rate evil, and stronger than all laws : Vespasian checked it by his 
example, private individuals being ashamed to indulge in extrava- 
gant expenses, whilst their emperor declared himself a lover of plain- 
ness and simplicity. Whatever savored of effeminacy, so highly 
displeased him, that being one day accosted by a young man strongly 
perfumed, who came to thank him for a preferment which he had 
lately obtained; ''I had rather you smelt of garlic," said Vespasian, 
with a stern and contemptuous look; and immediately revoked his 
commission. 

He was also very careful to procure a right and speedy adminis- 
tration of justice. The pleadings frequently took place before him ; 
his tribunal was public, and his judgements obtained almost general 
approbation. Being not less beneficent than just, the disasters which 
Rome and other cities experienced, were the objects of his solicitude. 
Amiable and cheerful with his friends, merciful to his enemies, good, 
humane and affable to all, he gave free access to his palace, the 
gates of which were constantly open ; and he was seen to shed tears 
over criminals whom he could not save from punishment. 

On one occasion only, his usual clemency disappeared. A certain 
Sabinus had assumed in Gaul the title of Csesar; being defeated 
towards the beginning of Vespasian's reign, and having remained 
for several years concealed in a cavern, he was at length discovered 
and brought to Rome. Eponina, his wife, who had never abandoned 
him, threw herself at the emperor's feet, and by her supplications 
and tears, endeavored to excite his compassion. Vespasian was in- 
deed moved with pity, and even sensibly affected; but his emotion 
yielded to the severity of his political principles, and both Eponina 
and Sabinus were condemned to death. No one knew the motives 
of a rigor so unnecessary, at least in appearance, and which leaves 
a blot on the memory of so good an emperor. 

He is also accused of too great a love of money. The charge 
may be true in some respects ; but we ought not to forget that Vespa- 
sian ever made a noble and generous use of his revenues. Besides 
other instances of his liberality, some of which have been already 
mentioned, he was the first who gave pensions to the professors of 
Greek and Latin eloquence at Rome. He attracted to that city the 
5* 



54 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part I. 



best scholars^ and the ablest workmen of the time, without however 
disregarding those of inferior merit and hurting their interests. One 
of the former, an excellent machinist, having offered to transport 
heavy burdens at a small expense by machines of his invention, the 
emperor rewarded him well for the offer, but would not make use of 
it; **for," said he, *^we must not deprive the poor of their means 
of subsistence." 

It was by such amiable qualities, and by repeated acts of a good 
government, that Vespasian deserved the title of father of his coun- 
try, which was conferred on him nearly in the same manner as it 
had been on Augustus. Though advanced in age, he continued to 
administer the pubhc affairs to the end of his life, and gave audience 
even in his last sickness. He was however sensible of the danger of ! 
his situation, and said one day: "It seems to me I am going to be- 
come a god; thus deriding, in an ingenious manner, the apotheosis 
which would foUow his death. When he felt that he had but few 
moments to Uve, he was heard to say : *^It is proper that an emperor 
should die standing;" and, making an effort to rise, he expired in 
the arms of those who supported him, in the seventieth year of his 
life and tenth of his reign (a. d. 79). 

Under him was made the last census of the Roman citizens. In 
Italy alone, there were found, according to Phny, fifty-four per- 
sons at least a hundred years old. Ten had reached the age of one 
hundred and twenty-five or thirty years, three the age of one hun- 
dred and forty, and two that of one hundred and fifty. 



TITUS.— A. r. 79—81. 



Vespasian was succeeded by his elder son Titus, a most excellent 
prince, whose eulogium is comprised in the appellation of the De- 
light of Mankind, under which he is known. From the time of his 
accession to the throne, nothing appeared in him but a wonderful 
generosity and benevolence, from which his very bitterest enemies 
were not excluded. Two patricians being convicted of a conspiracy 
against him, he granted them a fu'U pardon, and had the kind attention 
to send a messenger to the mother of one of them, to assure her that 
her son had nothmg to fear from his resentment. Moreover, he in- 
vited the two guilty persons to sup with him, and on the following 
day, at an exhibition of gladiators, made them sit by his side, 
and hold for some time the arms of the combatants, which were 
brought to him according to custom. 



A. 0. 79- 81. 



TITUS. 55 



Titus never sent away any person discontented, never, at least, 
without some hope and consolation j saying that no one should go 
sorrowful from his prince. Every one knows in what manner he 
once expressed his regret at having let a day pass without doing 
some good office; '*My friends," said he, **I have lost a day;" an 
expression worthy of being transmitted to the- latest posterity, and 
infinitely more glorious than all the victories of Alexander and Ju- 
lius Caesar. 

The manifold disasters and calamitous events which happened du- 
ring the reign of Titus, afforded him continual opportunities to dis- 
play his beneficence. The most dreadful of those visitations was an 
eruption of Mount Vesuvius in Italy. Even the mere forerunners of 
it were terrific: a violent earthquake, subterraneous sounds like 
thunder, the soil burning, the sea foaming, the heavens in a blaze; 
all was calculated to fill every bosom with dread and consternation. 
Then, for three days, the volcano belched forth with terrific violence, 
so great a quantity of hot ashes, large stones, and lurid flame, that 
the day was obscured, the sun was darkened, and the world seemed 
to be returning to its pristine chaos. 

PHny the naturalist, or the elder, one of the most learned and la- 
borious writers of antiquity, was at that time the commander of the 
Roman fleet at Misenum, a promontory at the distance of tv^renty or 
twenty-five miles from Mount Vesuvius. He saw the beginning of j 
the eruption, without knowing exactly what it was. Desirous to have 
a nearer view of the phenomenon, he advanced on board a galley 
towards the volcano. Having landed, he found every thing in 
strange confusion, a new promontory formed by the violence of the 
earthquake, and numbers of people flying on all sides, for the pur- 
pose of avoiding the continual eruption of stones, ashes and smoke 
from the volcano. He himself, notwithstanding his intrepidity, 
wished after a short stay, to return to his ship. It was too late : be- 
fore he could reembark, there burst forth a sulphurous vapor accom- 
panied with flames; all ran from the imminent danger; but Pliny, 
having a weak breast, could not resist the sufibcating exhalation, and 
fell dead on the spot. His body was found two days after, without 
any external injury. 

In the meanwhile, Pliny the younger, afterwards so famous for his 
eloquence, was with his mother at Misenum, in their dwelling near 
the sea. Though it was far from the volcano, they saw themselves 
exposed, with the other inhabitants of the town, to great perils from 
the violence of the earthquake, and the clouds of smoke and ashes, 
which were carried to a great distance in different directions. Pliny's 
mother exhorted him to save his life by flight, saying that her ad- 
vanced age and infirmities did not permit her to make her escape. 



56 MODERI^ HISTORY. Part £ 

But Pliny would never consent to the separation; she was prevailed 
upon to follow him, and they went together, accompanied by a great 
crowd of people. The day was changed into the darkest night j 
nothing guided their trembling steps, except the dismal flames which | 
from time to time flickered on the top of the mountain. They were \ 
frequently covered with ashes j even the flame seemed to advance 
towards themj it did not however reach them, and they had the good 
fortune to escape. 

When the eruption was over, the surrounding country presented 
a scene of desolation. The cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum 
were buried under heaps of ashes, and remained ^so for more than 
sixteen hundred years, until the last century, when the people of 
that country., whilst engaged in digging wells and quarries, dis- 
covered them at the depth of many feet beneath the surface. Tem- 
ples and other buildings have been found there, with statues, inscrip- 
tions, vessels, even fruits, olives, wheat and bread, preserved in the 
cement and lava which covered them at the time of the eruption. 
The inhabitants had very probably withdrawn to a distance; hence 
the loss of these two cities could not be deemed in itself a very 
great disaster: but the volcanic substances with which the whole 
country was now overspread, occasioned so dreadful a pestilence 
throughout Italy, that in Rome it carried off" ten thousand persons 
every day for a considerable space of time. In fine, a terrible con- 
flagration added its ravages to those caused by the pestilence, and 
consumed some of the finest quarters of that city. 

Amidst so many disasters, Titus not only acted the part of a good 
prince, but also evinced the affection of a tender father for his dis- 
tressed children. In order to repair, as far as possible, both public 
and private losses, he spared neither the treasure of the empire, nor 
his own money. He parted even with his jewels and the ornaments 
of his palace, to afford the sufferers every alleviation in his power. 
Unfortunately he reigned only two years, and died at the age of 
forty-one (a. d. 81). Many believed that his death had been pro- 
cured, or at least accelerated by his wicked brother Domitian. It 
was so generally and so deeply lamented, not only in Rome, but 
also in the provinces, that each family seemed to have lost a son or 
a father. 



DOMITIAN.— A. D. 81—96. 

It is scarcely possible to find a more striking contrast in the cna- 
racter and dispositions of two successive princes, than is presented by 
Titus and Domitian. The new emperor, far from imitating the vir- 



T. D. 81—98. 



DOMITIAN. 57 



taes of his deceased brother^ abandoned himself to the most degra- 
ding excesses. He was careful, however, to conceal his wickedness, 
until he had, like other tyrants, confirmed his authority among the 
people, by several acts of justice and a prudent management of pub- 
lic affairs. 

The first and most distinguished personage that had to suffer from 
his suspicious policy, was Juhus Agricola, the Roman governor of 
Great Britain. This illustrious man had completed the subjugation 
of that country,* more by mildness and prudence, than by the terror of 
his arms. He continued to govern it with great honor, when Domi- 
tian, jealous of his glory, recalled him to Rome, and repaid his emi- 
nent services with coldness and ingratitude. Agricola, for fear of 
giving umbrage to the tyrant, withdrew from public life. He died 
some years after, excluded from dignities and public employments, 
but preserving pure and entire the fame of his talents and virtue. 
His life was written by his son-in-law, Tacitus, in a manner which 
does honor to both the conqueror and the historian. 

Most of the other wars during Domitian's reign, those especially 
which he conducted in person, proved unsuccessful: he was defeated 
by the Germans ; concluded a disgraceful peace with the Dacians ; 
and yet had the impudence to boast in Rome of his pretended ex- 
pioils, for which he caused a triumph to be decreed. His only vic- 
tories were over helpless insects; he frequently shut himself in his 
chamber, and spent his time in killing files with a sharp bodkin. 
Hence a certain Vibius Crispus being asked if any one was with tke 
emperor, aptly replied : " Not so much as a fly." 

Under this capricious tyrant, capital punishments were renewed, 
for a variety of pretexts, against the first personages of the state. 
Nor were pretexts ever wanted. To be rich, or of noble extraction, 
was a crime. An equal danger awaited those who enjoyed honors, 
and those who enjoyed them not; above all, conspicuous virtue and 
merit, almost infallibly proved the ruin of their possessors : this was 
the case particularly with Christians. Domitian excited against them 
the second general persecution, in which he spared neither his own 
relations, nor the advanced age of St. John the Evangelist. This 
venerable apostle was brought from Ephesus to Rome, and plunged 
into a caldron of boiling oil, from which he came forth unhurt, and 
^ven stronger than before.f The emperor then banished him to the 
small island of Patmos in the Archipelago, where the holy apostle 
wrote his Apocalypse, or Book of Revelations. After the death of 
Domitian, he returned to Ephesus, wrote his Gospel at the request 

* Not including Scotland, which never was entirely subdued ; much less 
Ireland, which was not even attacked by the Romans, 
t Tertullian, J)e prcescript. c. 36. — St. Jerom, lib. advers. Jovinianum. 



58 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part 



of the bishops of Asia, and died towards the end of the first centurv 
being nearly a hundred years old. I 

Not less impious than wicked, Domitian wished, after the examplj 
of Caligula, to be considered and honored as a god ; to have temple^i 
erected in his honor, and victims to be sacrificed to his statue. Nexj 
to this arrogant and sacrilegious pride, refined cruelty seemed to be hij 
predominant characteristic; he took pleasure in making people suflTeii 
and in feasting his eyes with the sight of their torments. Not satis 
fied with putting to death a multitude of senators, he resolved t< 
frighten the others, and for this purpose, contrived a scheme worths 
of a tyrant. He invited them to supper, and as they arrived ha< 
them conducted from the gate of the palace to an apartment huui 
with black, where every thing presented the image of death. B] 
the glimmering of melancholy lamps, they perceived as mai^y cof 
fins as there were guests, with the name of each inscribed in large 
characters. A number of boys, whose skins were darkened, dancet 
around the room; in the meanwhile, a mournful silence interruptec 
only by Domitian reigned in the assembly, and every one believec 
that his last hour was come. When their terror was at its height 
the emperor dismissed them all with presents. 

Domitian, by such scenes, was perhaps desirous to make others, 
feel the excruciating anguish of mind which he himself experienced 
Every thing gave him offence ; and he was continually tormented 
with the fear of being surrounded by assassins. He had the gallery 
in which he usually walked, overlaid with stones which reflected ob- 
jects like a mirror, that he might see those who should attempt tc 
attack him from behind. He entertained unceasing apprehensions j, 
especially, it is said, of a certain day (the eighteenth of September), 
and of a certain hour of that day (eleven o'clock in the morning). 
But neither his apprehensions, nor the precautions which he took tQ- 
screen himself from danger, were able to prolong his fife: that very 
day and hour, he was murdered in his apartment by some offi- 
cers of the palace, who either knew that their own death had been 
decreed by him, or otherwise dreaded he effects of his resentment. 
Some historians relate that he had been forewarned of the impending- 
evil; and also that the famous magician, ApoUonius Tyanensis, 
who was then at Ephesus, knew the emperor's death at the moment, 
it happened, and announced it in these words: '* Strike, strike the ty- 
rant." But this account seems rather uncertain. 

Many have drawn a parallel between Domitian and Nero ; but a 
more exact comparison might be made between the former and Tibe- 
rius, whose suUiness of temper, malice, cruelty and dissimulation, he 
possessed in a high degree, as Tillemont justly observes.* He diea ^ 

* Histoire des Empereiirs, vol. II. p. 64. 



A. n. 96-117. KERVA— TRAJAN. 59 

in the sixteenth year of his reign, and the forty-fifth of his life (a. d. 
96), and was the last of those emperors who have been called the 

Twelve Cajsars. 



NERVA— TRAJAN.— A. d. 96—117. 

Nerva, a venerable old man, was unanimously proclaimed em- 
peror by the army, the senate and the people. Durmg his reign of 
only sixteen months, though not always successful, he did much good 
by his personal exertions, and stiU more efficaciously promoted the 
interest of the empire, by the selection of Trajan for his colleague and 
successor. He died shortly after (a. d. 98). 

Trajan was a native of Italica or Seville in Spain, and belonged to 
a family more ancient than illustrious. Possessed of an excellent con- 
stitution, an engaging and noble countenance, and great experience 
added to his natural abilities, he was moreover in that maturity of age 
which is so desirable for the goverment of a vast empire. He received 
the news of his election, whilst commanding the Roman troops in 
Germany : this produced no change in his character and conduct 
He sincerely believed and publicly declared himself to be not less 
bound than the lowest citizen to observe the laws. Other emperors 
had held the same language; but what Trajan promised to be, that he 
in reality was. He seemed to retain his rank for the sole purpose of 
preventing anarchy, and, whenever his prerogatives clashed with the 
true interest of the people, he diminished them without hesitation. 
Hence the surname of Optimus was given him by unanimous consent. 

He carefully attended both to the embellishment of the capital 
and to the utility of the provinces. In Rome, the famous Trajan 
Square and Column ; in Pannonia, a bridge, more than three thou- 
sand feet long, thrown over the Danube ; a road uniting, as it were, 
the two extremities of the empire, and extending from. Gaul as far as 
the Euxine sea; and many other public works and buildings, were 
striking instances of the grandeur of his views. 

Fully convinced that haughtiness conciliates neither affection nor 
esteem, and that condescension can be well allied to dignity, he lived 
with his people, not as a monarch with his subjects, but like a father 
in the midst of beloved children. His palace was open to persons of 
all conditions ; he listened with patience, corrected with gentleness, 
and, like Titus, wished no one to go discontented from his presence. 
As his friends one day represented to him that he carried indulgence 
and kindness too far j "I must," answered he, "behave towards every 



00 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part 



one^ as I desired that an emperor should behave towards me, when 
was a private citizen." 

With regard to miUtary talents, Trajan was, beyond comparisoij 
the greatest commander of his age, and equal to the most illustrioi:< 
generals of antiquity. Vigilant and indefatigable, he marched oi 
foot, even when emperor, at the head of his troops, and in this mar 
ner passed over vast tracts of country, without using horse or chario: 
Equally attentive to reward noble actions and maintain strict di^ 
cipline, he constantly encouraged both by his own example. 

So great a prince easily revived the warlike spirit of the Roma: 
legions. He led them first against the; Dacians, and triumphed twicj 
over their king Decebalus, who had imposed a sort of tribute on Dq 
mitian. Passing afterwards into Asia, he subdued Assyria, Mesopc 
tamia, and other countries the names of which were before unknow 
at Rome. These conquests however proved more brilliant than solid! 
the new subjects of the empire availed themselves of the first oppoi 
tunity to shake off the yoke. Trajan himself beheld the first succes 
of their efforts, and was unable to check it, either for want of time, o 
on account of other obstacles. He died at Selinontes in Cilicia, whils 
on his journey to Rome, after having reigned nearly twenty year 
(a. D. 117). 

No Roman emperor left a greater reputation for princely ability an< 
goodness. For a long time after his death, the best wish that the Ro 
mans believed they could offer to any new emperor, was that h^ 
should be happier even than Caesar Augustus, and better than Tra 
Jan. His goodness however did not extend to the Christians, wh<' 
were again persecuted under his reign. Moreover, his private hf 
was far from being blameless : on the contrary, his intemperance an« 
infamous debaucheries, together with many other instances of th^ 
same kind, show well what we must think in general of the greates 
men that paganism produced, even those who have been mos 
admired for their virtues. 

Besides Gluintillian and Juvenal, who flourished about this time 
the most celebrated writers that lived under Trajan, were, Tacitus tht 
iiistorian and Pliny the Younger. Both of them were raised to emi 
nent dignities, and yet acquired less glory from their high station thar 
from their integrity and eloquence. They frequently pleaded at the 
bar, and were always admired; Tacitus, for the gravity and nobleness 
of his diction; Pliny, for his elegance and facility, which were sc 
great that he could speak five or six hours in succession, withoui 
fatiguing any one but himself. He has left ten books of Letters, and 
a Panegyric of Trajan. The writings of Tacitus consists chiefly ol 
Histories and Annals relating to the first emperors of Rome; severa' 
books of his works are lost, to the great detriment of Latin literature, 



A. D. 117—138. 



ADRIAN. ~ 61 



Tacitus and Pliny, instead of entertaining any feeling of jealousy 
against each other, were, on the contrary, sincere and intimate friends. 
Public opinion made no distinction between them, and in social inter- 
course, the name of the one could scarcely be mentioned without the 
name of the other. It once happened that Tacitus, being at a public 
game, had a long conversation on literary matters with a foreigner 
sitting by his side, and who did not know him personally. At last, 
the foreigner asked him who he was. "You know me," said Taci- 
tus, "from my writings." "Then you are Tacitus or Pliny," said 
the stranger ; showing by that sudden reply, that the mere mention of 
literature was associated, at that epoch, with the names of these 
two illustrious writers and friends. 

In their time, a young boy, called Valerius Pudens, obtained, at the 
age of thirteen, the premium of poetry at the Capitoliaa games 
(a. D. 106). 



ADRIAN.— A. D. 117—138. 

Like Trajan, Adrian, his nephew and successor, united with a 
wretched life in private, great abilities for government ; but his con- 
duct was far different from that of his predecessor. Being as great a 
lover of peace as Trajan had been of military glory, he reduced the 
Roman dominions to their former limits, and abandoned all the con- 
quests lately made in countries situated beyond the river Euphrates. 
His utmost care, during the whole of his reign, was to preserve 
peace with the neighboring nations. 

To obtain this desired end, he employed two principal means. The 
first, rather an impolitic one, was to induce, by considerable presents, 
the tribes of Pannonia and Germany not to attack the empire. The 
second, much more worthy of a great prince, was to keep the troops 
always in good order, and ever ready to oppose and defeat every 
attempt of invasion. For that purpose, he took upon himself the task 
of visiting all the camps of the legions scattered throughout the em- 
pire, in order to examine in what manner discipline was every where 
observed, and what was the state of the arms, engines of war, fortifi- 
cations, ammunition, and, in a word, of every thing connected W4th 
the military department. 

During these visits, the emperor required that an account should 
be given him of the conduct of the officers and soldiers; which being 
done, he appropriately distributed praises and reproaches, rewards 
and punishments; and, in the appointment of military offices, granted 
nothing to favor, but every thing to virtue, merit and experience. 
6 



62 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part I. 



He animated the military exercises by his vigilance, his presence, his 
example. He suppressed with inexorable severity whatever pro- 
moted or favored effeminacy among the troops, and showed in his 
own person a perfect pattern of mihtary discipline, living with the 
soldiers as one of them, using the most common food, wearing a 
plain dress and carrying heavy arms, braving the inconveniences of 
the various climes and seasons, and walking, with his head uncovered, 
through the snow of the Alps, as well as through the burning sands 
of Africa. 

By these efficacious means, Adrian revived the strictness of ancient 
disciphne among the troops, making himself however very dear to 
them by his kindness, affability and opportune favors. He paid 
great attention to the welfare of the soldiers, especially of those ad- 
vanced in years, whom he honorably dismissed in due time, and of 
those who were sick, whom he was accustomed to visit in their tents 
or lodgings. 

The civil affairs were not less carefully attended to by Adrian. It 
was one of his maxims, that an emperor ought to be like the sun, 
which by its regular course illuminates and vivifies all the regions of 
the earth. He spent many years in travelling through the various 
provinces of the empire, reforming abuses, redressing grievances, 
appointing good governors, and inflicting punishments on those who 
had abused their power. He hkewise, by his own example and as- 
siduity, improved and facilitated the administration of justice, having 
for this purpose caused a collection to be made of the best ancient 
laws, and himself having enacted wise statutes against fraudulent 
bankrupts and a variety of other disorders. 

His conduct towards the senate was habitually full of deference 
and respect; towards the people, condescending but firm; towards 
the alhes and subjects of the empire, kind and hberal. He remitted 
the whole sum due to the exchequer (nine hundred millions of ses- 
terces, nearly twenty-five millions of dollars), and publicly burnt all 
the books and records which might afterwards be produced to revive 
that debt. This action of Adrian did him great honor, and was 
justly celebrated by inscriptions and monuments. On the whole, 
although his government proved fatal to some illustrious persons whom 
he harassed and persecuted, it was highly beneficial to the state. On 
many particular occasions, the emperor manifested a wonderful cle- 
mency, and regard for truth. One day a poor woman cried out to 
him: "Csesar, hear me and give me justice." Adrian having an- 
swered that he had no time; "why, then, are you our emperor?" 
asked the woman. The prince was struck, but not offended by this 
bold question ; he stopped, and hstened to her complaints. How- 
ever, he took care not to be imposed upon by artful petitioners. A 



A. D. 117—138. 



ADRIAN. 63 



grey-headed man asked him a favor which was refused. Some time 
after, the same man apphed again to Adrian for the same purpose, 
with his hair blackened. The emperor pretended not to recognize 
him, and coolly dismissed him, saying : " What you ask, I have al- 
ready refused to your father." 

Adrian had remarkable talents and a very extensive knowledge. 
He was well versed in mathematics, history, natural philosophy, etc., 
and deserved to be considered one of the best grammarians, orators 
and poets of the age. His mind was acute and sagacious ; he could 
at the same time write, dictate to a secretary, give audience to and 
converse with his friends. His memory also was astonishing. He 
remembered every thing that he had seen or read, and forgot neither 
the nature of the affairs which passed through his hands, nor the 
places in which he had been, nor the names of the persons with 
whom he had conversed. After reading a book, he could repeat it 
from beginning to endj nay, if a list of names confusedly mixed 
together was recited to him, he would repeat them all without a 
mistake.* 

His genius was not less elevated than extensive, and always 
prompted him to undertake great things for the splendor and utility 
of the state. No prince seems to have surpassed him in the number 
and magnificence of public buildings. Such were, in Rome, the 
bridge and castle now called St. Angelo ; in Asia, the new city of 
Jerusalem 5 in Great Britain, a wall eighty miles long and extending 
from sea to sea, to protect the Roman colonies against the attacks of 
the Scots; and in Gaul, the splendid amphitheatre of Nismes, which 
however is ascribed by some to the emperor Antoninus Pius, who 
derived his pedigree from that city. 

The tranquillity of Adrian's reign was disturbed only by a revolt 
of the Jews. Many of this infatuated people had already perished 
under Trajan for the same cause. Being checked for a time, but not 
subdued, they again rose in arms, and committed horrid cruelties in 
Syria and Palestine, under the conduct of a certain Barcochebas, 
who called himself the Messiah ; for, after having rejected the true 
Messiah in the person of our Saviour, the Jews Were easily led to 
follow impostors. Their rebellious obstinacy obtained, as it merited, 
a total and irreparable overthrow. Adrian sent against them nu- 
merous troops under the command of Tinnius Rufus and Juhus 
Severus, two able officers, who greatly distinguished themselves in 
this war. 

The forces of the rebels were so formidable, and their animosity so 

* See Spartian, Dion Cassius and Aurelius Victor, apud Cr6vier, Histoire 
des Empereurs Romains, vol. VIII^ p. 63. 



64 MODERN HISTORY. Part l 

great, that the Roman generals did not think proper to engage them 
in a regular battle. They had recourse to a war of skirmishes and 
detached parties, hunting the Jews as they would wild beasts, and 
pursuing them to death, in every part of the country. This manner 
of warfare proved so successful to the Romans, that, within the 
space of three years (from a. d. 134 to 136), t"hey took and destroyed 
nine hundred and eighty-five towns, besides fifty fortresses. In these 
partial engagements, five hundred and eighty thousand Jews perished 
by the sword only ; it was impossible to tell the number of those who 
fell victims to fire, sickness, or starvation. All who escaped death 
were dispersed throughout the empire, and sold in public fairs like 
horses and cattle. In no country were they subsequently greater 
strangers than in Judea, and particularly in Jerusalem, which was 
rebuilt shortly after under the name of JElia Capitolina ; they were 
forbidden not only to dwell in it, but even to approach withm three 
miles of its walls. 

From that time, the Jews have been scattered through the various 
parts of the globe, without any country belonging to them ; without 
kings and princes of their own descent; without laws and magistrates 
of their own; mingled, but not confounded with other nations; flat- 
tering themselves with the vain expectation of a future Messiah, 
whilst, from the very words of their sacred records, he must have ap- 
peared upon earth eighteen hundred years ago. From that time, we 
see them exposed, during the long course of ages, to numberless dis- 
asters and calamities, but always preserved by the mighty hand of 
God, that they may ever continue visible examples of his justice, and 
unexceptionable witnesses to the truth of the Ancient Scriptures, in 
which we read alike our claims and their condemnation. 

Adrian did not long survive the conclusion of this second Jewish 
war : being attacked with the dropsy, and tormented by violent pains, 
he wished to end his life by the sword or by poison ; but the constant 
vigilance and care of his adopted son Antoninus prevented the deed. 
He then vented his fury against several members of the senate, 
whom he condemned, without any legal cause, to capital punish- 
ment; but these also Antoninus saved from death, by telling them to 
conceal themselves. Adrian^ however, still continued to take part in 
the afiairs of the state. At length, he retired from Rome to Baia in 
Campania, where he observed no regimen, ate and drank whatever 
pleased him, without any regard to his situation, remarking that 
'•"the multitude of physicians had killed the emperor." He died at 
the age of sixty-two, after a reign of twenty-one years (a. d. 138). 
As he had, towards the end of his life, rendered himself odious tc- the 
senate, it was with great difficulty that Antoninus o^Jtained for him 
the usual honors which attended imperial obsequies. 



A. D. 138— 161. 



ANTONINUS PIUS. 65 



The truth is, Adrian neither deserved much regret, on account of 
his many private vices and some acts of tyranny, nor however did he 
merit the violent resentment of the senate, considering the habitual 
mildness, wisdom and prosperity of his government. It is highly 
probable that his memory would have obtained greater praise, had he 
been the immediate successor of Domitian. It was an unfavorahle 
circumstance for his public character, that he came to the throne after 
Nerva and Trajan, and immediately before Antoninus Pius and Mar- 
cus Aurelius, the most excellent emperors of pagan Rome. 

Although literature was not so flourishing under Adrian as it had 
been during the two preceding centuries, still it produced some cele- 
brated writers, viz. the Latin historians Justin and Suetonius; the 
Greek historians Arrian and Plutarch, and the renowned philosopher 
Epictetus. Adrian himself wrote on different subjects, and even on 
his death-bed composed verses expressing his conviction of the im- 
mortality of the soul, and the fears which he entertained respecting 
his future destiny. 



ANTONINUS PIUS.— A. d. 138—161. 

The family of Antoninus was originally from Gaul, but he himself 
was a native of Italy. Being chosen by the late emperor to be his 
successor, he proved himself in every respect worthy of this exalted 
station. When the demise of Adrian put him in possession of the 
sovereign power, the whole empire seemed to be exulting with joy ; 
nor did this extraordinary esteem entertained for Antoninus suffer any 
diminution during a reign of more than twenty-two years. The 
surname of Pius was given him, to perpetuate the remembrance ol 
his tender affection for his adopted father, his family, and all his sub- 
jects. What he had hitherto been in private Hfe and in inferior em- 
ployments, that he continued to be when seated on the imperial 
throne ; mild, generous, affable, listening with patience to every one, 
granting all that was reasonable and just, and returning good offices 
for insults and ingratitude. 

Thus when, on occasion of a conspiracy which was happily 
detected, he could not rescue its authors from the rigor of the law, he 
at least put a stop to all inquiries about their accomplices. " I would 
not," said he, " begin my government with acts of severity f adding, 
with a smile : " It would be both dishonorable and unpleasant to me, 
to find, upon inquiry, that I was hated by a number of my fellow- 
citizens.'' The son of one of the chief conspirators not only was not 
involved in his father's punishment^ but, on the contrary, always 
6* 



66 MODERN HISTORY. Tan I 

found in the emperor a protector and a friend. This clemency of 
Antoninus, hke that of Augustus, produced an excellent effect, and 
no more conspiracies were formed against a prince who revenged 
himself in so noble a manner. 

The same kindness and generosity appeared in his conduct towards 
a Grecian philosopher, by whom he had been shamefully offended. 
When he was proconsul of Asia Minor, being at Smyrna, he took 
his lodging in the house of this man called Polemon, who then hap- 
pened to be absent. Upon his return home, Polemon, instead of 
finding himself much honored, was highly displeased at seeing his 
liouse occupied by the proconsul. He began to utter loud com- 
plaints, and went so far as to oblige him, in the middle of the night, 
to seek another lodging. This was a crying insult; yet Antoninus 
never thought of punishing it otherwise than by innocent raillery. 
When Polemon afterwards came to Rome, he received him kindly, 
and ordered an apartment to be provided for him in the palace, say- 
ing with a cheerful voice: "Let no one be so bold as to expel such 
a guest, even during the day J' A comedian having also complained 
that the same Polemon had driven him from the stage — " at what 
hour," asked the emperor, "did this happen?" "At mid-day," 
answered the comedian. " Why!" exclaimed Antoninus, " he once 
expelled me from his house at midnight, and I bore it patiently." 

Many other instances might be adduced of his unalterable meek- 
ness; it always rose superior to injuries and affronts, yet never dege- 
nerated into weakness. He employed rigor against guilty persons, 
whenever good order and necessity required ; but then, not to offer, 
in such circumstances, too much violence to the benevolent mclina- 
tion of his heart, he found out such expedients for moderating that 
rigor, as could not by their example be prejudicial to the commu- 
nity. Thus, for instance, a senator having been convicted of par- 
ricide, as it was not possible to save the life of such a monster, the 
emperor, not to be shocked by the sight of his punishment, caused 
him to be transported into a barren island, where he might perish by 
hunger and misery. 

Antoninus, both from taste and reflection, was a constant friend 
of peace. He often repeated this saying of Scipio : " I like better to 
preserve one citizen, than to kill a thousand enemies." He generally 
nad the satisfaction to enjoy the tranquillity which he so much 
desired ; and, not being distracted by the cares of war, he apphed 
himself entirely to the promotion of. public and private happiness. 
His attention was constantly occupied, in governing the state, as a 
good and diligent father governs his children and household. Fai 
from making exactions, he obhged his intendants, under severe penal- 
ties, to levy the taxes with moderation. To the many calamitous 



1 », 13&-161. 



ANTONINUS PIUS. 67 



events which happened during his reign, he apphed all the reme- 
dies in his power, and showed in numberless instances that he had 
nothing so much at heart, as to lighten the burden of his people. 

This excellent prince was also favorably inchned towards the Chris- 
tians, so much exposed at that time to pubhc hatred. The prejudices 
of the pagan world against their religion, and the calumnies with 
which they were blackened, continually raised storms against them, 
and, even under the best princes, led many of them to martyrdom 
No sooner was Antoninus, through the eloquent apology of St. Jus 
tin and other documents, well informed of their innocence, than he 
endeavored to shelter them from the bhnd fury of the populace, and 
from the injustice of magistrates and governors. In a rescript directed 
to those of Asia Minor, he took the part of the persecuted, ex- 
tolled their fideUty to God, their courage in suffering death, and 
turned his praises of their virtues into reproaches against the vices 
of their persecutors. He concluded the rescript by declaring that the 
Christian name was by no means a just cause of condemnation, and 
that, if any were brought before the courts upon no other charge, 
they ought to be acquitted, and their accusers punished. 

The benefits arising from so excellent a government, were not 
confined to the Romans and subjects of the empire : the reputation 
of Antoninus for justice, impartiality and wisdom, gained him a de- 
gree of authority and influence over the neighboring nations, which 
he never would have obtained by force of arms. Foreign princes 
came to pay him homage in Rome ; the Indians, the Bactrians, the 
Hyrcanians, testified their respect for him by solemn embassies. He 
prevented by letters the Parthian king from invading Armenia ; and 
the very barbarians near the frontiers frequently chose him as an 
umpire to settle their claims and differences. 

It was in these noble occupations that Antoninus spent the whole 
of his reign, the blessings of which he completed by the appointment 
of Marcus-Aurelius for his successor. After a short disease, he died 
a tranquil death, at the age of seventy-three years (a. d. 161), leaving 
a name so dear to the Romans, that, for nearly a century, all his suc- 
cessors added it to their own names : it seemed as if it were impossible, 
for either the soldiers or the citizens, to acknowledge as emperor any' 
one who should not have some resemblance, were it but a nominal 
one, with Antoninus. Yet, it would have been infinitely better for 
him^ if he had left as unblemished a reputation for purity of life as 
for wisdom of government; and if his many excellent qualities and 
princely virtues had been sanctified by the only true religion, whose 
followers indeed he admired, but whose doctrines he had not the 
happmess to embrace. 



68 MODERN HISTORY. 



Faxt I. 



MARCUS-AURELIUS— A. d. 161—180. 

Marcus-Aurelius considered it his bounden duty to walk in the 
footsteps of his predecessor, and to govern the state upon the same 
principles. Although he was not so firm, prudent, and free from 
prejudices as Antoninus, yet he displayed the same zeal for the pub- 
lic good, the same application to affairs, the same moderation and 
generosity^ so that his reign, notwithstanding the vices of Lucius 
Verus whom he had taken as his colleague, was also a period of 
glory and happiness for the Romans. 

About this time, the Parthians invaded Armenia, which they had 
long since threatened. They destroyed the legions which defended 
that country, and advancing into Syria, filled every place with terror 
and desolation. Marcus-Aurelius being detained in Italy, took proper 
measures to repel the invaders. Avidius Cassius, one of his generals, 
not only defeated the Parthians, but also crossed the Euphrates, and 
continued his march as far as tlie royal city of Seleucia, which he 
plundered and reduced to ashes. But these briUiant exploits were 
dearly purchased. The victorious legions, on their return, brought 
along with them a pestilence which produced so dreadful ravages 
in the empire, especially in Italy, that more persons were carried off 
by it within the space of a few months, than would have perished 
during many years of the most disastrous war (a. d. 166). 

This expedition against the Parthians was followed by another 
against the Marcomans, the duadi, and other barbarians, who, driven 
from the north of Asia and Europe by more powerful tribes, or en- 
ticed by the hope of pillage, were striving to break through the bar- 
riers of the empire. Marcus-Aurelius went to put himself at the 
head of the legions, and evinced during the whole campaign a skip 
and valor which drew upon him general admiration. However, 
after many victories, he suffered himself and his troops to be entan- 
gled in narrow defiles amidst the mountains of Bohemia, where, be- 
ing surrounded on all sides by the enemy, they were on the point of 
perishing with heat and thirst. In that extremity, the soldiers of the 
twelfth legion, all Christians, betook themselves to prayer, and pre- 
sently the clouds gathered, and an abundant rain fell, which refreshed 
the Romans; whereas hail, thunder and lightning spread confusion 
among the barbarians, and enabled Marcus-Aurelius to gain a com- 
plete victory (a. d. 174). On this occasion, his army saluted him 
Imperator for the seventh time, and the name of Thundering was 
given, or confirmed to the twelfth legion. 

This prodigy, which pagan writers themselves relate,* and whict 

* Dion Cassius, Capitolinus, Claudian,etc. apud Tilleraont vol. ii, p. 370. 



A. D. 180-193. COMMODUS PERTINAX DIDIUS. 69 

is still seen engraved on the Antonine pillar at Rome, stopped for a 
time the persecution that the Christians were then suffering ; the 
war however had but little interruption, and lasted till the end of the 
emperor's life (a. d. 180). He died ,at Vienna, near the Danube, 
having obtained a great reputation for political and military acquire- 
ments, and still more celebrated for his moral virtues, which were 
not however without a mixture of many great failings, viz. his reli- 
gious bigotry, his weak connivance at the vices of his son Commo- 
dus and of other persons under his control, etc. He had lived fifty- 
nine years, and reigned nineteen. 

Besides being a great emperor and general, Marcus-Aurelius was 
also an estimable author : he has left twelve books of wise maxims 
on the rules of morality. 



COMMODUS— PERTINAX— DIDIUS JULIANUS.— a. d. 180—193. 



CoMMODUs succeeded his father on the throne, but followed a very 
different line of conduct. A monster, rather than a man, he seemed 
to have no relish but for atrocious deeds of every description. He 
imitated Nero in his worst and basest inclinations, and surpassed Do- 
mitian in his cruelties, except that he did not persecute the Christians. 
After having gone on in this way for many years, his unrelenting thirst 
for blood at length caused his own death, by inducing the persons of his 
household to poison and strangle him, on the last day of the year one 
hundred and ninety-two. 

On the following day, Pertinax, a venerable man, whose uncom- 
mon merit amply compensated for the lowness of his extraction, was 
chosen and unanimously acknowledged emperor. Under him, the 
paternal and firm administration of A ntoninus began to revive. In a 
very short time, the laws were again put in force, the debts were paid, 
the public revenues increased without laying new taxes, and power- 
ful encouragements were given to agriculture, as the surest means 
of prosperity both for the state and for private families. In a word, 
the sound policy of Pertinax, seconded by his ability and experience, 
promised lasting as well as universal happiness; but these flattering 
hopes were soon blasted. At the end of three months, the praetorian 
soldiers incensed at his exertions for the restoration of military discip- 
hne, slew him in his palace (a. d. 193). 

After this outrage, the rebels were not ashamed to expose the em- 
pire to sale at public auction. Purchasers were found, and after bid- 
ding for some time, Didius Julianus, a rich senator, carried the point. 



70 * MODERN HISTORY. 



Part I. 



Dy offering twenty-five thousand sesterces (about six hundred and| 
twenty-five dollars) to each praetorian. 

This shameful transaction drew universal contempt upon Didius. 
Severus, commander of the Roman troops in Illyria, caused himself; 
to be proclaimed emperor by them, and suddenly departing, crossedj 
the Alps, and made his appearance in Italy, before the news of hisj 
march had arrived. As he approached Rome, Didius showed noth-; 
mg but weakness and hesitation. This unfortunate man saw him-! 
self gradually abandoned by the praetorians, betrayed by the Italic co-j 
horts, and condemned by the senate. His death, after a precarious 
reign of sixty-six days, dehvered Severus from a contemptible rival. 



SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.— A. d. 193—211. 

Two other and much more powerful competitors were yet in his 
way, Clodius Albinus and Pescennius Niger, men of great valor 
and reputation. Like Severus himself, they were, after the death 
of Pertinax, proclaimed emperors in their respective governments, 
Albinus in Great Britain, and Niger in Syria. Severus was deter- 
mined to destroy them both ; still, not to be engaged at once in two 
dangerous wars, he made first an agreement with Albinus, by 
which he granted him a sort of participation in the imperial authori- 
ty, and prepared to attack Niger. 

After a short stay in Rome, Severus departed for the East with 
numerous and well disciplined troops. Niger had on his side the 
legions of Syria and Asia Minor. From the character, firmness and 
abihty of the two rivals, a war of long duration was anticipated; it 
was however terminated in a few months by three battles, in which 
all the troops of Niger were overcome, not by Severus in person, 
who was then occupied in besieging Byzantium, but by his lieu- 
tenants. The last battle was fought near the town of Issus in Cili- 
cia, on the same spot where Alexander the Great formerly gained a 
splendid victory over the Persians. The victory of Severus was 
also complete. Niger lost twenty thousand men, and saw no other 
resource than to retire beyond the Euphrates; but being overtaken 
in his flight by some cavaliers of the victorious party, he was slain 
by them, and his head carried to Severus (a. d. 195). 

The conqueror inflicted heavy penalties on the towns which had 
embraced the party of his opponent; especially on Antioch, the capital 
of the East, and on Byzantium, which surrendered to him, only 
after a long siege and a most obstinate resistance. He deprived the 
former of its privileges; the latter he almost entirely destroyed. 



A. 0.193-211. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. 71 

Such private individuals as had been seen most devoted to the 
same cause, were also treated with great rigor ; some suffered capital 
punishment J others lost their estates, or were condemned to pay 
enormous taxes. 

Motives of policy, and the fear of rendering himself too odious, 
prevented Severus from carrying severity farther. He published an 
amnesty for the common soldiers, and would not suffer a pompous 
inscription in honor of Niger to be erased, saying it was rather fit 
that it should remain, to let the world know what an enemy he had 
conquered. The main object which he now had in view, was to 
destroy Albinus, and thus obtain exclusive possession of the throne. 
Albinus, on his part, was little satisfied with the inferior qualification 
of Caesar, and seeing himself supported by a powerful army and a 
respectable portion of the Roman senate, he pubhcly assumed the title 
of Augustus. 

This bold step was precisely what Severus desired ; his artful policy 
made him always endeavor to have appearances on his side, and per- 
mit his adversary to become the aggressor. He was returning from 
the East to Rome, when he received information of the open defec- 
tion of Albinus. Severus did not fail to improve this favorable oppor- 
tunity of inveighing against his rival, and having him declared a 
public enemy ; from that moment, the two competitors openly 
marched against each other; Severus from Mspsia, and Albinus from 
Britain. 

It appears that the intention of Albinus was to penetrate into Italy, 
and cause himself to be acknowledged in Rome. Severus, fully 
aware how essential it was for his interests to prevent the execution 
of any such design, detached some bodies of troops to guard the pas- 
sages of the Alps, and followed with all possible speed, at the head 
of the main portion of his army. He set the example of invincible 
fortitude in the greatest fatigues. No diflaculty of the roads was 
able to stop his march ; he was bare-headed, disregarded snow and 
frosts, and both by words and actions, transfused into the breasts of 
others the ardor with which he himself was animated. He was thus 
enabled to prevent the entrance of his enemy into Italy, and to come 
up with him near the city of Lyons in Gaul. 

The quarrel between these two fierce rivals was now about to be 
decided. The two armies, including at least one hundred and fifty 
thousand combatants, were equal in number, in courage, and in the 
advantages of being headed by their respective emperors. All these 
circumstances contributed to render the battle terrible, and to 
leave the victory for a long time doubtful. The left wing of 
Albinus was broken, and the fugitives were pursued to their camp ; 
but his right wing obtained at first a considerable advantage. Th& 



72 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part \. 



legionary soldiers of whom it was composed, had dug before them a 
great number of ditches, and covered them over shghlly with clay, 
so artfully that no one could perceive the snare. To draw the ene- 
my into it, they pretended to be afraid, and hurling their javelins 
from afar, immediately retreated. The stratagem was successful : the 
troops of Severus, anxious to come to a close engagement, and 
despising their adversaries, advanced without any precaution ; but 
they were stopped at once by an obstacle as formidable as it was 
unexpected. Coming to the place which was overspread with clay, 
the earth sunk under their feet, and the whole first line fell into the 
ditches. As the lines were very close, the second had no time to re- 
trace their steps, and fell upon the first. Those who followed, ter- 
rified at this, drew back hastily, and beat down their companions be- 
hind them ; so that the whole left wing of Severus was thrown into 
utter confusion. 

In this extreme danger, Severus, with the imperial guard, flew to 
the assistance of his disheartened troops. But at first, far from reme- 
dying the evil, he saw even his pra3torian soldiers scattered and cut 
in pieces, and had a horse killed under him. This served only to 
animate him the more : rallying some of the fugitives, and putting 
himself at their head, he fell, sword in hand, upon the enemy, deter- 
mined to conquer or die. His little troop, animated by his example, 
hewed down all before them, without distinction of friend or foe. 
Numbers of fugitives were thus forced to return to the charge; and 
the conquerors, who, through eagerness, had already broken their 
ranks in order to pursue their advantage, were now compelled to fight 1 
in their own defence. 

The battle was renewed with fresh fury : but the victory still re- 
mained doubtful, till Laetus, the commander of the horse of Severus, 
decided the fate of the day. He had declined engaging in the begin- 
ning of the fight, perhaps through a perfidious design to let the two 
emperors destroy each other, in order to set up afterwards for himself. 
But when he saw that fortune began to declare for Severus, being 
sensible of the danger to which his unwary inactivity exposed him 
he fell upon the flank of the enemy, whilst Severus attacked them 
vigorously in front. Unable any longer to keep their ground, they 
fled, and took shelter within the city, together with Albinus, who 
either died of his wounds, or killed himself in despair. By this com- 
plete but bloody victory, Severus was left (a, d. 197) without a com- 
petitor; having, in less than four years, destroyed three emperors, 
Didius-Julianus, Niger and Albinus. 

He made a terrible use of his prosperity, and showed himself more 
cruel and inexorable than ever. After Albinus had expired, his vio- 
lent enemy spurred his horse on the dead body, which he caused to 



A. D. I9a-2ll. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. 73 

remain exposed until it was devoured by dogs, and sent the head to 
the senate, with alarming threats against those who had followed the 
party of that unfortunate general. His wife, children and friends, all 
those who could be discovered to have been his leading partisans, 
were put to death. Many tovsrns in Gaul and Spain had to mourn 
the loss of their worthiest citizens, especially of such as were rich, in 
whom their wealth was too frequently their only crime. 

By means like these, Severus amassed immense treasures, of which 
he made use chiefly to gain the affection of the soldiery by favors and 
largesses. His return to Rome with his victorious troops, spread ter- 
ror through the city, and in a few days forty senaJ;ors fell victims to 
his revenge. 

On this occasion, Severus received a striking lesson from his 
younger son Geta, who was then only eight years old. The boy, 
having heard his father declare how he would revenge himself, 
seemed greatly: concerned. In order to quiet his apprehensions, Se- 
verus said that the persons who had been marked out for death, were 
enemies, of whom he was going to deliver him. Geta then asked 
how many there might be of those unfortunate people. Being told 
the number, he grew still more pensive, and again asked whether 
these unhappy men had any relations or friends alive ; and, as he 
was answered that most of them had several; "Alas!" rephed he, 
** there will be then more persons sorry for our victory, than will par- 
take of our joy.'' Severus was struck by a remark at once so judicious 
and humane; but the prefects of his guards urged him to execute the 
proposed slaughter, and his eldest son, Caracalla, proposed that even 
the children of their enemies should be put to death with their fathers. 
Upon which Geta, with a look of indignation, said to him : *' Dis- 
posed as you appear to be to spare the life of none, you would also 
be capable of killing your own brother.'' Words evincing extraor 
dinary sagacity, and which were afterwards too well verified. 

One of the two prefects of the guards just mentioned, was Plau- 
tian, a proud and an ambitious man, whose fate was exactly similar 
to that of Sejanus under Tiberius. Like him, he obtained great in- 
fluence, which he most shockingly abused, until, by his insolence, he 
brought about his ruin, and that of his friends and family. 

In the mean while, the Christians every where acknowledged and 
faithfully obeyed Severus. For this reason, and also from a motive 
of personal gratitude towards one of them who had cured him of a 
dangerous sickness, the emperor for some time treated them kindly. 
A mistaken policy induced him afterwards to change his conduct in 
their regard. The followers of Christ had multiplied exceedingly, in 
consequence of the long peace they had enjoyed since the reign of 
Marcus-Aurelius. The miracles which Almighty God daily wrought 
7 \ ■ ^ 



74 MODERN HISTORY. 



Parti. 



by their hands, and the spectacle of their extraordinary virtue, drew 
over to them great numbers of proselytes * " We fill," said Ter- 
tullian to them at that very time, " your cities, your towns, your 
senate and your armies ; we leave you only your temples and thea- 
tres/'t So rapid an increase threatened the downfall of idolatry. 
This was probably, together with the clamor of the heathens, the 
chief consideration which induced Severus to renew the persecution 
against the Christians. At first, permitting the magistrates to execute 
the former laws on this subject, he afterwards expressly authorized 
their conduct by a new edict issued in the tenth year of his reign 
(a. d. 202). Then the persecution became general, and countless 
numbers received the crown of martyrdom. The most illustrious of 
those martyrs were St. Irenseus, bishop of Lyons, and St. Leonides, 
the father of Origen who afterwards became so celebrated for his 
genms and learning. Being at that time but seventeen years old, 
Origen, in a moving letter, exhorted his father to die courageously for 
the faith of Christ, and he himself, through the desire of martyrdom, 
would have gone to present himself before the persecutors, had not 
his mother compelled him to remain at home by concealing his 
clothes. 

The fire of persecution raged for many years throughout the em- 
pire; but, far from destroying the Church, it served only to purify 
her, and make her shine with greater lustre. The Christians pre- 
sented themselves with courage before the tribunals, and viewed with 
calmness the racks and other instruments prepared for their torture, 
ready to meet death in its most cruel shapes. The more of them 
were immolated, the more their number increased; the sight of these 
wonderful examples of fortitude, and of the miracles which the Al- 
mighty was pleased frequently to perform on those occasions, leading 
many of the spectators, sometimes the very executioners and judges, 
to embrace the Christian religion. 

Learning also and eloquence concurred with virtue and miracles 
jn the vindication of Christianity. In order to refute polytheism, the 
holy priest Clement of Alexandria made deep researches in every 

♦ These undoubtedly, with the assistance of inward grace, were the only 
pauses of the stupendous diffusion of Christianity; and such persons as 
have, like Gibbon, attempted to prove the contrary, have proved only the 
perverseness of their own views and scepticism. Nothing short of a con- 
stant and special interposition of God could have induced men, buried as 
they were in vice and idolatry, to embrace a religion so contrary to all pas- 
sions and vices, so destitute of all human support, so violently attacked by 
all the powersof earth, by calumnies, vexations, tortures and death. Since 
Christianity Wc^s not only unaided, but even opposed by all natural and hu- 
i^an causes, inost certainly its propagation iiiiist he attributed to a cause 
. supernatural and divine. 

t TertuU. ^pQlQg, c. 37. 



4. ». 11/3-211. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, 75 

part of heatken mythology, nnd successfully used them as mighty 
weapons against its doctrines. Minutius Felix, a celebrated law- 
yer at Rome, wrote an excellent dialogue setting forth, with gj-eat 
force of reasoning and purity of style, the absurdities of idolatry and 
the excellency of the Christia-a doctrine. But the most powerful 
work published at that time was the Apologetic of Teitullian, a 
priest of Carthage : in it, he gave a deadly blow to paganism, by 
exposing its manifold errors; and victoriously refuted every calumny 
broached against the Christians, by exhibking th« purity of their 
lives, their piety towards God, their mutual charity, their love of 
their enemies, their horror for every vice, tfeeir patience and con- 
stancy in suffering all kinds of torments, even death itself, for the 
sake of virtue. This was plainly showing the injustice of the perse- 
cution which they suffered. 

Notwithstanding these and other acts of tyranny exercised by 
Severus, he is not to fee reckoned among sucii abominable princes as 
we have frequently had occasion to mention. With religious fanati- 
cism and an inflexible spirit of revenge he united many great and 
laudable qualities, viz., frugality, vigilance, fxrmness in the govern- 
ment, prudence in the management of the public revenues, assiduity 
and equity in the administration of justice, in fine, a wonderful fore- 
sight and solicitude in providing even for the future wants of the 
people. When he died, there was in the public granaries a quantity 
of wheat sufficient to support the inhabitants of the capital for seven 
years; and all Italy was supplied with oil for five years. 

The predominant characteristic of that emperor was his activity and 
warlike spirrt, and the most striking feature in his lile is to be found 
in that rapidity of conquests which rendered him almost equal to 
Julius Caesar. Besides his exploits in civil wars, be made two suc- 
cessful campaigns against the Parthians and other nations of the 
East, one aft^ the defeat of Niger, aad the other after the ruin of 
Albinus. In the latter especially, he was so often victorious as to ac- 
quire the surname of Parthicits Maxvnius. He failed only in the si^e 
of Atra, a well fortified town near the Tigris, which had also re- 
pelled Trajan; but he conquered many other towns in Assyria and 
Mesopotamia ; and in particular, secured to the Romans the posses- 
sion of the important city of Nisibis, which became the strongest bul- 
wark of the empire on that frontier. 

. The last expedition of Severus was made in the north of Great 
Britain against the Caledonians, whom he drove back to their moun- 
tains. In order to confine them within due limits, and preserve the 
Roman colonies from subsequent invasion, he raised u wall similar 
to, but more solid than the intrenchment of Adrian, and, like it, ex- 
tending from one sea to the other. Some of its ruins are yet to be 



76 MODERN HISTORY. Part L 

seen between the Friths of Forth and Clyde, and excite the astonish- 
ment of the traveller. 

As he was going one day to conclude a treaty with the barbarians, 
in presence of both armies, a sudden cry of horror was heard j Seve- 
rus turned, and beheld his eldest son, Caracalla, in the act of advanc- 
ing, sword in hand, to stab him from behind. The outcry stopped 
the arm of the unnatural son, and his father, without uttering a 
word, resumed the negotiation of the treaty. 

Having returned to his tent, he sent for Caracalla, and, in the 
presence of Papinianus and Cursor, his chief attendants, reproached 
him with his heinous crime. Then presenting him with a drawn 
swgrd, he added : "If the desire of reigning impels you to imbrue 
your hands in the blood of your father, satisfy your desire here, 
rather than in the sight of all, both friends and enemies." No other 
punishment did he inflict upon him. But neither the just reproaches 
nor the paternal indulgence of Severus produced any feeling of re- 
morse in Caracalla. On the contrary, he persisted in his detestable 
intention, and, besides requesting some of the physicians of the court 
to accelerate his father's death, diligently circulated seditious princi- 
ples among the soldiers ; insinuated, for instance, that it was a dis- 
graceful thing to obey an old man who was infirm, attacked with the 
gout, and unfit to command them any longer. Reports like these 
produced a revolt in that portion of the array, the direction of which 
his too indulgent father had confided to him. Severus, assembling 
the legions, passed sentence of capital punishment against the ac- 
complices of his son, not however against the young prince himself, 
and even, it appears, granted at this time pardon to all, at their ear- 
nest entreaties. Then addressing himself to them "with a loud voice 
and a majestic air : '" You see now,'' said he, " that it is the head 
which governs, and not the feet." 

Shortly after, he fell dangerously sick in the city of York, and the 
most painful reflections upon the atrocious conduct of Caracalla 
preying upon his mind, he felt that his days were drawing to a close. 
He then called his two sons to his bed-side, and declared his inten- 
tion of leaving the empire to be possessed by them both, exhorting 
them at the same time to mutual forbearance and concord (an advice 
which became as fruitless as it was necessary); he added that, hav- 
ing found the state in disturbance and confusion, he left it quiet and 
respected. 

Some moments before expiring, the emperor cried aloud : " I have 
been all things, and all things are nothing; and I no where found 
solid content and happiness." Having ordered the urn whicn was 
to contain his ashes to be brought to him, he addressed it m these 
terms : "Thou wilt contain him for whom the whole earth was too 



A. D. 211-222. CAHACALLA MACRINUS^ ETC. 77 

little.'^ In order to terminate more speedily his acute and increasing 
pains, he asked, it is said, for poison j but no one being willing to 
comply with his desire, he took so great a quantity of food that he 
was suffocated. This happened in his sixty-sixth year, and about 
the eighteenth of his reign (a. d. 211). He left behind him the 
reputation, not of a good, but, in many respects, a great monarch, 
and, next to Trajan, the most warlike of the Roman emperors. 
Such was the natural activity of his mind, that, even at the last 
moment of his life, he was asking whether there was any thing to 
be done. 

Making due allowance for the peculiarities necessarily occasioned 
by the difference of time, place and other circumstances, there is not 
perhaps, ia all history, a single prince who so strikingly resembles 
the great conqueror of our own age. Napoleon Bonaparte. Not that 
Napoleon was so revengeful and inexorable as Severus ; but we see in 
both the same active and warlike genius ; the same boldness in un- 
dertaking, and quickness in executing; the same talents and firmness 
in government; the same ardor for the advancement of their famihes; 
and, in fine, the same indifference for the hves of other men, when 
their own interest and ambitious views were to be promoted. 



CARACALLA— MACRINUS— HELIOGAEALUS.— A. d. 211.— 222 

The death of Severus would have caused little or no regret, had he 
not been succeeded by so great a monster as his son Caracalla, whose 
name was derived from a Gallic vestment wiiich he was fond of 
wearing. He commenced his reign by the murder of his brother 
Geta, and continued, for six years, through such a course of de- 
baucheries, cruelties and rapines, which Europe, Syria, and Egypt 
successively witnessed, as fully to deserve the name of second Cali- 
gula, which is given him by some historians. He was murdered at 
the age of twenty-nine years, by Martialis, a centurion, whom he had 
offended by an act of injustice; but the chief, though secret leader of 
the plot, was Macrinus, the commander of the imperial guards, 
whom the cruel emperor had frequently threatened with death. This 
revolution happened in the year 217, and was quickly followed by 
another. 

Macrinus experienced little difficulty in obtaining the place of Cara- 
calla; but he did not, by his government, conciliate the affection and 
esteem of the people: on the contrary, he drew upon himself the 
contempt of the troops, by concluding a disgraceful peace with the 
Parthian king, and earned their hatred, by refusing them the favors 
^ 7* 



78 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part L 



which they required. A new revolt broke out in favor of young 
Bassianus, otherwise called Heliogabalus (from his being a priest of 
the sun), who now claimed the sceptre as being a relation, by his 
mother, to the Severian family. Both parties had recourse to arms, 
and an engagement took place, which proved fatal to Macrinus : he 
was defeated, overtaken in his flight by the conquerors, and deprived 
not- only of the empire, but also of his life, after a reign of only four- 
teen months (a. d. 218). 

All the worst tyrants hitherto mentioned seemed to revive in the 
person of Heliogabalus. Never was there a more effeminate and des- 
picable, a more dissolute and wicked- prince. Every day added to 
his extravagances, and increased the public indignation. Sensible of 
the danger to which he was exposed, and unwilUng to receive death 
from any other hands than his own, he prepared silken strings and 
golden swords, for the purpose of either strangling himself or cutting 
his throat, if necessary. Moreover, a tower was built for him, sur- 
rounded by a pavement of precious stones, in order that, should he be 
obliged to precipitate himself from the top, he might at least have 
his head and limbs bruised in a splendid manner. 

All these silly precautions proved useless. Heliogabalus was slain 
in a privy by the soldiers, and the multitude seizing upon his body, 
dragged it through the streets of Rome, and threw it into the Tiber 
(A. D. 222). He had reigned nearly four years, and was succeeded 
by his cousin Alexander Severus, whose reign presents a spectacle as 
pleasing as that of his predecessor was execrable. 



ALEXANDER SEVERUS.— a. d. 222—235. 

A NATURAL inclination to virtue, fostered by an excellent education, 
rendered Alexander Severus one of the most amiable and accom- 
plished princes mentioned in the annals of the world. Justice, good- 
ness and generosity were his favorite virtues. He often repeated this 
maxim, which he had learned from the Christians : do to all men, as 
you would Jiave all men do to you; he caused it to be engraved on the 
walls of his palace, and made it the rule of his conduct. He also 
frequently paid religious homage to our Saviour, whose image he kept 
in a sort of chapel, together with those of Abraham, Orpheus, and 
other signal benefactors of humanity. This is indeed a singular col- 
lection of names; but the fact serves at least to show the happy in- 
clination of that prince to honor virtue, wherever he found it sincere 
and active. 



A. D. 222-235. ALEXANDER SEVERUS. 79 

Although Alexander was scarcely fourteen years old, when the 
sovereign power devolved upon him; his administration was truly ad-< 
mirable, almost from the beginning. For this he was partly indebted 
to the prudence of his mother Mammeea, and to a numerous counsel 
composed, by her care, of the most virtuous senators, the best officers 
in the army, and the ablest jurisconsults in the state. Aided by such 
counsellors, and urged on by his own excellent dispositions, Alexan- 
der commenced a reign worthy of being proposed as a model to all 
future sovereigns. 

The whole empire needed a thorough reformation ; but innumera- 
ble were the difficulties to be encountered in the attempt. Alexander 
was not frightened by their number and magnitude, but immediately 
set about this great work with vigor. Besides degrading and dismis- 
sing all the iniquitous judges and bad officers appointed by Helioga- 
balus, he made an exact review of all the orders of the state, of the 
senate, the knights, the tribes and the armies, expelling from them 
all bad and corrupt members. No guilty person was spared. Even 
the crimes of those connected with the emperor by the ties of con- 
sanguinity or friendship, met with condign punishment; on such oc- 
casions, he used to say that the commonwealth was dearer to him 
than his family. 

No criminal did he punish with greater severity than governors 
who oppressed the people, and judges who suffered themselves to be 
bribed. So great was his abhorrence of these persons, that, when 
he beheld any of them, he could not restrain his indignation, but 
was obliged, as Lampridius relates, to throw up bile; and his fingers, 
by a sort of natural impulse, were directed towards the face of the 
criminal, as if to tear out his eyes.* Nor did he stop at mere me- 
naces : great severity was used, in order to repress the abuse. 

He treated with no less rigor those who made an improper use of 
the favor which they enjoyed near him, and betrayed his confidence. 
A certain man, called Vetronius Turinus, who frequently approached 
the emperor, received from diflTerent persons large sums of money, 
under the false pretence that the benefits of the court were granted 
through his means; this conduct he called selling smoke. Having 
been detected in this shameful proceeding, Alexander ordered that he 
should be tied to a post, about which a fire was made of green wood, 
so that the smoke might suffocate him ; and a herald cried out during 
the execution: "The seller of smoke is punished with smoke." 

An example like this was certainly well calculated to check the evil; 
but, the more efficaciously to root it out, Alexander directed all his 
attention to a good choice of governors and of magistrates. None could 

* Lamprid. m vit. Mexandr. Sever. 



80 MODERN HISTORY. Parti 

obtain public employments, who had not first merited his esteem and 
that of the people:* it was even a maxim with him, that they who 
shunned dignities, were the most worthy of them. He highly approved 
the custom used in the Christian Church, of publicly proclaiming the 
names of those who were to be promoted to the priesthood, in order 
that any objection against them might be made known, and seriously 
examined. Alexander adopted this plan, declaring beforehand the 
names of those whom he intended to appoint governors of the pro- 
vinces. But at the same time, not to excite against them the fury of 
envy and malice, he insisted that the accusations should be of a se- 
rious nature and well proved; otherwise^ the accusers were punished 
as vile calumniators. 

With equity and justice, the young emperor united admirable cle- 
mency. Being well informed that a senator of illustrious birth, 
named Ovinius Camillus, had set on foot a plot to raise himself to 
the sovereign power, Alexander sent for him, thanked him for his 
willingness to share the troubles annexed to the crown, and began to 
treat him as his colleague. At that time, a military expedition was 
to be made against some barbarians who had revolted. Alexander 
offered the command to Camillus, and, on his refusal, with prudent 
generosity invited him to partake at least in the glory of the cam- 
paign. They started together on foot. Camillus, being soon tired, 
was advised by the emperor to take a horse for the rest of the jour- 
ney, and afterwards to make use of a carriage. These proceedings, 
so flattering in appearance, mortified him so much, that he abdicated 
his honors, and hastily returned to his country seat, where Alexan- 
der permitted him to live unmolested. 

In the conduct of this prince with regard to the troops, prudence 
and firmness, kindness and severity were admirably blended. He 
kept them under strict discipline, marched at their head, used the 
same food and clothing as themselves. However, whilst he required 
of them an exact performance of their duties, he was affable to all, 
and paid particular attention that they should not want any thing, 
especially in time of sickness. 

By these means, Alexander won the unbounded affection of the 
soldiers, who considered him as their father and brother, and ob- 

* Among the virtuous men in whom Alexander chiefly reposed his con- 
fidence, must be reckoned the celebrated historian Dion Cassius, a native 
of Nice in Bithynia, and well known at Rome for his manifold merits, 
which had raised him under the preceding emperors, to various offices of state, 
even to the consulship. By Alexander Severus he was entrusted with the 
government of many important provinces, and appointed consul a second 
time. After having travelled, and collected documents during ten years, he 
wrote a complete Roman History in eighty books, many of which are en- 
tirely lost, whilst many others are extant only in extracts and abbreviations. 



A D. ^2^—235. 



ALEXANDER SEVERUS. 81 



tained a surprising influence among them, notwithstanding his youth. 
Once particularly, being surrounded with discontented legionary sol- 
diers who expressed their displeasure on account of a punishment 
inflicted on some of their number, he endeavored first to appease 
their murmurs by exhortations and menaces. As they persisted in 
their clamors, Alexander said to them, with a tone of indignation : 
^' Citizens, retire, and leave your arms." The astounded legion laid 
down their arms, took off" the military insignia, and retired in silence. 
But, after having thus vindicated his authority, the emperor, moved 
by their supplications, received them again into favor, and ever after 
enjoyed their inviolable fidelity and attachment. 

Another important object of Alexander's care was the public trea- 
sury. He managed the revenues of the state with so much wisdom, 
that he was enabled to reduce the taxes imposed by Heliogabalus, in 
the proportion of thirty to one; and still, far from abolishing the 
usual favors granted to the soldiers and the people, he, on the con- 
trary, seemed continually occupied in bestowing benefits. Liberality 
regulated by prudence formed one of the most ^-emarkable features in 
his character. He took particular pleasure in giving to the poor, 
especially to those who, having a certain rank to support, were des- 
titute of the means of so doing, and had not fallen into distress 
through their own fault. In a word, history bears him the glorious 
testimony, that he never suffered a day to pass without performing 
some act of humanity. 

It should not then appear astonishing, that the veneration and love 
of the Romans for Alexander was carried to a sort of enthusiasm. 
Whenever he had to depart from Rome on some distant expedition, 
he was accompanied to a distance by the whole senate and all the 
people, who manifested by abundant tears, their aflTection for so good 
a prince and their grief for his departure , he himself mingling his 
tears with theirs. When he returned, he could scarcely advance 
through the streets, on account of the immense multitude of people 
that surrounded him and cried aloud, with transports of joy : "Rome 
is happy, since she sees Alexander alive." 

The chief occasion that made him leave the capital for a time, was 
an important event which had just happened in the East. By a sud- 
den revolution, the Parthian empire, which civil feuds had previously 
weakened, fell, after a duration of four hundred and fifty years, and 
the ancient Persian monarchy was re-established by a certain Artax- 
erxes, son of Sassan, and first king of the dynasty of the Sassanides 
(a. d. 226). This great change was of no advantage to the Romans, 
as the Persians gave them, for many centuries, as much trouble at 
least, as the Parthians had done before. In the very beginning of 
their new monarchy, they attacked Mesopotamia and Syria with an 



82 MODERN HISTORY. Part f. 

army of one hundred and twenty thousand horse, and seven hundred 
elephants carrying wooden towers, each containing many archers. 
However, formidable as they were, the Persians could not resist the 
intrepidity of the Roman legions commanded by their emperor in 
person ; and, after suffering considerable loss, they were compelled 
to retire. This is the most probable account given of that expedition, 
which was no sooner over, than Alexander, upon information of the 
disturbances excited by the Germans in the West, speedily returned 
to Rome, where he received the honors of a splendid triumph. 

At his departure from the East, he left a sufficient number of troops 
to prevent or repel any subsequent invasions of the enemy. These 
and other troops employed by Alexander in the Persian war, were 
not only brave in the field, but likewise so well trained by good dis- 
cipline, that in their marches and in their whole deportment they ra- 
ther resembled so many bodies of grave senators : hence every one 
highly extolled this excellent prince, for the great benefits which he 
conferred both on the armies and the subjects of the empire. 

Far more difficult, and terribly fatal in the result, was the attempt 
to establish the same good order among the legions of Gaul and Ger- 
many. Alexander had now repaired to those countries, for the pur- 
pose of driving back the Germans beyond the Rhine. Accustomed 
as some jf these legions were to disorder and licentiousness, they 
could not bear the idea of being subjected to the yoke of strict dis- 
cipline. Wherefore, by the secret direction of Maximin, one of their 
generals, they attacked the young emperor in his tent ; whilst he, 
perceiving that all resistance would be useless, covered his face with 
his cloak, and yielded himself an easy victim (a. d. 235). 

Alexander lived nearly twenty-seven years, and reigned thirteen: 
a prince, equal, if not superior, to the most renowned among the Ro- 
man emperors. Trajan, Marcus-Aurehus, and some few others, per- 
formed perhaps greater exploits, or were more successful in some re- 
spects : but we should remember that they had reached a more mature 
age, when they mounted the throne, than Alexander when he was 
precipitated from it. No greater misfortune could have befallen the 
empire, than his premature death : it was followed, during fifty years, 
by so many treasons, civil wars and other calamities, that the third 
century has derived from them the name of iron-age. Of the many 
emperors who reigned in that period until Diocletian, scarcely one 
escaped a violent death. As they were generally raised to the throne 
by the arbitrary choice of the soldiery, we will comprise most of 
them under the head of Military Usurpers. 



A. o. 235-568. MILITARY USURPERS. ' 83 



MILITARY USURPERS. —A. d. 235—268. 

As it was not known, at the time of Alexander's death, that Maxi- 
min had been its chief promoter, the whole army, through esteem 
for his natural bravery, saluted him emperor.. He was of Gothic 
extraction, a native of Thrace, and had been a shepherd before enlist- 
ing among the Roman troops. He possessed an enormous size, be- 
iag, we are told, about nine feet high, and stout in proportion : nor 
was his strength less astonishing than his stature. He could, without 
assistance, move a wagon heavily laden, and with a blow of his fist 
break the teeth or leg of a horse. Hence he was compared with 
Milo the Crotonian, Hercules, and Antaeus, those prodigies of strength 
in pagan antiquity j like them also he was an extraordinary eater and 
drinker, requiring, it is said, forty pounds of meat and seven gallons 
of wine for his daily allowance. 

This great bulk of body was accompanied in Maximin with that 
brutality which is its almost necessary appendage in an uncultivated 
mind. He was, it is true, an excellent warrior, and gained many 
bloody victories over the Germans ; but we may say without exag- 
geration that he shed still more blood throughout the empire, by per- 
secuting the Christians, whom his predecessor had on the contrary 
favored, and by putting to death numbers of persons, who either 
kn^w the meanness of his extraction, or by their eminent merits ex- 
cited his jealousy and fears. The people also suffered very much 
from his rapine and extortions. 

Having, by so many acts of tyranny, provoked universal hatred, 
Maximin was murdered by his own troops, near Aquileia, after a 
reign of three years (a. d. 238). Four competitors, whom the senate 
had opposed to him, viz., the two Gordians in Africa, and Maximus 
with Balbinus in Rome, also perished about the same time, by the 
fury of the soldiery. 

After them, Gordian the younger or the third, reigned six years. 
His youth and virtuous inclinations, his prosperous government, and 
great victories over the Persians, made him a living copy of Alexander 
Severus. He resembled him likewise in his death, being murdered 
by the orders of Philip, the prefect of his guards (a. d. 244). 

Philip reigned five years, after which he was slain in battle, whilst 
endeavoring to repress the revolt of Decius, one of his generals (a. d. 
249). He governed with prudence and courage the empire that 
he had acquired by crime, and was favorable to the Christiant;. 

Decius was on the contrary one of the most cruel enemies of 
Christianity, and the seventh general persecution, of which he was 



84 - MODERN HISTORY. Part I. 

the author, made an incredible number of martyrs. Nothing else of 
great importance is known concerning this emperor, except that, 
having undertaken a war against the Goths, which was at first sue 
cessful, he afterwards rashly entangled himself in marshy places, 
was entirely defeated, and perished with his son and nearly his whole 
army (a. d. 251). 

Gallus, a Roman general, whose treacherous advice was probably 
the cause of this disaster, remained in possession of the sovereign 
power, but kept it only one year and a half. He carried on the per- 
secution commenced by Decius, and, like him, miserably perished. 
-^Emihan, who succeeded him, was put to death by his own troops, 
after a still shorter reign of four months (a, d. 253.) 

The imperial dignity was now,,by the unanimous consent of alJ the 
orders of the state, conferred on Valerian, a venerable senator, who 
had greatly distinguished himself in inferior employments. He con- 
tinued to evince great prudence in common and easy affairs ; but for 
matters of importance, his talents and mind proved inadequate : in the 
seventh year of his reign he suffered a signal defeat from the Persians, 
and owing to his own imprudence, was taken prisoner (a. d. 260). 
King Sapor treated him with the utmost indignity. When he wished 
to get on horseback or to enter his chariot, he forced the unhappy 
emperor to bend his body and present his neck as a stirrup. Whilst 
riding, he compelled him to run by his side, though loaded with 
chains. In fine, after several years of the most ignominious and 
cruel captivity. Valerian was not only put to death, but also flayjed, 
and his skin, painted red, was suspended in a Persian temple, to 
serve as a lasting monument of the disgrace of the Romans. 

The heathens wondered at the dreadfbl fate of Valerian; but the 
Christians easily perceived in it the hand of God falling heavily upon 
a prince who, contrary to his own judgment and inchnation, had 
cruelly persecuted them. For, although he knew their fidelity, and 
was naturally good and moderate, superstition and evil advice in- 
duced him to command the eighth general persecution. It lasted 
three years and a half, and was extremely violent, especially in Afri- 
ca, where, among others, St. Cyprian, archbishop of Carthage, was 
beheaded; and in Rome, where the holy deacon St. Lawrence was 
burnt by a slow fire. Ecclesiastical historians relate of this illustrious 
martyr, that, when one side of his" body was burnt, he himself re- 
quested that the other side also should be presented to the fire ; and 
adding, after a few moments, that he was now sufficiently roasted, 
he calmly expired in the midst of his horrid torments. 

Not Valerian only, but the whole empire, so obstinately bent on 
shedding the blood of the Christians, had to undergo the punish- 
ments inflicted by divine justice. Both the capital and the provinces 



A. D. 268—270. 



CLAUDIUS II. 85 



were visited by calamities of every description. Within the space 
of a few years, not fewer than twenty pretenders* were seen exert- 
ing themselves to obtain possession of the sovereign power. The 
frontiers were attacked and the Roman territories invaded by the Per- 
sians, the Sarmatians, the Germans, the Goths and other barbarians. 
In fine, earthquakes, famine and pestilence made frightful ravages 
from one extremity of the empire to the other, and particularly in 
Rome, where the plague sometimes carried off five thousand persons 
in one day. These various calamities happened under the reign of 
Gallienus, an indolent and unworthy prince, who was killed by some 
of his officers (a. d. 268). 

So many disasters seemed to indicate the approaching downfall of 
the empire; but it was saved from destruction, and even restored to 
its ancient splendor, by a long series of great emperors, the first of 
whom^ according to the order of time, was 



CLAUDIUS II.— A. D. 268—270. 



A HAPPY union of moral, civil and mihtary acquirements, raised 
Claudius II to an equality of merit with Trajan. He incurred, it is 
true, the guilt of sharing in the murder of his predecessor; but after- 
wards, nothing appeared in him but love of justice, true patriotism 
and heroic magnanimity. Notwithstanding the shortness of his 
reign, he displayed these princely virtues on several occasions, and, 
when circumstances required, he did not hesitate to practise them 
against his own interest. Thus, when a woman came to complain 
of the wrong she had formerly sufifered from a certain officer named 
Claudius, the emperor, understanding that the allusion was to him- 
self, did not take offence at the boldness of the complaint, but pre- 
sently repaired the wrong, and, by so doing, evinced his readiness to 
sacrifice every selfish feeling to the rule of equity. ^^ 

* The cominon opinion says thirty, but it is contradicted by facts and by 
fair calculation : not more than eighteen or twenty of these pretenders can 
be found in the exact enumeration of them given by the most accurate his- 
torians, viz., Tillemont, vol. iii., note 1 on Gallienus; Cr^,vier, Hist, des 
Emp. Rom. vol. x., j:).p.355 and 441. It must also be observed that the name 
tyrant by which they are commonly designated, is not in its usual accep- 
tation, equally applicable to all; several of them having been highly com- 
mendable for their endowments and moral virtues. This name, as here, 
used, was applied to men who, having assumed the title and power of 
einperors, died without being acknowledged as such in Rome and by the 
senate. 



86 MODERN HISTORY. Parti. 

This excellent prince reigned just long enough to destroy a hostile 
fleet of two thousand sail, and an army of three hundred and twenty 
thousand Goths who had invaded Macedonia. He attacked them 
first near Naissus, in a battle w-hich lasted long and was obstinately 
disputed. The Romans gave way in several places; but at length, 
a detachment of their troops going round by roads which seemed im- 
passable, fell upon the rear and flanks of their enemies : this unex- 
pected attack decided the victory, and the Goths were forced to re- 
treat, after having lost fifty thousand men. They rallied however 
their shattered forces, and hazarded a new batde, which proved as 
disastrous as the former. Those who escaped, were closely pursued 
by Claudius ; yet such was the 'fierceness and valor of the barbarians, 
that, even in the deplorable condition to which their army was now 
reduced, they once more rallied, and rendered doubtful the event of 
the battle. Falling with desperate courage upon the Roman infan- 
try, they threw it into confusion, cut part of it into pieces, and 
would probably have completed its destruction, if the horse of Clau- 
dius, wheeling round, had not compelled their wearied troops to retire. 
The sad remnant took refuge in the passes of mount Hasmus, and 
fell victims to famine and disease. 

In the meanwhile, the Gothic fleet, after scouring the seas, re- 
turned loaded with booty to Macedonia, in order to rejoin the land 
army. But that army was already dispersed, and the arrival of the sea- 
soldiers at that fatal shore, served only to increase the disasters of their 
nation. The ships, being deprived of their defenders, were easily 
destroyed ; and the men, unable to penetrate into a country in which 
every thing opposed them, found themselves compelled to disband 
and take diff'erent directions. Most of them were slain, or carried 
off" by distempers; so that of this incredible multitude of barbarians, 
only a few stragglers escaped. 

After this exploit, one of the greatest ever performed by any Ro- 
man general or emperor, Claudius was attacked by the plague which 
had broken out among his troops, and died at Syrmium in Pannonia 
(a. d. 270). His death caused inexpressible grief among the people, 
as well as in the army. No sooner had he expired than the legions 
of Illyria chose as his successor, AureUan, one of his bravest gene- 
rals, who immediately went to Rome to take possession of the sove- 
reign authority. 



JL. D. 270 -Q75. AURELIAN. 87 



AURELIAN.— A. D. 270—275. 

Ts^K military feats of Aurelian had been great before, they were 
still more conspicuous after his accession to the throne. He began 
by checking the inroads of numerous hordes of Germans, Vandals 
and other barbarians, who had advanced so far as to invade Italy it- 
self; then after a short stay in the capital, he departed for the East, 
where the state of affairs demanded all his attention. 

A powerful monarchy had been recently founded there by the illus- 
trious queen Zenobia, a woman of distinguished abihties. Naturally 
possessed of great talents, she improved them by study and apphca- 
tion ; became perfectly acquainted with history, on which she herself 
wrote a book; and besides the Syriac, her native tongue, knew also 
the Egyptian, Greek and Latin languages, which she had learned at 
the school of the celebrated rhetorician Longinus. After the death of 
her husband Odenat, prince of Palmyra, who had been a constant 
friend and useful ally to the Romans, Zenobia took advantage of the 
many calamities of the empire, to invade its fairest provinces in Asia 
and Africa, and having formed to herself an extensive monarchy, she 
maintained her independence for five or six years with great honor 
and success. 

It was against this princess that Aurelian now directed all his efforts ; 
one year was sufficient for him to put an end to her prosperity, not- 
withstanding the many obstacles that he had to surmount. On his 
way from Rome to the East, he was obliged to fight against numerous 
bodies of barbarians who pillaged the country; his progress was also 
arrested in Asia Minor by some towns, which sided with Zenobia; 
Tyana, in particular, seemed disposed to offer a vigorous resistance. 
Aurelian, exasperated at this hindrance, swore in hi-s anger that he 
would not leave a dog alive in that audacious town; a resolution 
highly pleasing to the soldiers, who rejoiced beforehand in the hope 
of obtaining great booty. After the city was taken, the troops en- 
treated Aurelian to keep his oath. "I have sworn," replied he, *^*^not 
to leave a dog alive in Tyana: kill, then, if you will, all the dogs, 
but I forbid you to do any harm to the inhabitants." This generous 
answer, though it disappointed cupidity, obtained universal applause. 

In the meanwhile, Zenobia, with numerous troops, had come for- 
ward to oppose the further progress of Aurelian. After two actions 
which took place near Antioch, and the result of which was unfa- 
vorable to her cause, the two armies, amounting each to about 
seventy thousand men, engaged in a general battle under the walls 
of Emesa. At the first onset, the Palmyrian cavalry gained a con- 



88 MODERN HISTORY. Parti 

siderable advantage over that of the Romans: being more numerous, 
and the Romans having made a movement in order to extend their 
front and prevent themselves from being surrounded, the enemy's 
horse, which attacked them- at that very instant, easily broke their 
disordered ranks, and put them to flight. But, yielding too much to 
their ardor, the conquerors caused the rest of their army to lose the 
fruit of their good fortune, by occupying themselves exclusively in 
the pursuit of the fugitives. The Roman infantry, whose strength 
was invincible, seeing the other Palmyrian soldiers deprived of the 
assistance of their cavalry, made a vigorous attack upon them, anfl 
put them in disorder. The cavalry of the Romans, reanimated by 
the success of this attack, rallied and enabled Aurelian to gain a de- 
cisive victory. 

The enemy had suffered considerable loss. Zenobia, unable to 
keep the field any longer, shut herself up in Palmyra, her capital, 
where she was soon besieged by the Romans. Palmyra, a town fa- 
mous in antiquity, had been founded by Solomon,* and had gra- 
dually increased in prosperity and wealth, till, under Odenat and 
Zenobia, it reached a surprising degree of splendor, as its magnificent 
remains still testify. The situation of that city in the deserts of Sy- 
ria, between the Roman and Persian dominions, rendered it a very 
important place; the more so, as it was well fortified, and abundant- 
ly supplied with troops, arms and engines of war. 

By these means of defence, Zenobia sustained the siege with a 
courage proportioned to the vigor of the attack, so as to excite 
the admiration of Aurelian himself " Truly incredible,'* he said in 
a letter which he then wrote, " is the quantity of darts and stones 
which she pours upon us; she does not leave us one moment of 
rest, day or night." Unhappily for the besieged, bodies of auxiliary 
troops upon which they relied for assistance, were defeated by Aure- 
lian, and provisions began to fail in the town. In this extremity, the 
queen set out during the night, to go and implore the aid of the Per- 
sians. But the emperor, being informed of her escape, sent a de- 
tachment of cavalry, which overtook her, and made her prisoner as 
she was about to cross the Euphrates. She was immediately con- 
ducted to Aurehan, and appeared before him with an undaunted air; 
to his question, why she had been so bold as to oppose the emperors 
of Rome, this witty and skilful princess answered; ^'^ You I consider 
as a real emperor ; but GalUenus and such as resembled him, I never 
thought worthy of that title, nor could I see any reason why I should 
not maintain my power against them, and refuse to submit to thwr 
control." 

*II Paralip. viii^ 4. 



A. B. 270—275. 



AURELIAN. 89 



On the news of the capture of the queen. Palmyra surrendered, 
and being well and generously treated by the conqueror, appeared to 
him a secure conquest. However, the submission of the Palmyrians 
lasted little longer than the time of his presence among them : after 
his departure, they revolted and slaughtered the Roman garrison. As 
soon as the news of this treacherous act reached the emperor on his 
return to Rome, he hastened back with his victorious troops, took 
Palmyra a second time, and putting the inhabitants to the sword, 
reduced the town to a state of desolation equal to its former glory. 
As for Zenobia, she was led to Rome, and obtained from her con- 
queror an honorable retreat, where she spent in quiet the remainder 
of her life. 

Besides the eastern provinces, Aurelian also recovered Gaul and 
some other countries of the West, which, from the time of Galhenus, 
had been either occupied by the barbarians, or formed under their 
governors into separate states. Most of those exploits were per- 
formed with surprising rapidity (a. d. 273). 

Having thus pacified the whole empire, and restored it to its an- 
cient limits, Aurelian applied himself to establish order in every de- 
partment of the pubUc administration. He took many excellent 
measures for that purpose ; but he did not sufficiently curb the vio- 
lence of his temper which prompted him to acts of cruelty : this 
inflexible rigor, after causing the death of many, became the occasion 
of his own ruin. Suspecting Mnestheus, his secretary, of malver- 
sation, he threatened him with severe punishment ; and it was well 
known that punishment usually followed his threats. Mnestheus, 
who probably knew himself to be guilty, resolved to escape the dan- 
ger by every means in his power, even the most unlawful. For this 
end, he devised the following horrid plot; counterfeiting the emperor's 
hand-writing, which he had long practised, he drew up a proscription 
list of the principal officers of the army, and found means to bring it 
to their notice. The officers did not suspect the forgery. Alarmed 
at their supposed danger, they concerted together, and, during the 
march of the troops whom Aurelian was then leading against the 
Persians, they fell upon him at a moment when he was accompanied 
by a small guard, and despatched him with their swords, in the fifth 
year of his reign and sixty-third of his age. All his murderers were 
punished, Mnestheus first, and the others sooner or later; and though 
Aurehan was little regretted by several persons, the people and the 
army seemed to vie with each other in honoring the memory of a 
prince who, notwithstanding the short duration of his government, 
had rendered highly important services to the empire (a. d. 275). 

The Christians did not at first experience any particular rigor from 
Aurelian ; he rather seemed disposed to treat them according to the 
8* 



90 MODERN HISTORY. Part 1 

laws of equity, as he did his other subjects. But his feehngs being 
afterwards, through human considerations, changed in their regard, 
the ninth general persecution broke out, and though short, made 
many martyrs. 



INTERREGNUM— TACITUS.— A. r. 275—276. 

The death of Aurehan gave rise to an event almost unexampled in 
history, a protracted contest of mutual deference between the army 
and the senate. During the space of six or eight months, they seve- 
ral times referred to each other the election of a sovereign ; and, 
what is still more extraordinary, affairs remained perfectly quiet all 
that time. 

At last the senate, yielding to the wishes of the troops, named Taci- 
tus, one of its own members, a man of great wisdom and experience, 
and a descendant, so at least he considered himself, of the illustrious 
historian of the same name. He accepted the dangerous dignhy 
with a reluctance which appeared as unfeigned, as it was reasonable 
and just; for, notwithstanding the equity of his administration and 
the success of his exertions against the barbarians, he was after a 
very short reign, killed by a rebelhous soldiery. Some relate how- 
ever that he died of a fever. 



PROBUS.*— A. D. 276—282. 

The legions of the East now raised to the throne their commander 
Probus, a general of uncommon merit, and who, to genuine probity 
signified by his name, joined a surprising courage and greatness of 
soul. A prince of this character was peculiarly fitted for the time 
and circumstances in which he Kved. The empire was attacked on 
all sides by the barbarians : Probus defeated them all, and drove them 
back beyond the frontiers j the Germans especially felt the invincible 
strength of his arms, by the heavy losses which he inflicted on their 
nation. In a single campaign, he destroyed four hundred thousand 
of them, and those who escaped, were so much intimidated, that, for 
several years, they did not venture to renew their incursions. 

* We purposely omit mentioning in the catalogue of Roman emperors, 
Florianus, a brother ofTacitus, who took the purple and was acknowledged 
by a considerable portion of the troops, but for some weeks only. The 
same had also happened, in the beginning of the reign of Aurelian, to Quin- 
tillus, a brother of Claudius II. 



A ». 276—282. 



PROBUS. 91 



Probus resolved also to check the pride of the Persians, and march- 
ing into the East, stationed his troops upon the mountains of Arme- 
nia, from which the enemy's country was seen. Here he received 
ambassadors from the Persian king Varanes; the audience which 
they obtained, recalls to mind the plainness and magnanimity of the 
Romans of ancient times. Probus was seated on the grass, and eat- 
ing his dinner, which consisted of old peas and salt meat, when the 
Persian ambassadors arrived in his presence. *'I am,'' said he to 
them, '^^the Roman emperor; go, and tell your master, that if he 
does not, on this very day, bind himself to repair the damage which 
he has done to the Romans, he will see, before the end of the month, 
every part of his kingdom laid waste, and as bare as my head is." 
At the same time, he took off his cap, to let them see his head which 
was entirely bald. He added that, if they wished to eat, they were 
welcome to a part of his dinner ; if not, they must leave the camp 
without delay, their commission being executed. The king of Per- 
sia, alarmed at this news, hastened in person to the camp of the 
Romans, and concluded the treaty on the conditions laid down by 
the emperor. 

Not long after this, Probus, to prevent the soldiers from remaining 
idle, made them drain a marsh near Syrmium in Pannonia. They 
revolted, and killed this most excellent emperor, whose loss was seri- 
ously felt and very justly regretted by the whole empire. For, among 
all the princes that ever sat upon the throne of the Caesars, it would 
be difficult to name one superior to Probus. Though always success- 
ful in war, he had recourse to arms through necessity only, preferring 
honorable peace to military glory. As moderate perhaps as Marcus- 
Aurelius, he was more fit for war; as a general, at least equal to 
Aurelian, he was milder and more gentle in his disposition ; always 
attentive to the happiness of his subjects ; always engaged in useful 
undertakings, and in endeavoring to make the labor of his soldiers 
conducive to the advantages of peace. During his reign, a space of 
about six years, he built or repaired seventy cities, and formed a 
great number of excellent generals, several of whom successively be- 
came emperors after him, viz., Carus, Diocletian, Maximian-Hercu- 
les and Constantius-Chlorus. The empire, raised from its declining 
state by Claudius II and restored to its former glory by Aurelian, 
attained under Probus its greatest splendor; and, had not the crime 
of the soldiers shortened his days, he might have revived the fortunate 
age of Antoninus or of Augustus. 



92 MODERN HISTORY. Parti. 



CARUS AND HIS TWO SONS, CARINUS AND NUMERIAN. 

A. D, 2S2— 2S4. 



After the death of Probus in 282, Carus, the commander of the 
praetorian guard, was judged by the soldiers worthy of filling his 
place. He reigned sixteen months, during which he found sufficient 
time to overthrow the Sarmatians in a great battle, and, besides de- 
feating the Persians also on different occasions, took some of their 
principal cities, and carried terror into the very heart of their empire. 
He intended to pursue his advantage further, but was killed, accor- 
ding to common report, by a thunderbolt, whilst in his tent near the 
river Tigris. 

He left two sons, Carinus and Numerian ; the former, a profligate 
and brutal, the latter, a gentle and learned prince, and so affectionate 
to his father, that he lost his sight by weeping for the death of 
Carus. Both seemed to have mounted the throne only to be assas- 
sinated ; Numerian, by his father-in-law, whilst he was borne in a 
litter ; and Carinus, during a battle, by one of his officers. 



DIOCLETIAN AND MAXIMIAN; 

AFTERWARDS 

CONSTANTIUS-CHLORUS AND GALERIUS.— a. d. 2S4— 306. 

Diocletian had no share in the murder of his predecessors; but, 
upon the unanimous choice of the array, he wilhngly occupied their 
place, for which his high office in the army seemed to have fitted 
him. Shordy after his accession, he associated to himself in the go- 
vernment of the state, Maximian, surnamed Hercules, a greater war- 
rior than himself, though not so skilful a pohtician. Both of them 
sustained, by their victories against tlie surrounding barbarians, the 
majesty and reputation of the empire ; Great Britain, however, 
was severed from it for ten years under the skilful usurper Carausius 
and his successor Allectus. 

But the hostile tribes of Pannonia and Germany seemed to be mul- 
tiplied by their defeats, and meditated new invasions. In order to 
oppose so many enemies with greater facility and success, it was 
resolved by the two emperors, that each one of them should take an 
assistant, with the inferior title of Caesar. The choice of Maximian 
fell on Constantius-Chlorus, a man still more worthy of esteem for 
his equity, wisdom and liberality, than for his noble extraction and 
great ability in arms. He ruled with admirable prudence the portion 



-.. D. 284-306. DIOCLETIAN; ETC. 93 

of the empire allotted to him, namely, Spain, Gaul and Great Bri- 
tain, which last he reconquered. The barbarians were repulsed by 
his repeated victories, and the people .enjoyed great happiness under 
his truly paternal government ; in return, he possessed the affection 
of all, as the following anecdote, related by Eusebius, testifies.^' 

Constantius, for fear of distressing his provinces, levied so few 
taxes, that the treasury was empty. Diocletian, who was of a very 
different disposition, sent to reprove him for his neglect. Constantius 
requested the deputies to remain for some days with him, and during 
that interval, sent notice to the richest inhabitants of the provinces, that 
he was in want of money j all hastened to bring their gold and silver to 
the treasury, which was soon filled. Then Constantius requested 
the deputies to examine the money, and said to them : " All that you 
see, has long since been mine ; but I had left it in trust in the hands 
of my people." He then returned the whole to the owners ; being 
certain of obtaining the same assistance, whenever he would be in 
want, and justly persuaded that the safest treasure of a prince is the 
love of his subjects. 

The choice which Diocletian made of Galerius for his assistant in 
the East, was not so happy. This Galerius had been a cow-herd, 
and, though he afterwards passed through the usual military grades, 
he still retained too much of his origin. In his actions as well as in 
his corpulence, there was much more to inspire aversion and terror, 
than to conciliate affection and esteem.f His only talent was for 
war, and even in war he sometimes evinced greater valor than pru- 
dence : being sent by Diocletian to oppose the Persian king Narses, 
who threatened Syria with an invasion, he imprudently risked a bat- 
tle with a small number of troops, and was conquered. The em- 
peror, who liked nothing so much as prudence, was indignant at a 
defeat caused by such temerity, and when Galerius returned, wishing 
to make him feel his displeasure, he let him follow his car a con- 
siderable way on foot, though vested in purple. 

Galerius, instead of being discouraged by these affronts, conceived 
a most ardent desire of effacing the disgrace of his defeat. He suc- 
ceeded beyond expectation: with a body of twenty-five thousand 
men, he attacked the Persians in their camp, killed twenty thousand 
of their numbers, and took a great number of prisoners, with an im- 
mense booty. Narses, thus deprived of his army and resources by a 
single blow, sued for peace, which was granted him upon the cession 
of several provinces (a. d. 297). 

* Eusebius, in vitcL Constant, lib. I. c. 14. 

t Erat corpus moribus congruens, status celsus, caro ingens, et in hor- 
lendam magnitudinem diffusa et inflata. Denique et verbis, et actibus. et as- 
pectu, terrori omnibus ac formidini fuit. — Lactaniius, de morte persecut. n. ix . 



94 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part I. 



If Galerius had been humbled by his defeat, he was not less elated 
with his victory : he from that time assumed a greater share of autho- 
rity in the government, and chiefly directed his exertions against the 
Christian religion. His mother, a peevish woman and much devoted 
to the worship of her idols, had inspired him with a mortal hatred 
against the Christians, and he left nothing undone to prevail upon ! 
Diocletian to persecute them to death. The emperor, naturally mo- 
derate, for a long time rejected the cruel proposal. Galerius then had 
recourse to the calumny formerly made use of by Nero in a similar 
circumstance; by secret orders and management, he caused the im- 
perial palace at Nicom^dia to be set on fire, laid the odious deed to | 
the charge of the Christians, and the better to show his conviction of I 
their guilt, ran away with apparent fright, saying that he did not like! 
to be burnt by those enemies of both gods and emperors. i 

At length Diocletian yielded, and in the year 303, issued his edicts ' 
for the tenth general persecution, the most violent and bloody that the ; 
Church ever suffered. Racks and fires, boiling oil and melted lead, 
sharp stakes and burning pincers, in a word the most acute andj 
exquisite torments were employed against the worshippers of Christ, ; 
and in every age, rank and state of society, innumerable were the! 
victims of that frightful persecution. A particular account of its! 
enormities belongs rather to Ecclesiastical History. It suffices here 
to say, with Lactantius and Eusebius, both grave, learned and con- 
temporary historians, that the whole earth, with the exception of 
Gaul, was a prey to the fury of three wild beasts,* and that it is im- 
possible to tell how many presented themselves in every city and : 
country, as martyrs in the cause of Christ.f At Nicomedia, where 
the persecution commenced, persons of every description were put to 
death : on account of their numbers, whole companies were burned 
together, while others were cast into the sea or beheaded; many 
perished in this manner with their bishop Anthimus. At Tar- 
sus, Alexandria, Antioch, in Mesopotamia, Pontus, etc., crowds 
of Christians were likewise tortured in different ways. In Thebais, 
it frequently happened, during the course of several years, that from 
ten to a hundred persons suffered martyrdom together on the same 
day. A httle before, in the north of Italy, six thousand six hundred 
soldiers, who composed the Theban legion, chose to be butchered 
by their companions, rather than renounce their faith. In Phrygia, 
a whole town, inhabited entirely by Christians, was surrounded by a 
large body of soldiers, who set fire to it, and all the inhabhants were 
consumed in the flames, whilst invoking the name of our Saviour4 

In a word, such was the rage of the persecutors, and such the 

* Lactant. De Morte Pers. n. xvi. j Euseb. Eccles. Hist. lib. viii, c. 4. 
\ See note C. 



A. D. 284-306, DIOCLETIAN^ ETC. 95 

quantity of Christian blood spilt by them throughout the empire, 
that they impiously boasted for a time of having abolished Chris- 
tianity. But they boasted in vain; the Church of Christ stood, 
under the sword of persecution, as firm and strong as ever, whereas 
dreadful calamities began to fall on its persecutors. 

Diocletian had hitherto reigned with great glory, and with a 
superiority of political talents that conciliated to him the respect of all 
his associates in the empire j but, in the year 304, he lost his health, 
and various misfortunes harassed him and frequently disturbed his 
reason. In that state, Galerius advised, or rather compelled him by 
threats to give up the government, and to quit, together with Maxim- 
ian, the imperial purple. They did so in 305, and were thus reduced 
to the condition of private citizens ; whilst Constantius-Chlorus and 
Galerius became emperors, two new Csesars being appointed to fill 
their vacant places. 

After his resignation, Diocletian retired to Salona in Dalmatia, his 
native country, where he lived eight years longer, amusing himself in 
the culture of a small garden ; an occupation which he began to pre- 
fer to the honors of the throne. But life became burdensome to 
him, when he learned the destruction of his statues and the triumph 
of Christianity under Constantine. Lactantius relates* that, seeing 
himself despised and loaded with disgrace, he was in perpetual un- 
easiness, and could neither eat nor sleep ; he was heard to sigh and 
groan continually, frequently shed tears, and threw himself sometimes 
on his bed, sometimes on the ground. At last excessive grief and 
starvation, and perhaps poison, carried him off in the sixty-eighth 
year of his age. 

The fate of Maximian was not less wretched. He attempted two 
or three times, but in vain, to resume the sovereign power which he 
had abdicated, and even to murder his son-in-law, Constantine. 
i Being detected, he hanged himself in despair. 

The justice of God, however, no where appeared more visible than 
:ia the death of Galerius, who had been the most cruel of these bar- 
barous persecutors. He was attacked with a frightful disease; the 
same exactly which, in more ancient times, had afflicted the impious 
kings Antiochus and Herod Agrippa/for having also waged war 
against God and his servants.f An ulcer corroded and laid open his 
ivery bowels. His body became a mass of corruption, and swarmed 
with vermin: the stench infected, not only his palace, but also the 
whole neighborhood in the city of Sardica, and was intolerable even 
; to his own servants, as Eusebius testifies.^ His pains were so acute, 

||, * De mort. persec. n. 42. f 2 Macchab. ix. — Act, Apost. xii. 

jl XE,C€Us. Hist. I. VIII. c. 16. 



96 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part L 



as to wring from him the most agonizing cries ; nor could any means 
be devised to alleviate his sufferings : the horrid distemper continued 
to increase in violence, till at length it put an end to the emperor'a 
life, in the nineteenth year of his reign. 

Thus did the persecutors of Christianity disappear from the earth, 
with the evident marks of the wrath of God upon them. As Con- 
stantius-Chlorus had not imitated their example, so Ukewise he did 
not share in their disasters. If he could not easily prevent all acts of 
violence in the provinces which were under his jurisdiction, he him- 
self at least never tormented the Christians ; on the contrary, he al- 
ways manifested the most favorable dispositions in their regard. 
When the bloody edicts of Diocletian were brought to him, he feigned 
at first to be willing to put them in execution : assembUng the Chris- 
tians of his palace, he told them that they must, in compliance with 
the imperial orders, renounce either their religion, or their employ- 
ments and dignities. Some indeed were not ashamed to sacrifice 
spiritual to temporal interest; but the majority appeared fully disposed 
to lose every thing on earth for conscience' sake. Then Constantius, 
disclosing his real sentiments, dismissed the former from his service, 
saying that persons so attached to their own interests, and so treach- 
eirous to their God, would not be more faithful to their prince. But 
he kept near his person those who had continued firm in their faith, 
declaring them worthy to be intrusted with the care of his most im- 
portant concerns. 

One thing gave him much uneasiness, namely, the absence of his 
eldest son, Constantine, who having been long before sent to the 
court of Diocletian as a hostage for his father's fidelity, was unjustly 
detained there by Galerius, and charged by this wicked prince with 
a thousand perilous commissions. Constantius, informed of these 
continual dangers to which his son was exposed, most urgently so- 
licited his return; to this, at last, Galerius pretended to consent, 
by giving the young prince permission to set out on the following day 
from Nicomedia, yet resolving at the same time, to find some new 
pretext for delay. But Constantine, aware of the danger, started at 
night without the knowledge of the treacherous emperor, and travelled 
with the utmost haste, taking care to kill or disable all the post-horses 
on his road, to prevent the possibility of his being overtaken. The fol- 
lowing day, Galerius was transported with rage at the news of his es- 
cape, and ordered that he should be pursued; both his rage and order 
were equally abortive: Constantine was already beyond the reach 
of danger. 

He joined his father just in time to close the eyes of that excellent 
prince, who died at York in Great Britain (a. d. 306). Constantius 
displayed, in his last moments, the same wisdom and prudence 



A. D. 284-306. DIOCLETIAN; ETC. 97 

which had characterised his whole hfe. Instead of meeting with 
any of the catastrophes which befel the contemporary princes, he 
quietly expired in the midst of an affectionate family, having the con- 
solation to leave behind him a son perfectly worthy of being his suc- 
cessor, and who was moreover destined by Divine Providence to be 
the first emperor that should make an open profession of Chris- 
tianity, and give peace to the Church after three hundred years of 
Bufferings. 



PART II. 



FHOM THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE (A. D. 806), TO THE DOWNFALL 
OF THE ROMAN EMFIKE IN THE WEST (A. D. 476). 



/WV%/V^"*/\^WW\r\/\/WWWWWWVV 



CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.— a. d. 306—337. 

Possessed of an elevated genius, heroic valor, a noble appear 
ance, and a generous heart, Constantme seemed, from the beginning, 
well qualified to reign over the universe. For some years, however, 
his authority was confined to Britain, Spain and Gaul: the other 
provinces were yet under the sway of Galerius and his associates, 
Licinius and Maximia II; to whom must be added the son of Max- 
imian-Hercules, Maxentius, who had made himself master of Rome 
and of all Italy. 

Besides this partition of the empire, which necessarily weakened 
the forces of each emperor, the dominions of Constantine were the 
most exposed to the inroads of the German tribes, and particularly 
of the Franks. He engaged in a long struggle against them, and on 
his part conducted it with great vigor and severity, allowing no quar- 
ter, in order to force them into submission. They were checked for 
a time; and when they began to meditate new attacks, he sent against 
them his eldest son Crispus, who gained a signal victory, and joyfully 
returned through snow and ice to offer his father the homage of his 
first exploit. The Franks, after this severe lesson, remained quiet 
during the whole reign of Constantine. 

He had now to contend with more formidable enemies. Maxen- 
tius, the tyrant of Rome, a prince sullied with every vice, had de- 
clared his hostile designs against him, and was ready to support them 
by the force of arms, having one hundred and eighty-eight thousand 
warriors at his command. Constantine had scarcely half that number, 
and was moreover obliged to leave a part of his army in Gaul, to 
defend its frontiers against the barbarians. Aware of this great dis- 
parity of forces, he began to think of obtaining the assistance of 
heaven: the dreadful fate of the persecutors of Christianity had al- 
ready given him some just ideas respecting the true God whom the 



A. D. 306—337. 



CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 99 



Christians adored; that God he fervently invoked, entreating him to 
be his protector, and the Almighty heard a prayer vsrhich came from 
a sincere and an upright heart. 

As the emperor was marching with his troops into Italy, on a cer- 
tain day in the afternoon, he saw in the sky, just over the sun, the 
figure of a luminous cross, with the following inscription: (EN 
T0YT2 NIKA) In this conq.i7ER. His army, as well as himself, 
saw the splendid prodigy, which, struck all the beholders with aston- 
ishment.* Constantine was inspired to make a representation of 
that cross, and to use it as a standard in battle. He accordingly 
made the famous banner called Labarum, and being thus encouraged 
by evident marks of the divine protection, confidently commenced 
the war against Maxentius. 

He first presented himself before Suza, a strong town at the en- 
trance of Italy, took it by storm, and then advanced towards Turin. 
He found there an army waiting in good order and ready to give him 
battle; a body of horse completely armed after the manner of the 
eastern cavalry, was its principal strength. Constantine, who knew 
that these cuirassiers, confined as they were in their armor, could 
only advance, and that the least motion either backward or to either 
side was extremely diflacult for them, opened his ranks to receive 
them, and immediately his soldiers, with great clubs, struck down 
both horses and riders, and killed them all, without losing a single 
man on their side. The rest of the army of Maxentius was easily 
and completely routed. Turin received the conqueror with joy; 
Milan, soon after did the same, and the whole country on the left of 
the Po, from Turin to Brescia, willingly accepted his laws. His 
mildness greatly served to facilitate his conquests: he was not one 
of those haughty conquerors who mark their progress with terror 
and devastation; on the contrary, the cities which submitted to him 
had reason to rejoice at their good fortune, as they experienced from 
him nothing but benevolence and generosity. 

At Brescia, he was again opposed by a great body of horse ; but 
this also yielded and retreated towards Verona, where a fresh and 
numerous army had been assembled, by order of Maxentius, under 
the command of Ruricius Pompeianus, a general of great repute. 
Constantine, having safely crossed the Adige, did not hesitate to be- 
siege Verona, and successfully repelled all the attacks made to hinder 

* The miraculous apparition of the cross to Constantine is placed beyond 
the reach of reasonable doubt, by the concurring testimonies of Socrates 
the historian, Sozomen, Philostorgius, etc., but especially of Eusebius, who 
expressly declares that he had learned it fi-om the mouth of Constantine 
himself, who confirmed the assertion with his oath, — Euseb. in viid Con- 
stant, lib. I, c. 27, 28. 



100 MODERN HISTORY. Part ii, 

his approach. Ruricius fearing that the city would soon be compelled 
to surrender, secretly withdrew, and raising a new supply of troops, 
returned with them in order to fight Constantine, and force him V 
abandon the siege. The emperor was, by that means, between tb t 
city and an army of enemies coming to attack him in his camp. 1* 
this perplexing situation, he formed his plan with equal bravery ancl 
judgment, and leaving a part of his troops to continue the siege of 
Verona, marched with the rest against Ruricius. He had fewer men 
than his adversary, and was obliged to draw up his whole army in a 
single hne, in order to present a front equal to that of the enemy. 
But his prudence and valor made him a match for the foe, notwith- 
standing this disparity of numbers. No sooner had he given the sig- 
nal, than he threw himself into the thickest of the battle, with so 
little regard for his own safety, that his principal officers thought 
themselves bound to complain of it after the victory, and to entreat 
him, with tears in their eyes, not to expose his life so much in future. 

The battle having commenced late in the evening, lasted until the 
night was far spent. Ruricius was killed upon the spot ; his army was 
destroyed or dispersed; and the besieged city, having no longer any 
hope, surrendered to the conqueror. The neighboring towns follow- 
ed the example, and the whole country, as far as Rome, submitted 
to Constantine, who soon appeared at the head of his victorious 
army, in sight of that capital. 

Maxentius, who had hitherto remained in Rome, was at last pre- 
vailed upon to put himself at the head of his remaining legions. He 
accordingly marched out of the city, and set them in battle array 
along the Tiber; Constantine, on his side, when he drew near the 
enemy, arranged his troops as advantageously as possible. During 
the battle, he displayed his usual skill as a warrior and a general, 
and was so well seconded by his officers and soldiers, that the nu- 
merous troops of Maxentius were broken almost at the first onset. 
Such as resisted, were cut to pieces; the rest endeavored to cross the 
Tiber, either over a bridge or by swimming ; but the bridge being 
broken by some accident, or by the weight and multitude of the fugi- 
tives, most of them were drowned, and Maxentius also perished. 
This happened on the twenty-eighth October (a. d. 312). 

On the following day, Constantine made his solemn entry into 
Rome, where he was received with universal applause and exulta- 
tion, as the deliverer of the empire. In order to transmit to posterity 
the memory of these great events, a magnificent triumphal arch 
which is yet extant, was built at the foot of Mount Palatine, near the 
amphitheatre of Vespasian. A statue also was erected in one of the 
public places of the city, representing the conqueror with a cross in his 
hand, and bearing the following inscription, a token of his religious 



A. ». 306-337. CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 101 

gratitude : " By this salutary sign, the true mark of courage. I have 
dehvered your city from the yoke of the tyrants, and restored the 
senate and the people of Rome to their ancient splendor." 

Constantine made no other use of the great power he had ac- 
quired by his victory, than to disband the praetorians, whom he 
reduced to the rank of common soldiers, and to destroy their camp, 
which had been so frequently, since the reign of Tiberius, the seat 
of disorder and rebellion. He made no innovation in the govern- 
ment, magistracy and offices, and abrogated no laws, except such as ^ 
were useless or unjust, v. g. those against the Christians, which he 
expressly annulled by a solemn edict. Moreover, he himself began 
fjrom that time to make an open profession of Christianity, and to 
build splendid churches in honor of the true God, by whom he had 
been so visibly protected. Hence, the same year 312, which beheld 
the triumph and conversion of Constsftitine, beheld also the complete 
triumph of the Christian religion over her enemies, and may be con- 
sidered as the real epoch of the downfall of idolatry, which, without 
being persecuted, tottered to its fall, as soon as it was left to its natu- 
ral weakness. 

Towards the time when Rome and Italy were delivered from the 
tyranny of Maxentius, Asia was likewise rescued from her tyrant 
Maximin II, one of the two Csesars formerly appointed by Galerius, 
and, like him, one of the most cruel persecutors of the Church of 
Christ. Blinded by his ambition, he invaded the provinces of Lici- 
nius, but was conquered, near Byzantium, by a much smaller army 
than his own. The conquerors pursued him as far as Tarsus in 
Cilicia, where seeing himself almost in the hands of his enemy, he 
tried to shorten his life by poison. The poison instead of producing 
immediate effect, brought on a dreadful disease: he was inwardly 
burnt, with excruciating tortures : in the excess of his pains, he rolled 
himself on the ground, and roaring in a frightful manner, dashed his 
head against the walls with such violence, that his eyes started from 
their sockets ; a visible punishment of the cruelty with which he had 
caused the eyes of numbers of Christians to be put out, during the 
persecution. He expired, after several days of intolerable sufferings, 
in rage and despair. 

By his death, Licinius remained sole sovereign in the East. But 
tiicinius himself, although a skilful general, was a cruel and worth- 
less prince, an enemy to men of learning, and, in his heart, a foe to 
religion, though to please Constantine, he at first joined with him in 
publishing edicts in favor of the Christians. Believing himself in- 
jured by the proposal of his colleague for a new and more adequate 
division of the empire, he raised armies to oppose the armies of Con- 
stantine. The two emperors, each at the head of his troops, met 
9* 



102 MODERN HISTORY. Part 11. 

near Cibalis in Pannonia, where they commenced a sharp and well 
contested battle. It lasted from morning till night ; when at length 
Oonstan tine's right wing began to obtain a decided advantage, which 
led in a short time to a complete victory. Licinius finding himself 
totally defeated, fled to Syrmium, and thence to Adrianople in 
Thrace, where he hastened to raise new forces, in order to stop the 
progress of his enemy. Accordingly, another battle was fought near 
a place named Mardia. Here neither of the parties could claim the 
victory, nor could either of them be said to have been vanquished, 
though Licinius suflered more than his adversary j* but their nearly 
equal losses facilitated an accommodation. Constantine, on account 
of his previous success and greater actual resources, dictated the terms 
of the treaty, and obtained a considerable increase of his dominions 
(a. d. 314). 

This treaty, though greatly disadvantageous to Licinius, was not, 
like most treaties of the same kind, of short duration. It lasted eight 
years, during which the empire was enabled to recover from the con- 
tinual shocks and disturbances it had suffered ever since the 
death of Constantius-Chlorus. But, in the year 323, hostilities were 
again provoked by Licinius. Constantine, ever quick and active, 
immediately entered his enemy's territory, and went in search of 
him, with an army of one hundred and twenty thousand foot and ten 
thousand horse. The troops of Licinius amounted to one hundred 
and fifty thousand infantry and fifteen thousand cavalry. He had, 
besides, a powerful fleet consisting of three hundred and fifty galleys, 
to which Constantine could only oppose two hundred galleys, under 
the command of his son Crispus. 

The two land armies came in sight of each other near Adrianople, 
but were still separated by the river Hebrus. Licinius, being advan- 
tageously posted upon an eminence, kept himself on the defensive. 
Constantine earnestly desired to attack him, and as the river was an 
obstacle, his warlike ardor, which could not bear a state of inactivity, 
made him contrive a stratagem to surprise the enemy. He ordered 
a quantity of wood to be cut, and cables to be prepared, as if he in- 
tended to throw a bridge over the Hebrus, and whilst the men of 
Licinius were trying to impede the progress of this work, Constan- 
tine, with a small detachment, went higher up the river, to a place 
where he knew it to be fordable, and crossing it at the head of some 
horsemen, was soon after followed by his whole army. Licinius, 
thus unexpectedly attacked, and unable to retreat, was forced to fight. 
A great part of his troops made but little resistance : they were dis- 

* This was, during the long reign of Constantine, the only battle in which 
he was not completely victorious. 



. D.306-337. CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 103 

twQcerted by the success of the enemy in passing- the river, whilst 
the troops of Constantine were elated with the hope of victory. The 
event justified the fears of one party, and the expectations of the 
other. The army of Licinius was completely defeated, and his camp 
forced and taken; he himself fled with all possible speed to Byzan- 
tium, leaving thirty-three thousand of his men on the field of battle, 
the rest having scattered themselves through the neighoring woods 
and mountains. During the following days, all these vanquished 
fugitives surrendered, and were kindly received. 

Constantine pursued Licinius, and blocked him up by land in By- 
zantium. In the meanwhile, two naval battles were fought on the 
narrow seas between Europe and Asia, in which Crisp us., though 
much inferior in forces, so well availed himself first of the narrow- 
ness of the strait, and then of a strong and favorable wind, that the 
enemy's fleet was almost entirely destroyed. This enabled the vic- 
torious fleet of Constantine to advance towards Byzantium and to 
blockade it by sea, as it was already besieged by land. Licinius, 
aware of the imminent danger that threatened him, tied to Chalcedon 
on the opposite shore, not despairing of being still able to raise a suf- 
ficient force to try his fortune again. 

He was thus far successful in his plan ] for we find him at the head 
of one hundred and thirty thousand men, when his adversary, hke- 
wise crossing the strait, overtook him on the other side. The armies 
engaged near Chrysopolis, a suburb of Chalcedon ; and Licinius, in 
spite of all his efforts, experienced a new and signal overthrow. One 
hundred thousand of his men were either killed or taken prisoners, 
the rest dispersed, and he himself, seeing his party entirely ruined, 
consented to surrender (a. d. 323). He obtained leave to retire to 
Thessalonica, but shortly after was put to death, with his son and his 
chief general, either because he meditated new disturbances, or for 
)ther pohtical reasons on the part of Constantine, who perhaps did 
not m this transaction sufficiently consult the natural generosity of 
Ais heart. 

The other partisans of Licinius received much better treatment 
from the conqueror, being left by him in the full possession of then 
estates and dignities. This clemency, not less than the perfect ability 
with which he had conducted the war, subdued to his power all the 
provinces of the East, and he was now acknowledged, without fur- 
ther obstacle, in the whole empire. Being thus free from the occu- 
pations and tumults of warfare, he apphed himself to repair the evils 
of past disturbances by the advantages of a profound and lasting 
peace. He enacted a variety of excellent laws, some in favor of poor 
laborers, children, orphans, widows, prisoners and slaves; others 
against iniquitous judges and governors, in a word, against all the 



104 M01>ER:Pf HISTORY. 



n 



Part IV 



oppressors of his people. In a rescript which he addressed to all the 
subjects of the empire, he thus expressed himself: '^If any one, of 
what rank and condition soever he may be, is confident that he can 
plainly and manifestly prove any injustice done to him by those who 
exercise authority in my name, let him apply to me personally ; I 
will myself hear him ; I will take cognizance of the cause ; and if 
I find his allegations true, I will severely punish the man who shall 
have deceived me by a false appearance of integrity. So may the 
Almighty always favor and protect me, and keep the republic safe 
and flourishing." 

Such were the admirable views of Constantine with regard to the 
civil administration. He likewise applied himself with great care to 
maintain good order among the troops, and his zeal was crowned 
with success. It is remarkable that in the great number of civil wars 
in which he was engaged, no sedition, no revolt happened in his ar- 
mies. He owed the lasting tranquility he enjoyed in this respect, 
to his great qualities which commanded the esteem and admiration 
of his officers and soldiers, and to his behavior towards them, which 
was properly tempered with indulgence and resolution. 

Like all other great princes of every age and country, Constantine 
loved and patronized letters. He himself cultivated them, and en- 
deavored to procure the same advantage to his sons, Crispus, Con- 
stantine, Constantius and Constans, giving them all an education 
suitable to their birth, and to the high rank to which they were des- 
tined. Besides choosing for them excellent masters in every depart- 
ment of literature, he himself was their first master, instructing them 
in Christian piety, in the science of government, and in mihtary ex- 
ercises. He taught them early the necessity and pleasure of doing 
good, by employing their tender hands, as soon as they could write, 
in signing gratuities and rewards. 

This great and good prince was particularly solicitous to make 
Christianity flourish. Nothing afforded him more pleasure than to 
learn its daily progress, and he himself contributed towards its ad- 
vancement by his exhortation and example. Whilst he gloried in 
openly professing that holy religion, he invited by an edict all his 
subjects, without however forcing any one, to renounce their old su- 
perstitions, and embrace the true faith which Almighty God had 
manifested to the whole world in so signal a manner. The zealous 
emperor endeavored also by letters to inspire Sapor II, king of Persia, 
with favorable dispositions towards the Christians of his kingdom ; 
and not being able to succeed in this, he granted a safe and honorable 
retreat to those who were compelled to fly from the persecution raging 
in their country. In fine, it was through his protection that the first 
general council of the Church was convened and celebrated at Nice, 



A. D. 308-337. CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. 105 

in Bithynia (a. d. 325). In this venerable assembly, three hundred 
and eighteen bishops, together with the legates of Pope St. Sylvester, 
condemned the Arian heresy with its author Arius, who, contrary to 
the Scriptures and to the belief of preceding ages, denied the divinity 
of Christ. 

Until about that time, Constantine had reigned with such wisdom 
and happiness as to have rendered himself equal, perhaps superior, to 
the most accomplished and celebrated princes. But in the last twelve 
years of his life, he tarnished in some degree the great glory which 
he had previously acquired. An excessive goodness made him leave 
unpunished the bad practices of many among ihe magistrates and 
other public officers ; this gave rise to a greater number of vexations 
and miseries among the people. He also too easily gave credit to 
crafty and hypocritical persons, who abused his confidence, and in- 
duced him to banish, or exclude from favor, some of the most worthy 
men of the empire. His greatest fault was towards his own son 
Crispus, a young prince of uncommon merit; the emperor was so 
far deceived by an artful calumny, as to believe him guilty of an 
atrocious design, and, in the first moment of his indignation, caused 
him to be put to death. He soon perceived the calumny, and se- 
verely punished its authors ; too late however for the unfortimate 
Crispus, whose hasty execution he could but bitterly lament. 

Constantine is likewise reproached with some faults in his govern- 
ment and political views, chiefly with having disunited the empire 
by the foundation of a second capital. How far this can be just mat- 
ter of reproach, it is difficult to determine: the emperor's intention 
seems to have been pure, and worthy of a Christian prince. Wish- 
ing to make his residence in a place entirely purged from the remains 
Df idolatry, and being exceedingly pleased with the situation of By- 
zantium in Thrace, he built on that spot a magnificent city, called 
from his name Constantinople, and from that time established in it 
the principal seat of the empire (a. d. 330). 

The faults of Constantine, though real stains on his memory, must 
not however destroy the esteem and admiration due to his eminent 
qualities. Activity, application to affiiirs, piety and benevolence 
always shone conspicuous in him.* His alms to the poor and to all 

* Pagan WTiters themselves bear testimony to the virtues of Constantine. 
Libanius asserts (orat. Bd) that he was always engaged in contriving or 
executing some great design for the public utility. Eutropius, in his Roman 
hist. lib.~x. writes of him thus : " Vir primo imperii tempore optimis principi- 
biis, ultimo mediis comparandus ; innumerse in eo animi corporisque virtutes 
claruerunt." The same, in substance, is said by Praxagoras, Aurelius Vic- 
tor, and others, whose testimonies, not being liable to any charge of party 
prepossession, are by far preferable to the invectives of the angry Zozimus 
and of Julian the Apostate, both of them the worthy predecessors of our 
modern infidels, in their haired against a prince who was the constant pro- 
tector of Christianity. 



106 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part II. 



persons in distress, were immense; his inclination to forgive injuries, 
was wonderful. In a sedition which happened in Egypt, probably at 
Alexandria, the mutinous populace insulted the statues of the empe- 
ror j the courtiers, in order to aggravate the crime of the seditious, 
represented that their rage had gone so far as to throw stones at the 
face of their prince, which still bore the marks of so foul an outrage. 
Upon this, Constantine, with a smile, put his hands to his fac^e, and 
mildly answered : ''I do not feel any hurt;" thus refuting the exagge- 
rated charge of the courtiers, and reducing them to silence by a mag- 
nanimous reply which will never be forgotten by posterity. The em- 
peror acted consistently with his principles. Pitying the frenzy of 
those who had been guilty of such disrespect, he contented himself 
with taking proper measures to prevent the like disorders in future. 

This indulgence and goodness of Constantine for his people, 
gained him the affection of all; whilst his greatness and glory at- 
tracted the respect, not only of the Romans, but even of all the 
neighboring nations. His palace was crowded with ambassadors 
from the Germans, the Goths, the Sarmatians, the Persians, the In- 
dians, the Ethiopians, and other distant nations, as different from 
each other in their features and complexion, as in their dress and or- 
naments, but all filled with sentiments of deep veneration for the em- 
peror. According to the difference of their countries and climes, 
they brought him a great variety of presents, such as crowns of 
gold, diadems enriched with precious stones, arms of a particular 
kind, animals unknown in Europe, etc. Constantine graciously re- 
ceived their presents, and in return made them others of much 
greater value. Many of these foreigners were so much struck at the 
splendor of his court, so delighted with his noble and affable beha- 
vior, and conceived such an esteem for his virtue, in proportion as 
they became better acquainted with him, that, forgetting their own 
country, they attached themselves to the service of so great and so 
excellent a prince. 

The glory of arms contributed to crown the splendor of his 
latter years. He had already, during the interval of his wars against 
Licinius, defeated the Goths and the Sarmatians in many battles ; 
but, that first lesson not having sufficiently subdued their restless 
spirit, upon their renewing the hostilities in the year 332, he again 1 
so signally defeated those fierce nations, that they were obliged to sue 
for peace, and" to give hostages. In fine, he showed the same reso- 
lution against the Persians who had lately attacked Mesopotamia : 
though much advanced in age, he prepared to march against them, 
and the mere terror of his name made them retire beyond the Tigris. 

Shortly after, Constantine fell dangerously ill, and having pre- 
pared himself for death by an increase of piety, departed this life, on 



4. D. 337-361. CONSTANTIUS; ETC. 107 

the 22d of May (a . d. 337), at the age of nearly sixty-four, after a 
glorious reign of thirty-one years, the longest since that of Augustus. 
The splendor of his military, political and religious achievements, 
gained him the surname of Great which posterity has confirmed. 
No grief was ever more universal, more sincere, and more strongly 
expressed, than that occasioned by his death. No sooner was the 
melancholy event made known, than his guards rent their garments, 
and in the excess of their sorrow, struck their heads and fell to the 
ground, calling him with lamentable sobs and cries their beloved 
master, sovereign and father. The tribunes, the centurions, and the 
soldiers seemed unwilling to survive a prince, whose liberality they 
had constantly experienced, whose heroic valor they had so fre- 
quently admired on the field of battle. The inhabitants of Nicomedia 
ran confusedly through the streets, sighing and weeping; it seemed 
as if each family had lost the best of parents. In a word, all the em- 
pire, and Rome itself, which he had left for another residence, were 
plunged in the deepest affliction ; and so dear to all was. the memory 
of their deceased sovereign, that both the people of this capital, and 
the many legions scattered through the provinces, unanimously re- 
solved, without the possibility of common deliberation, to acknow- 
ledge none as emperors, except the sons of Constantine. 



CONSTANTIUS AM) HIS BROTHERS COTSTSTANTINE II AND 
CONSTANS.— A. D. 837—361. 



The three brothers divided the empire among themselves, in the fol- 
lowing manner: Gaul, Britain and Spain were allotted to Constantine, 
who was the eldest; Italy, Illyria and Africa, to Constans, wno was 
the youngest ; and the provinces of the East, to Constantius. It might 
seem that every thing had been settled to their common satisfaction; 
however, Constantine remained only a short time contented with his 
department. After several useless complaints, he endeavored to en- 
croach upon the territories of Constans, but perished in the attempt, 
being slain in ambuscade near Aquileia, (a. d. 340). Constans then 
seized the estates of the vanquished, and added them to his own. 

Constantius took no share in the quarrels of his brothers. Being 
moderate and humane by nature, but weak, suspicious, jealous, even 
cruel through ambition,* and always surrounded by evil counsellors, 
who knew how to conceal their wickedness under the mask of vir- 
tue, he made it his chief occupation to disturb the Church in favor 

* He is commonly thought to have connived at the murder of his uncle.s 
and nearly all his cousins, which, under pretence of zeal, was perpetrated 



108 MODERN HISTORY. Pa,t n. 

of the Arians, and obstinately to persecute the great St. Athanasius, 
patriarch of Alexandria, and the other defenders of the Nicene faith. 
However, he was also engaged for many years, in opposing the re- 
peated attacks of the Persians, and this he did with very little ability 
and success ; yet, the enemy did not gain any decisive advantage, 
and having three times assaulted the city of Nisibis, was as many 
times repelled with considerable loss. 

Another revolution in the West soon attracted the attention of 
Constantius. In the year 350, his brother Constans fell a victim to a 
conspiracy artfully contrived by a certain Magnentius, who com- 
manded some troops in Gaul, and pretended to reign in his place. 
At the first news of this disastrous event, Constantius hastened from 
the East to punish the usurper, who, on his side, had made exten- 
sive preparations to repel the attack. The famous battle of Mursa 
which cost the lives of sixty thousand men, decided the contest in 
favor of Constantius. After extraordinary exertions made by both 
parties, the troops of Magnentius were completely routed, and either 
destroyed by the cavalry of Constantius, or precipitated into the river 
Drave. In this distress, Magnentius, seeing himself on the point of 
falling into the hands of the enemy, cast off the imperial insignia, 
took the horse and garments of a common soldier, and fled in lull 
speed across the Alps, until he arrived at Aquileia. After a short 
stay there, he retired to Lyons in Gaul, where he tried the chance of 
another battle, but was again defeated. At length, finding himself 
abandoned by his own troops, he put his family to the sword, and 
then killed himself, after an usurped reign of three years (a. d. 353). 

Thus all the parts of the empire were again united under the 
same sovereign. But such a burden was too heavy for Constantius, 
and he himself being sensible how much he stood in need of an as- 
sistant, made choice, for this purpose, of his cousin Julian, who had, 
on account of his tender age, been spared in the massacre of his 
family. He conferred on him the title of Csesar, and sent him to de- 
fend the frontiers near the 'Rnme against the inroads of the Germans. 
After having freed himself from the cares of war, ne applied more than 
ever to his favorite occupation of promoting the cause of Arianisra. 
By his orders, the orthodox bishops were driven from their sees, ba- 
nished, imprisoned, and compelled by threats and ill-treatment to sign 
ambiguous formulas which might afterwards be made subservient to 
a confirmation of the heresy. But neither artifice nor violence could 
make Arianism prevail in the Church, and even in the midst of the 

by the soldiers in the beginning of his reign. His brothers, on the contrary, 
do not appear to have in any way participated in the odious and cruel deed, 
nor was it ever laid to their charge. 



A. D. 361—363. 



JULIAN. 109 



storm, the far greater number of both, the pastors aad the faithful al- 
ways closely adhered to the profession of the true faith, as is attested 
by St. Athanasius,* Sulpitius-Severus,f and others. 

Whilst Constantius disturbed the whole Christian flock, Julian was 
discharging his duties and fulfilling his perilous commission in Gaul 
with great success. This prince, who afterwards deserved the sur- 
name of Apostate, at first displayed only great qualities. His princi- 
pal care was to re-establish good order in the provinces, and discipline 
in the armies. Attacked by numerous hordes of Alemanni and 
Franks, he not only delivered the country from their invasion, but 
entirely defeated seven of their kings in a great battle near Strasburg, 
pursued them beyond the Rhine, and subdued them by repealed 
victories. 

The emperor became jealous and alarmed at the. increasing glory 
of the young Csesar; and, being moreover attacked anew by the Per- 
sians, he thought it a proper opportunity to deprive JuHan of a con- 
siderable portion of his troops. Accordingly, some legions were 
commanded to depart from Gaul into Asia. This order caused gene- 
ral discontent, both among the soldiers, and the inliabitants who en- 
treated them not to abandon a country which they had so well de- 
fended ; at last, the troops revolted, and proclaimed Julian emperor. 
With real or feigned reluctance, he accepted the title offered him by 
the soldiers, took the diadem, and not being able to settle his differ- 
ence with Constantius in a peaceful manner, advanced as far as Sir- 
mium to tight against that prince, who after all had been his bene- 
factor as well as sovereign. Fortunately for his cause, the death of 
Constantius, which happened just at that time (November 361), de- 
livered him from his perplexing position, and preserved the empire 
from the horrors of a new civil war. 



JULIAN.— A. D. 361— 3G3. 

Julian now proceeded without opposition to Constantinople, 
where he was immediately acknowledged emperor, as well as in all 
,the provinces. The beginning of his reign was remarkable for the 
ardor with which he affected to redress the abuses of the late govern 
ment; and it cannot be denied that he greatly improved, in a short 
time, many parts of the civil and military administration. But ii] 
this prince, good was always attended with evil. He aimed at noth 
ing so much as the restoration of the worship of idols, and the d(^ 



* S. Athan. Epist. ad Jovianum Imper. n. 2. 
•\ Sulp. Sever, hlsi. sacr. lib. ji, passim. 
10 



no MOBEKN HISTORY. Tajt (I. 

stmction of the religion of Christ, which he had already publicly [ 
renounced. He pursued this two-fold object with incessant and un- I 
abated activity ; though he endeavored to effect it more by dissimu- i 
iation and artful measures, than by open, force and violence. Whdst | 
all favors were lavished on a crowd of miserable sophists and magi- j 
cians by whom he was constantly surrounded, the Christians expe- 
rienced nothing from him but contempt, vexations and disgrace. On 
all occasions he loaded them with insult, and openly violated in their ! 
regard the most common laws of equity j excluding them from the 
rights of citizens, and from fair trial in the courts of justice j forbid- 
ding them to teach and to be taught in the schools j not admitting any 
one to offices of trust and authority ; continually endeavoring to make 
apostates ; and, notwithstanding his feigned moderation, often giving I 
secret orders to put to death those on whom other means of seduc- | 
tion had produced no efiect. I 

Julian desired above all things to bring the charge of imposture on | 
the predictions of our Saviour* and of the prophet Danielf concern- i 
ing the entire and irreparable desolation of the temple of Jerusalem. | 
Nearly three hundred years after it had been destroyed under Vespa- 1 
sian and Titus, he undertook to raise it from its ruins. Although the | 
Jews had no great share in his affection, he invited them, by a flat- 
tering letter, to concur in the enterprise; and, uniting effects with 
promises, he sent a great number of workmen to Jerusalem, ordered 
his treasurers to furnish money and every thing necessary for the re- : 
building of the temple, and appointed one of his confidential officers, I 
named Alypius, to enforce the execution of his orders. 

The news was no sooner spread abroad, than the Jews, elated with i 
joy, flocked from all parts to Jerusalem. Immense quantities of ! 
stone, brick, timber and other materials were prepared for the impor- 
tant work. When every thing was in readiness, the workmen began 
to clear the ground, to dig up the earth, and to remove the old foun- 
dations; Jews of all ranks, young and old, women and children, 
shared in the labor, with so much eargerness, that some made use 
of silver pickaxes and spades, in honor of the undertaking. St. Cyril, 
bishop of Jerusalem, beheld these mighty preparations without anx- 
iety. Full of confidence in the divine predictions, he said that the 
Jews, far from being able to rebuild their temple, would, on the con-* 
trary, fully verify the prophecy of Christ, by entirely removing the 
former foundations which still subsisted, and thus be instrumental in 
the literal fulfilment of what our Saviour had foretold, that of all this 
splendid temple there should not be left a stone upon a stone. 

The trenches were now open, the new foundations were ready to 
he laid next morning, and the Jews already began to triumph ; whea 
* Matt, xxiv, 2. t Dan. ix, 27. 



A. D. 361—363. 



JULIAlSTo ill 



during the night, a sudden earthquake destroyed the trenches, over- 
turned the adjacent buildings, and buried many workmen under the 
ruins : at the same time, the prodigious heaps of lime, sand and 
other materials which had been prepared, were scattered by whirl- 
winds. This first obstacle astonished the Jews, but did not conquer 
their obstinacy; and they again set to work, under the direction of 
Alypius. At this moment, from the bowels of the earth, near the 
foundation, there burst forth a flaming torrent and balls of fire, which 
dislodged the stones, melted the iron instruments, burned the work- 
men, and afterwards, running through the place and amidst the mul- 
tiiude of spectators, consumed or sufibcated the Jews, whom the 
avenging element singled out with a sort of instinct. This awful 
prodigy was often repeated, and what showed more and more visibly 
the supernatural intervention of the divine power, was that the fire 
reappeared whenever the work was resumed, and ceased only when 
the attempt was entirely given over. 

There is not in all history a fact more certain and incontestible than 
this, as it happened, to use the words of an illustrious historian,* in 
the presence of the whole world, and was equally attested by Chris- 
tians, Jews and Gentiles.f Many among the witnesses of this pro- 
digious event, whether Jews or Heathens, confessed the divinity of 
Christ, and asked for baptism. The unhappy Julian, on the contrary, 
still continued blind and hardened in the midst of so much light, and 
now directed his principal thoughts to another object. 

He had been, all this while, making preparations for war, in order 
to avenge the many insults offered to the empire by Sapor, its inve- 
terate enemy. This Sapor is famous among the Persian kings, for 
his warlike disposition, violence and cruelties, during a reign of 
seventy years: he had lately overrun that part of Mesopotamia which 
belonged to the Romans, and destroyed the important city of Amide. 
Julian resolved, not only to drive him from his frontiers, but also to 
subdue the whole Persian monarchy, and then, like Alexander the 
Great, to proceed to the conquest of India. 

With this view, he crossed the Euphrates at the head of sixty 
five thousand men, and marched through Carraj in Mesopotamia, a 
spot rendered famous by the defeat of Crassus. He also visited the 
sepulchre of Gordian III, who had been murdered at the end of a 
glorious expedition against the same Persians. Thence, the Romans 
followed the course of the river, taking by storm and firing such cities 
as offered any resistance ; a numerous fleet, loaded with provisions, 
accompanied the army. 

* Lebeau. hist, du Bas Empire, ad ann. 363. voL iii, p. 264. 
t See Note D. 



112 MODERN HISTORY. Pan II. 

At a short distance from the royal city of Ctesiphon, Julian dis- 
covered the vestiges of an ancient canal, which had been dug by the 
Babylonian kings, to unite the Euphrates and the Tigris, but which 
was now filled up, and could scarcely be distinguished from the 
other parts of the plain. The emperor caused it to be cleared, and 
the fleet following the current of the water, easily passed from the 
Euphrates into the Tigris. After a short stay, the whole army 
crossed the Tigris itself, in spite of numerous bands of Persians 
who, from the other side of the river, vigorously opposed the passage, 
but who, not being able to resist long the impetu:ous shocli of the 
Roman legions, were completely routed. The success of the day 
was owing chiefly to the intrepidity, firmness and presence of mind 
of Julian. 

He did not however attempt to besiege Ctesiphon, for fear both of 
spending too much time in this undertaking, and of being himself 
shut up between that town and a formidable army conducted by Sa- 
por, which was daily approaching. He then resolved to follow up 
the Tigris, until he should reach the confines of Armenia; but a spe- 
cious advice, given him by a Persian deserter whose fidelity he did not 
suspect, made him again alter his plan. Under the pretence that the 
fleet would be scarcely able, even with extraordinary exertions, to 
overcome the rapidity of the current, he gave orders, notwithstanding 
the objection of the whole army, that the vessels should be set on 
fire ; he then left the banks of the Tigris, the more quickly to pene- 
trate into the heart of the enemy's country, and carried his impru- 
dence so far as to continue for several days in the the way which 
his perfidious guide pointed out to him, even after the treason was 
detected. 

The anny first advanced through a rich and fertile country, but 
soon found itself in the midst of vast plains where every thing had 
been purposely destroyed and burnt by the Persians. The troops of 
Sapor then appeared, and, thinking the occasion proper for battle, 
attacked th^ Romans. The latter indeed remained victorious ; but 
they had now to struggle against more dangerous enemies, namely, 
fatigue, anxiety and famine. The dangers of the march increased 
every day; and, to complete their misfortune, they lost just at that 
time the man who alone could have saved them without dishonor, 
and have repaired his own imprudence by the natural resources of 
his genius. In a battle fought on the twenty-sixth of June (363), 
Julian, having exposed himself without a cuirass, had his liver 
pierced with a dart thrown by an unknown hand. He was carried 
back to his tent almost senseless, and, notwithstanding the cares of 
his physicians, expired the following night, at the age of thirty-one, 
after a reign of nearly two years. According to some, he died with 



D. 363—364. 



JOVIAN. 113 



great apparent composure and tranquillity ; but others* relate that, 
when he felt himself mortally wounded, he threw a handful of his 
blood towards heaven, uttering these blasphemous words against 
Christ : " Thou hast conquered, O Galilean ;" and that he likewise 
upbraided his own gods, charging them with ingratitude in his regard. 

It would be impossible to give a precise outline of Julian's charac- 
ter. It was a most singular compound of some good and many bad 
qualities, moderation and malice, love of justice and blind hatred, 
courage and temerity. He united a cultivated genius with a bigoted 
mind -, he was a slave to vanity and credulity, superstitiously attached 
to the meanest, and perhaps also, after he became a public apostate 
to the most abominable practices of idolatry : for we are told by some 
grave authorsf that, besides an incredible number of animals, he like- 
wise sacrificed human victims, for the purpose of discovering future 
events by an examination of their palpitating entrails. In a v/ord, 
his defects were real, his virtues more apparent than sincere, his 
talents more brilliant than solid. 

The only genuine qualities perhaps that Julian possessed, were his 
intrepidity in war and the talent he had to transform his soldiers into 
heroes. King Sapor did not cease to tremble for the safety of his 
crown, till he received the intelhgence of the emperor's death. He 
manifested the greatest joy on being apprized of it, and wished to re- 
ward the soldier by whom Julian had been wounded j but no one pre- 
sented himself to receive the recompense. 



JOVIAN— A. D. 363—364. 

Most distressing was the situation to which the Romans were now 
reduced in the midst of an hostile country, without food and deprived of 
their leader. The chief officers assembled to appoint a successor to 
Julian, and, upon the refusal of Sallust, prefect of the East, Jovian, 
one of the commanders in the imperied guard, was proclaimed emperor. 
After a slow and painful march for several days, he concluded with 
the Persians a disadvantageous treaty of peace; a step deemed neces- 
sary to save the army from starvation, but disgraceful to the empire, 
which lost, by tliis means, five provinces and the best towns of Me- 
sopotamia. Such was the result of Julian's imprudence and temerity. 

Although the Romans, in their retreat, were no longer interrupted 
by the enemy, still they encountered many dangers, especially when 
they undertook to recross the Tigris ; and their march continued diffi- 

* Theodoret, Sozomen, etc. 

t Especially Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. lib. ni, c. 21. 

10* '€$''■ 



114 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part II. 



cult and harassing, until they reached their own territory. Jovian, 
on his arrival at Antioch, immediately turned his attention to the go- 
vernment of the state, and the restoration of peace to the Church. He 
had, even during the storms of the two preceding reigns, always 
adhered to the orthodox faith, and anxious to maintain it in others, he 
labored to heal the wounds inflicted by Julian on Christianity in gene- 
ral, and by Constantius on the Catholics. His excellent intentions 
and many good qualities, though less dazzling than those of Julian, 
promised a prosperous reign ; but, having set out from Antioch in the 
dead of winter, he was found lifeless in his room (February 364), 
before he could reach Constantinople. The cause of his death was 
never ascertained ; but the most common opinion is that he inhaled 
the fumes of charcoal. Jovian had lived thirty-three years, and 
reigned eisht months. 



VALENTINIAN AND VALENS— a. d. 364-378. 

The army set about a new election, and proclaimed emperor, Va- 
lentinian, an officer of distinguished merit. His noble size and fea- 
tures gave him a warlike and majestic appearance j he was renowned 
for prudence, valor, learning, sincere attachment to religion and great 
love of justice. Pure in his morals, grave in his deportment, he 
spoke little, but always with great judgment and natural eloquence. 
Unhappily, these truly valuable qualities of body and mind were tar- 
nished in him by some notable defects, such as violence of temper 
and excessive severity, whence finally arose the painful accident 
which terminated his life. 

Valentinian had no sooner assumed the purple, than he associated 
to himself his brother Valens in the government of the empire. Still, 
before publicly declaring his intentions, he consulted his chief officers 
on the subject. All remained silent, except one, who was generous 
enough to say : '" Prince, if you love your family, you may choose 
your brother; if you love the state, select the fittest man for so great 
a dignity." This advice struck the emperor; however, he persisted 
in his design, and declared Valens his colleague. He allotted to him 
the provinces of Asia, with Egypt and Thrace, and kept for himself 
the other provinces situated in Africa and Europe. 

Valentinian governed his portion of the empire with vigor and 
firmness. Making his residence, sometimes in Milan, sometimes in 
Triers, Paris or Rheims, he was always ready to defend his frontiers, 
and to repel the attacks of the barbarians posted beyond the Rhine 



A. p. 364-378. VALENTINIAN AND VALENS. 115 

and the Danube. He kept in constant awe the restless tribes of Ger- 
many, ind triumphed over them in every battle. 

But, whilst his bravery and military science struck terror into the 
minds of the barbarians, his irascible humor was almost equally 
dreaded by his own subjects, till in the end it proved fatal to himself. 
The Gtuadi, a poor and timid nation, having incurred his displeasure, 
sent ambassadors to appease his anger by an humble apology. Va- 
lentinian was offended at the mean appearance of the ambassadors, 
and exclaimed that it was a shame for the empire and the emperor, 
that he had to treat with such ill-looking people. He spoke with 
such warmth and passion, that he broke a large blood-vessel, and fell 
senseless to the ground, his blood gushing forth abundantly from his 
mouth. A few hours after, he expired in great pain, at the age of 
fifty-four, after a reign of nearly twelve years (a. t>. 375), leaving his 
sceptre to his sons Gratian and Valentinian II. 

The East was still under the sway of his brother Valens, a prince 
of good morals and steadfast in his friendship ; but at the same time 
indolent, without genius and experience, often suffering his ministers 
to make a tyrannical use of his authority. He showed. no energy ex- 
cept in protecting the Arians and cruelly persecuting the Catholics. 
But the faith of the latter was successfully defended by the illustrious 
doctors St. Gregory Nazianzen and his intimate friend St. Basil, 
archbishop of Csesarea, against whom all the emperor's efforts proved 
fruitless. 

With regard to military achievements, Valens, by the skill of his 
generals and the bravery of his troops, conducted, with considerable 
success, several campaigns against the Goths, the Persians, and the 
usurper Procopius, who, after many vicissitudes of fortune, was be- 
trayed by his own friends, delivered up to the emperor, and behead- 
ed. But the last expedition of this prince had, through his own 
fault, a quite different result. Numerous bodies of Huns, a barbarous 
people from the north of Asia, were at that time driving before them 
all the tribes whom they met in their devastating course. Two hun- 
dred thousand Goths, finding themselves more and more harassed by 
these formidable enemies, asked and obtained of Valens leave to cross 
the Danube, and to settle in Thrace as subjects or allies. They were 
followed by other bodies of their countrymen whom it was not pos- 
sible to keep afar off on the other side of the river; and the Roman 
officers stationed on the frontier were at the same time so impru- 
dent and inhuman, as to exasperate by ill-treatment that immense 
multitude dying with hunger and supplied with arms. They revolt- 
ed against their oppressors, and, being excited both by distress and 
the desire of revenge, they began to overrun the country and put 
evefy thing to fire and sword. 



116 MODERN HISTOHY Part ii 

The generals of Valens endeavored, but too late, to stern this tor- 
rent. Several bloody battles were fought to no purpose j and the 
emperor, not satisfied with the result, judged it necessary to repair 
in person to the field, and put himself at the head of his troops. 
This step served only to increase the danger; for the commander of 
the Goths, Fritigern, was an able and experienced general; whilst 
Valens had neither ability nor prudence. Instead of waiting for the 
arrival of his nephew Gratian, who, after gaining a great victory 
over the Germans, hastened to his assistance, the unwary prince, 
contrary to the advice of his best officers, marched with precipitancy 
and confusion against the enemy; and, with troops harassed by 
fatigue, commenced near Adrianople a battle more disastrous, it is 
beheved, than any that the Romans had ever fought from the time 
of their defeat at Cannaj by Annibal. Here also they experienced a 
most signal overthrow, and lost nearly their whole army, with an 
incredible multitude of chief officers, and the emperor himself, whose 
body could never be found. According to' common report, he was 
wounded, and carried in that state to a hut, which the Goths, not 
knowing who was in it, set on fire; and Valens perished in the 
flames. He had reigned about fifteen, and lived nearly fifty years 
(a. d. 378). 



THEODOSIUS I, SURNAMED THE GREAT.— GRATIAN AND 
VALENTINIAN II.— 379— 395. 



The Roman empire had perhaps never been so much exposed to 
the danger of total ruin, as immediately after the battle of Adriano- 
ple. Though the Goths were unsuccessful in their attacks upon that 
and some other towns, they together with the Huns and Alans con- 
tinued with impunity, to plunder, waste and destroy every thing in 
Thrace, Illyria and the neighboring provinces. The Suevi, Aleman- 
ni and Franks were at the same time preparing to invade Gaul, and 
the provinces of Asia were also threatened with new attacks from 
the Persians. Gratian, upon whom the whole burden of the gov- 
ernment devolved by the death of his uncle Valens, was fully aware 
that he could not by himself repel so many enemies, nor could he 
as yet derive any assistance from his brother Valentinian, a child 
seven or eight years of age. Standing in need of more powerful suc- 
cor, he was candid enough to declare his situation before all the 
world, and wise enough to cJioose as his associate the ablest man of 
the empire, viz : the great Theodosius, with whose name is associ- 
ated the recollection of every civil, religious and mihtary virtue. 



A D. 379-395. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. 117 

Theodosius was a native of Spain, and son of the celebrated Count 
TheodosiuSj who, after having, by his brilliant campaigns under 
Valentinian I, saved Great Britain and Africa from powerful inva- 
ders, had lately perished on a scaffold at Carthage, the victim of an 
atrocious and artful calumny. Previously to this melancholy trans- 
action, his son had on several occasions, displayed great military 
talents; but, after the tragical death of his father, he led a retired life 
in his native country ; until Gratian called him back to court, and 
offered him the purple, which he at first refused through sincere 
modesty, but afterwards accepted through a pure motive of obedi- 
ence. It was agreed among them that he should rule over the 
East, Gratian reserving the West for himself and his young brother 
Valentinian. 

The accesion of Theodosius almost instantaneously changed the 
desperate state of affairs, and gave a salutary check to the inroads of 
the barbarians. The Goths were the first who experienced the effects 
of his indignation and invincible bravery. He obliged them either to 
surrender, or retire beyond the Danube. The Huns and the Alans 
were soon compelled to do the same ; the Persians, informed of his 
rapid exploits, sued for peace; and, in a few years, the name of 
Theodosius was respected throughout the world. 

He availed himself of the tranquillity which followed his victories, 
to enact several admirable laws, conducive alike to the prosperity of 
the state at large, to the repression of vice and the advancement of 
good morals among private individuals, to the security of life and pro- 
perty, etc. All his legislation breathes, as it were, an ardent love of the 
public good, of justice and religion, happily blended with a dignified 
clemency towards those who might possibly offer him personal in- 
sults, by outrageous language against his person, conduct and go- 
vernment. "If such persons," said he in one of his rescripts, " act 
and speak thus through levity, we should disregard their fault; if 
their conduct proceeds from blindness and folly, we should pity 
them; if from iU-will and malice, we should forgive them." His 
heart was so inclined to benevolence, that, once dismissing several 
prisoners, he exclaimed: '* O that I could restore the dead to life!" 

Theodosius endeavored likewise during the whole course of his 
reign, to promote, by wise and prudent means, the advancement of 
true piety, and of the orthodox faith which he sincerely professed. 
Arianism, not being able to obtain the least favor from so religious a 
prince, rapidly dwindled into insignificance. The Macedonian here- 
sy against the divinity of the Holy Ghost, was solemnly condemned 
by the second general Council, held under his patronage at Constan- 
tinople (a. d. 381). In fine, the pious efforts of the emperor gave the 
deadly blow to heathenism, and his zeal, equally mild and firm, judi- 



il8 MODERN HISTORY. 



Fart II, 



cious and constant, was not satisfied until the public worship of idols 
disappeared from his dominions. 

The example of Theodosius was in most respects faithfully imi- 
tated by Gratian, the emperor of the West. This prince, although 
very young, would perhaps have become equal to his virtuous col- 
league in glory and wisdom, had it not been for a single defect, 
which being disregarded, tarnished the lustre of his excellent quali- 
ties, and brought upon him a terrible disaster. Being excessively 
fond of hunting, the natural consequence was that he paid little atten- 
tion to the affairs of his court, where discontent began to prevail, at 
the sight of the honors and benefits conferred upon strangers. Maxi- 
mus, one of the chief ofl[icers in Great Britain, caused himself to be 
proclaimed emperor by some of the soldiers j nor did the defection 
confine itself to that island, but passing over to the continent, it spread 
among the legions of Gaul with such rapidity, that in a few weeks 
Gratian saw himself abandoned by nearly all his troops. No other 
resource was now left him than a precipitate flight ; and even that 
proved insufficient to save him from the hands of his enemies: he 
was overtaken at Lyons, and cruelly murdered at the age of twenty- 
four, after a reign of eight years (a. d. 383). 

Maximus abstained for a time from pursuing his audacious and 
ambitious career; fixing his residence in Triers, he contented himself 
with reigning over the provinces which Gratian had governed. Still, 
he was making slow and powerful preparations to oppress young 
Valentinian in Italy, as he had done his brother in Gaul; but Valen- 
tinian having received timely warning of the designs of his enemy, 
fled in full speed to Thessalonica, persuaded that he would find a 
zealous protector in Theodosius. His hopes were not deceived : 
Theodosius received him with open arms, and marched with him, at 
the head of his army, against Maximus, who was coming forward 
to meet them, with more boldness than prudence. One single and 
short campaign terminated the contest. The numerous troops of the 
usurper were conquered in two battles, and he himself being taken 
prisoner in Aquileia, whither he had retired after the second engage- 
ment, was led to Theodosius, with his hands tied behind him. At 
the sight of his captive, the generous conqueror felt inclined to com- 
passion and forgiveness ; but his officers, less indulgent, led Maxi- 
mus away, and immediately beheaded him. No search was made 
after his partisans, and Theodosius added to the dominions of Valen- 
tinian those of his brother Gratian (a. d. 388). 

About the same time, he gave to all future generations a most ad- 
mirable example of clemency. A great seflitinn v.o,-;.— - ' 



*. D. 3'9-.m THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. 119 

justly irritated against an ungrateful city on which he had bestowed 
many signal iavors, sent two commissaries, with orders to punish 
the leaders of the seditious riot, to deprive Antioch of its privi- 
leges, and to degrade that proud capital of Syria to the low rank of a 
simple borough. 

The arrival of the two commissaries spread terror through the 
town. The most guilty of the inhabitants were arrested, and put in 
confinement J however, the sorrowful multitude, together with the 
clergy, obtained by their supplications and tears, that the punishment 
should be postponed. The venerable bishop Flavian had already set 
out for Constantinople, in order to allay, if possible, the indignation 
of Theodosius. The first time he was introduced before him, he 
remained at some distance, with his eyes cast down, and observing a 
mournful silence. The emperor, whose heart was not less afflicted, 
approached the bishop, and with strong but tender reproaches, expa- 
tiated on the ingratitude of his countrymen. Flavian, being then 
emboldened to speak, acknowledged both the enormity of the crime 
and the justice of any punishment that might be inflicted on its au- 
thors ; but he afterwards so eloquently described and extolled the ad- 
vantages of the forgiveness of injuries, that the emperor, unable any 
longer to restrain his tears, cried out that he willingly pardoned An- 
tioch, after the example of Christ who had forgiven his very execu- 
tioners. The pardon was entire, unreserved, and did infinite honor 
to the clemency of Theodosius. 

Three years after, on a similar occasion, he appeared to forget his 
own principles. The populace of Thessalonica, in a tumultuous 
insurrection, stoned their governor to death : Theodosius, who then 
resided at Milan, was so indignant at this outrage, that he issued a 
warrant for the soldiery to be let loose on the inhabitants of Thessa- 
lonica during three hours, and the commission was executed with 
such fury, that seven thousand persons were put to the sword. No 
sooner was the holy archbishop of Milan, St. Ambrose, informed of 
the awful deed, than he declared to the emperor that he could not 
admit him into the Church, nor to the participation of the sacred 
mysteries, until he had atoned, by an exemplary penance, for the 
enormity of the massacre lately committed. Theodosius humbly 
submitted to the decision of the holy prelate, and remained thus ex- 
cluded from the Church for eight months, at the end of which time 
St. Ambrose, moved by his tears and lively repentance, again admit- 
ted him; on condition, however, that he would ever after, in order to 
avoid similar faults, postpone for thirty days the execution even of 
just sentences of death. Theodosius willingly yielded to the propo- 
sal, aod, by this docility, left it uncertain which is more worthy of 



120 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part II, 



admiration, the firmness of the archbishop or the piety of the 
emperor. 

This prince was scarcely returned to Constantinople, when a fresh 
and disastrous revolution, caused by the murder of Valentinian II, 
obliged him to make a new expedition into the West. That young 
emperor, trained up to virtue by the instructions and examples of 
Theodosius, knew already how to conduct himself with great wis- 
dom, and gave every day greater hopes of a fortunate and glorious 
reign. Being told that some suspicions, though ill-founded, were 
entertained concerning his morals, he dismissed without delay the 
persons whose society might become dangerous for his virtue. He 
overcame his excessive relish for the games and shows of the circus, 
by abolishing the games, and causing all the beasts destined for them or 
for the chase, to be killed on the same day. Although he had found 
the treasury exhausted, no solicitation of his courtiers could ever in- 
duce him to augment the taxes. His conduct obtained respect even 
from the barbarians, and he was endeavoring by every means in his 
power to procure abundance and - tranquillity to his subjects, when a 
cruel plot contrived by Arbogastes, the general of his troops, deprived 
him of the empire and of life, at the age of twenty, after a reign of 
nine years since the death of Gratian (a. d. 392). 

Intense was the affliction of Theodosius, when he learned the 
melancholy fate of this excellent prince, his brother-in-law, his part- 
ner in the empire, and his sincere friend. Justice, humanity and con- 
science obliging him to avenge the death of Valentinian and punish 
the murderers, he spent two years in making adequate preparations 
for this new expedition, which he justly supposed would be difficult 
and bloody ; for Arbogastes had a great reputation for skill in war, 
and a strong party on his side. Still, being of barbarian extraction, 
he did not dare assume the imperial sceptre himself, but placed it in 
the hands of a certain Eugenius, a proud, ambitious man, who had 
been a secretary of the late emperor, and had taken part in his assas- 
sination. 

The two armies advanced against each other, the one from Gaul, 
under the command of the two usurpers, who had the images of the 
false gods carried before them; the other from Thrace, under the ban- 
ner of the cross, and commanded by Theodosius in person. They 
met in the northeast of Italy, at the distance of about thirty miles 
from Aquileia. Here a general engagement took place, which the 
importance of the cause, the number and discipline of the troops, the 
heroic intrepidity of Theodosius and the desperate courage of Ar- 
bogastes, rendered extremely furious and obstinate. It lasted two 
days, the first of which, with»ut giving to either party any decisive 
loss or advantage, beheld a tremendous havoc of the bravest troops 



'a. D. 379-395. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. 121 

of Theodosius. The pious emperor spent the following night in 
prayer, placing his confidence in God whose cause he supported, 
more than in all the exertions of his ability and valor. At the dawn 
of day, he again drew up his army, and, taking his shield and cui- 
rass, marched out with ardor against the enemy. 

This was the moment which heaven had chosen, in order to de- 
clare visibly in his favor. On a sudden, frightful whirlwinds arose, 
which directed all their violence against the rebels, broke their ranks, 
and forced their shields from their hands. Their arrows turned 
against themselves, whilst those of their opponents received addi- 
tional force from the wind.* Thus exposed, blinded by the dust, and 
overpowered by the storm, they either fell on the field of battle, or 
threw themselves, in their flight, into a neighboring river. Arbogas- 
tes, seeing that all was lost, stabbed himself, and died in rage and de- 
spair, Eugenius was brought in chains by his own soldiers before 
Theodosius, who presently condemned him to death; but the generous 
conqueror pardoned all the others of their party. The slaughter 
ceased, and the two armies mingled together, exulting with joy, one 
for its victory, the other for its defeat, and both looking on their pious 
emperor as really invincible. 

Tills memorable battle, which was fought on the 6th of Septem 
her (a. d. 394), subjected all the West to Theodosius. He lived but a 
short time after this glorious triumph over his enemies: continual 
labors and hardships, especially at the head of armies, had exhausted 
his constitution, and, after lingering for some weeks, he died in the 
middle of the following January (a. d. 395), at the age of fifty, after 
a reign of sixteen years. This was the last reign which saw all the 
parts of the Roman empire united under the sway of the same sove- 
reign. At the solemn service performed, according to custom, for his 

* See Socrates, Eccles. Hist. lib. V, c. 25; — Sozomen, lib. VII, c. 24; — 
Orosius, lib. VII, c. 3; — Theodoret, lib. v. c. 24; especially St. Augustine, 
who had learned the fact in question from the very soldiers of Eugenius 
that had been present at the battle, as he himself relates in these terms ; 
*' Milites nobis, qui aderant, retulerunt, extorta sibi esse de manibus quse- 
cumque jaciebantur, cum a, Theodosii partibus vehemens ventus iret, et 
non solum quaecumque in eos jaciebantur concitatissira^ raperet, vervlm 
etiani ipsorum tela in eorum corpora retorqueret ;" De Civitate Dei, lib, 
V, c. 2(u In fine, the- poet Claudian, though a heathen, describes the 
same thus, in his poem on the third consulship of the young emperor Ho* 
Ulionus: 

Te propter,.gelidis aquilo de monte procellis 
Obruit adversas acies, revolutaque tela 
Vertit in auctores, et turbine veppulit hastas. 
O nimiiim dilecte Deo, cui fundit ah antris 
^olus armatas hiemes; cui militat aether, 
Et conjuratj veniunt ad classics venti! 

ii 



122 MODERN HISTORY. Part 11. 

departed soul, St. Ambrose delivered the funeral oration in 'presence 
of the whole army: after which, his body was transferred to Con- 
stantinople, and deposited in the Mausoleum of the great Constantine, 
with whom he shares in the just praises and admiration of posterity. 

In fact, every public achievement of this emperor would suffice to 
illustrate a long reign. He restored the majesty of the empire, made 
the people under him constantly happy, and conquered all his ene- 
mies, who were equally the enemies of the slate. He subdued the 
Goths, drove back tlie Huns and Sarmatians, kept the Persians in 
constant awe, overcame two powerful usurpers, checked the Arian 
and Macedonian heresies, almost completed the destruction of idol- 
atry without shedding a drop of blood, and published a great num- 
ber of laws so wise and excellent, as to place him far above the 
wisest legislators of antiquity. Having nothing in view but the hap- 
piness of mankind, he commanded by a formal edict, that, on Easter- 
day, all persons detained in prison, whose dismission would not en- 
danger the interest and good order of society, should be set at liberty j 
and it was on this occasion that he added the memorable words al- 
ready mentioned: "O that I could even raise the dead to life!" 

In his countenance and all his deportment, Theodosius was.digni- 
fied, but at the same time, cheerful, mild, courteous and affable. He 
always kept himself free, not only from gross vices, but even from 
those which most easily find admission to the heart, such as ambition 
and vain glory ; he never undertook any war, unless through necessity , 
and though eminently skilled and successful in the command of ar- 
mies, always blamed the proud spirit of Marius, Sylla, and other 
conquerors, whom he said it should be his constant endeavor to re- 
semble as little as possible. His inclinations were naturally violent, 
but kept under restraint; and, if he committed any fault contrary to 
his usual clemency and meekness, he soon repaired it in a manner 
which did honor to his character. Hence the Holy Fathers, eccle- 
siastical authors and councils, are unanimous in proposing Theodo- 
sius as a model for Christian princes. Pagan writers themselves, 
with the exception of the furious Zozimus, agree in praising his ex- 
traordinary merit and qualifications; Aurelius Victor, in particular, 
does not hesitate to represent him as an accomplished hero, far supe- 
rior to Trajan, whose eminent qualities he possessed without any of 
his vices. The same historian adds that the virtue of Theodosius 
continually increased with his prosperity and victories ; a praise 
which, to every reflecting mind, must appear the most honorable en- 
comium. 



4. 0. 305-423. , HO]>fORIUS; ETC. 123 



HONORIUS AND ARCADIUS.— a. d. 395—423. 

From the death of Theodosius must be dated the final dechne of 
the empire. He had maintained it in its former greatness j he left it 
in all its glory to his sons Honorius and Arcadius; but he could 
not transmit to these young princes his consummate prudence, valor 
and ability. Their want of talent, resolution and energy left 
them almost constantly exposed to Xhe insults of barbarians, and to 
the ambitioas intrigues of their own ministers, 

Arcadius, the -felder of the two, was emperor of the East. His 
reign, which lasted thirteen years, offers nothing remarkable, except 
the ravages of the Huns in Thrace, and of the Isaurians in Lesser 
Asia; the power, ambition and miserable death of Rufinus, Eutro- 
pius and Gainas, who successively supplanted each other at court; 
and the unjust persecution carried on by jealous enemies agamst the 
illustrious St John Chrysostom, archbishop of Constantinople, who 
died in exile (a, d. 407), after having filled the whole world with the 
fame of his golden eloquence. Arcadius died one year after him, 
atid was succeeded by his son Theodosius the younger. 

The reign of Honorius in the western part of the empire, was 
longer and still more disastrous than that of his brother Arcadius. 
Its various calamities originated chiefly in the vacillating conduct of 
his prime minister Stilico, who, having raised himself to that high 
station by important services under Theodo&ius afterwards listened 
only to the suggestions of his unboujided ambition ; defending or be- 
traying the state, as best suited his own interest At first, all things 
were prosperous under him ; he destroyed two numerous armies of 
Goths and other barbarians who had invaded Italy, one conducted 
by Alaric, whom he obliged to retreat beyond the Alps (a. d. 402) ; 
the other commanded by Radagasius, who lost nearly all his troops 
and was himself slain near Florence (405). 

Soon ifter this defeat, other hordes of barbarians made a successful 
irruption into the empire, and crossing the Rhine (406), began to 
conquer its richest provinces, encouraged, it is believed, by StiUco 
himself. The design of that ambitious man seems to have been to 
throw insuperable difficulties in the way of Honorius, in order to 
undermine his power, if he would not consent to resign his crown. 
To convince Honorius of the plot contrived by his minister, was no 
easy task; at length, he opened his- eyes, and was so readily seconded 
by the troops, that the traitor and all his partisans suffered capital 
punishment, most of them however without the orders of the empe- 
ror, who endeavored, but in vain, to check the fury of the soldiery. 



124 MODERN HISTORY. Put H. 

The detection of the intrigues of Stilico did not stop the progress 
of the Barbarians. Whilst the Alemanni on the one side, and the 
Burgundians on the other, occupied the territories along the Rhine, 
the Suevi, Alans and Vandals proceeded farther, and during three 
successive years plundered the different provinces and cities of Gaul. 
After this, in 409, they passed over to Spain, where they settled, the 
Suevi in the north, the Alans in the west, and thd Vandals in the 
south, the eastern part only being left to the Romans. 

But the most formidable of all the enemies of Rome was Alaric, 
the leader of the Goths, Driven away some years before, he re-en- 
tered Italy with an ardent desire of avenging his defeat. Honorius 
and his court, whose residence was then at Ravenna near the Adri- 
atic sea, opposed to him only protracted negotiations and ineffectual 
promises, a mode of defence more calculated to inflame the indigna- 
tion, than to check the progress of a warlike chieftain. Rome was 
besieged, and after enduring the horrors of a cruel farnine, was taken 
by surprise and treason during the night. The conqueror gave it up 
to be plundered by his soldiers, who accordingly spreading them- 
selves through every quarter of the city, soon produced a scene of 
general desolation ; many buildings were fired, and a furious tempest 
served at the same time, to increase the devastation spread by the 
barbarians (a. d. 410). 

Thus did Rome lose, in the space of a few hours, that power, 
splendor and magnificence which had made it, for so many ages, the 
first city in the world. Numbers of its inhabitants fled in all direc- 
tions, even to the most distant provinces, carrying every where the 
news of the great catastrophe of which they were the victims. This 
event was, even in countries the most remote, a subject of deep grief; 
and the sight of so many illustrious farriilies now reduced to the 
utmost distress, excited universal commiseration, as St. Augustine 
and St. Jerome relate.* Still Rome, not having been totally destroyed, 
continued to subsist, and even repaired in a great measure its losses . 
but being once debased by the Goths, it became a sort of by-word 
among other barbarians, and its majesty as capital of the Roman 
empire, had departed for ever. 

Alaric did not think proper to retain his conquest, but setting out 
after a few days, he pursued his march without obstacle towards the 
southern extremity of Italy. His intention was, to pass over the strait 
into Sicily, and thence to Africa, where he thought he could obtain a 

* St. August. De Civ. Dei. lib. I, c. 33 ; — St. Jerome, Epist. ad Principi- 
am, et lib. HI, in Ezech. — They themselves were visited by several of these 
noble fuj^itives ; and they showed, by their conduct on this occasion, that the 
charity which animated their hearts, was not less admirable than the genius 
and learning which have raised them to the first rank among the doctors of 
the Church. 



A, B. 395-423. HONORIUSj ETC. * 125 

more desirable and permanent settlement; but a violent storm cour- 
(eracted his measures, and death put an end to all his designs. He 
was carried off by a violent disease, and left the conduct of the Goths 
to Ataulphus, his brother-in-law, and the faithful companion of his 
victorious campaigns. His followers regretted him as the hero of 
their nation, an^^he chief author of the great power and influence 
which they had acquired in western Europe. According to the cus- 
tom of northern barbarians, of concealing the sepulchres of extraor- 
dinary men, they changed for a while the course of a small river near 
Cozenza, and having dug a deep grave in the bed of the channel, 
deposited there the body of Alaric with many valuable objects, and 
afterwards made the waters resume their former course. 

The Goths now returned to the north of Italy, and advanced into 
Gaul, where they had to encounter many obstacles in their endeavors 
to effect a settlement : at length, they were permitted by the Romans, 
under certain conditions, to occupy the provinces contiguous to the 
Pyrenees. For this advantageous treaty the Gothic nation was 
indebted chiefly to the abilities of king Valtia, the third successor of 
Alaric, 

About this time also, the Romans began to lose their influence in 
Great Britain. Honorius having recalled from that distant province 
its legionary troops whose presence was necessary to repel dangers 
nearer home, the whole country remained exposed to the inroads of 
the Picts and Scots, two tribes inhabiting the north of the island. 
Some troops, it is true, were again sent to assist the Britons and 
drive back their foes ; but as these succors were granted only for a 
time, the restless Picts and Scots renewed their depredations with 
success arid perseverance for nearly forty years, so as to render the 
country as miserable, during that time, as it had been prosperous 
under the Romans. 

To the close of the career of Honorius many writers trace back the 
beginning of the French monarchy. According to them, the Franks, 
a pov/erful German tribe, crossed the Rhine in the year 420 with 
Pharamond their king, and wrested the north of Gaul from the Ro- 
mans ; but others believe that their first real settlement upon the Ro- 
man territories must be referred only to the year 438 or 440, during 
the reign of King Clodio. Be this as it may, it is certain that in ge- 
neral the affairs of the empire, during the latter part of the reign of 
Honorius, wore a more favorable appearance. Several provinces 
were delivered from the yoke of usurpation and tyranny, and a suc- 
cessful check was given for a time to the progress of the barbarians. 
The principal author of these happy changes was Constantius, a man 
of uncommon ability and virtue which he displayed during ten years 
bv the prudence with which he directed political operations, and by 
11* 



126 MODERN HISTORY. Part 11. 

.he glory which he acquired in commanding the armies. As are- 
ward for so many services, Honorius, besides giving him his sister 
Placidia in marriage, conferred on him the title of Augustus, a title 
which he did not enjoy more than seven months ; he received it in 
February, and died in the following September (a. d. 421). Not long 
after (in 423,) Honorius himself died at the age of thirty-nine, after a 
reign of twenty-eight years : a prince, not altogetTOr unworthy of 
esteem, if we consider his beneficent intentions and private virtues ; 
but certainly unfit, from his want of resolution and capacity, to govern 
the state, especially in the calamitous and disorderly times in which 
he lived. 



VALENTINIAN III, IN THE WEST ;— IN THE EAST, THEO- 
DOSIUS II OR THE YOUNGER.— a. d. 424—455. 



The late emperor having left no children, his crovni was, with 
some difficulty transferred to young Valentinian, his nephew, the son 
of Placidia and Constantius. This young prince received from his 
mother a religious education, but profited so little by it, that he is 
more known in history for his effeminate and dissolute life, than for 
any active share that he took in the important transactions of his reign. 

Theodosius the younger still reigned in the East, as he had done 
since the death of his father Arcadius. During his childhood, the 
state was governed first by the prefect Anthemius, a man truly de- 
serving of his high office, which he held six years. This able min- 
ister repelled foreign invasions, fortified th© frontiers, built new walls 
around Constantinople, and procured for the empire a profound 
peace. Afterwards, Theodosius being yet too young and inexperi- 
enced, the governing power was intrusted to his sister Pulcheria, 
who, though but sixteen years old, already evinced extraordinary 
prudence and a vigor of mind equal to her piety. At home, she pre- 
served good order and tranquillity, and at the same time caused the 
Roman name to be respected abroad. A new war having become 
necessary against the Persians, all its operations and various cam- 
paigns were so successfully conducted, that King Varanes V saw 
himself obliged, after many defeats, to consent to a treaty of peace on 
the conditions dictated by the court of Constantinople. 

Unfortunately, Theodosius did not always act conformably to the 
views and counsels of his sister, but suffered his mind to be prepos- 
sessed against her by the intrigues of crafty and ambitious persons, 
desirous to have a greater share in the government. From that time, 
the prosperity of the state rapidly declined. Many provinces were 



^D. 434-455. VALENTINIAN III^ ETC. 127 

laid waste by the barbarians on different sides, and the honor of the 
empire was trampled under foot by Attiia, the fierce king of the 
Huns, who forced Theodosius to pay him an annual tribute equally 
onerous and disgraceful. These evils originated in the weakness and 
indolence of the emperor himself; for, though he possessed the quah- 
fications of a good scholar, and most of the virtues that can be de- 
sired in a private man, he knew neither how to govern and command, 
nor how to choose good ministers and generals. 

The West from a variety of causes, continued still to be the theatre 
of more complicated and calamitous events. There existed, at this 
time, two men whose talents did equal honor to the state, viz.. 
General ^tius, and Count Boniface, governor of Africa. The for- 
mer was justly renowned as a commander and a politician, but so 
high-minded, that he could not brook the idea of any one being his 
equal in talents and glory. The latter, as brave and skilful perhaps 
as^tius himself, surpassed him in moderation and disinterestedness; 
still he had not fortitude enough to submit patiently to great injustice. 

^tius, whose design was to ruin Boniface, secretly wrote to hini 
under the mask of friendship, to let him know that he was in great 
danger; the empress Placidia being now so incensed against him, 
that, in case of his return to court, his death would inevitably follow. 
On the other hand, the artful impostor persuaded the empress that 
Boniface sought to make himself independent in Africa, adding, with 
great protestations of zeal for her interest, that the only prudent 
course she could adopt was to recall him without delay, and, should 
he refuse to obey her order, to treat him as a rebel. 

Placidia, not suspecting any treachery, followed this advice without 
further inquiry. Boniface received a summons to leave Africa; but 
as he himself entertained strong suspicions of the designs of the court, 
instead of obeying, he raised troops to oppose those sent against him, 
and thus, by the very means which he selected to prove his inno- 
cence, became really guilty. Not long after, both he and Placidia 
discovered the imposture of iEtius, but its evil consequences were 
now irreparable. Boniface had already called to his aid and intro- 
duced into Africa the Vandals of Spain, whom he could not after- 
wards expel, when he returned to a sense of his duty. These barba- 
rians, having at their head Genseric, a warlike and sanguinary prince, 
overran the whole country with the rapidity of a torrent. Those rich 
and fertile provinces, whose inhabitants had provoked by their cor- 
ruption and vices the wrath of God, were soon deluged with blood 
and covered Avith ashes. The Vandals established in the midst of these 
ruins of the Roman power, the seat of their own domination, which 
lasted one hundred and six years (from 428 to 534), when Africa 
was restored to the empire by the arms of Belisarms. 



128 MODERN HISTORY. Part h. 

In the meanwhile, the empress durst not punish the perfidy of ^tius,. 
who was more powerful than herself. All she could do against him 
was to bestow new dignities and all possible marks of distinction on 
Count Boniface, with whom she was now perfectly reconciled. This 
was adding fuel to the flame ; and, as ^tius considered the increase 
of authority in his rival as derogatory from his own, the two generals 
took the field in support of their respective pretensions. In the battle 
that ensued, Boniface was victorious ; but his success cost him his 
life : he received a dangerous wound, of which he died at the expira- 
tion of three months (a. d. 432). 

No longer seeing a rival in his way, ^tius thought of repairing, 
by glorious services, the disasters which his jealousy had brought 
upon the state. He, from that time, showed himself an insuperable 
barrier against aU the attacks of foreign enemies, defeated the Goths 
in the south of Gaul, the Franks in the north, and other barbarians 
near the frontiers of Germany and Italy. Shortly after these achieve- 
ments, a new and most furious storm arose from the East, which 
engaged all his attention and required all the exertions of his courage. 

Attila, king of the Huns, and leader of an immense multitude of 
barbarians gathered from the north of Asia and Europe, intended to 
ransom and plunder the western, as he had done the eastern pro- 
vinces of the empire. He advanced towards Gaul with an army of 
five hundred, or, according to some authors, of seven hundred thou- 
sand men, leaving every where so dreadful marks of his passage, that 
he was justly called, and called himself the Scourge of God. His 
very countenance was terrific: he had an enormous head, small and 
bright eyes, a flat nose, a swarthy complexion, and he appeared, in 
all his deportment, haughty, fierce and threatening. 

In the year 451, this terrible conqueror crossed the Rhine, and pene- 
trated into the heart of Gaul, sacking and burning all the towns in 
his way. At last, he was stopped before the walls of Orleans by a 
vigorous and lasting resistance. In the meanwhile, ^tius, who had 
induced the Visigoths and the Franks to unite with him against the 
common enemy, was hastening to the relief of the town; he anived 
just in time to save it from destruction. The Huns, having broken 
the gates, were beginning to enter and plunder the city, when ^tius, 
coming from the opposite direction, suddenly appeared with his army, 
and immediately charged the barbarians. Their surprise and terror 
were equal to the suddenness and violence of the attack. Those who 
had already lost themselves in the streets, were slain or compelled to 
fly, whilst Attila, foaming with rage, endeavored to rally the fugitives 
without the city. He then began to retreat towards the Rhine ; 
^tius closely followed him at the head of his troops and allies, and 
overtook him in the vast plains of Chalons in Champaigne. 



A. D. 424—455. 



VALENTINIAN III. ETC. 129- 



Europe had never beheld two armies so numerous as these in 
presence of one another j the army of ^tius, it is said, was almost 
equal to that of Attila. The whole plain, as far as the eye could 
reach, being filled with a countless multitude of battalions bristling 
with iron and brass, exhibited for some moments a most imposing 
spectacle, which was soon changed into a frightful scene by the fury 
of the combatants. The king of the Huns animated his troops by 
word and example 5 uEtius displayed that consummate skill and 
intrepidity, for which he has been surnamed the last of the Romans. 
Like him, his soldiers fought with wonderful courage; still, it ap- 
pears that the Visigoths won, on that famous day, the prize of valor, 
and had the principal share in the victory. After having broken 
and routed the enemy's left wing, they fell with such irresistible fury 
upon the centre of the Huns, that Attila himself was in great dan- 
ger. Frightened, for the first time in his life, he abandoned to the 
Romans and their allies the field of battle strewed with one hundred 
and eighty thousand, some say, nearly three hundred thousand dead 
bodies. Horrible indeed must the slaughter have been, since, accord- 
ing to the common report of historians, a little neighboring stream 
was swelled like a torrent, by the quantity of blood which flowed 
into its channel. 

The batde having finished only at dusk, the confederates were not 
certain of their advantage till the day following. The joy of the vic- 
tory which they had gained was damped by the consideration of 
their own loss, and particularly by the death of king Theodoric, who 
had been killed whilst bravely fighting at the head of his Visigoths. 
His body was found among heaps of the slain, and buried with great 
honors on the field of battle. Then ^Etius dismissed his allies, in 
the just hope that the Roman militia would now be sufficient to 
drive the enemy from Gaul; nor was he disappointed : Attila, though 
still proud and eager for revenge, removed his camp, and retired 
beyond the Rhine. 

No later than the ensuing year (452), this undaunted conqueror 
reappeared, and revenged himself for the terrible blow he had re- 
ceived in Gaul, by plundering and laying waste the northern part of 
Italy. He first laid siege to the important and well fortified city of 
Aquileia. This celebrated town had, fifty-two years before, repelled 
the combined efforts of Radagasius and Alaric, and now r^isted for 
three months all the attacks of Attila. The Huns were dispirited, and 
their leader himself began to think of abandoning the siege, when he 
perceived storks flying with their little ones from the town into the 
country. Struck at the circumstance, and skilfully turning it to his 
advantage, he told his soldiers that, without doubt, the precipitate re- 
treat of those birds from Aquileia was an omen of the city's impending 



130 MODERN HISTORY. ^ait II. 

ruin. This was enough to revive the courage of the Huns ; they 
renewed the attack with fresh ardor, battered the walls with all their 
machines, and having made a large breach, rushed into the place 
with a fury proportioned to the resistance which they had experi- 
enced. The garrison and inhabitants were either put to the sword 
or reduced to slavery, and the town was consigned to the flames. 

This conquest enabled the Huns to advance without obstacle; 
^tius, whose forces were now quite inferior to theirs, did not dare 
oppose the march of the main body of their troops, but contented 
himself with cutting in pieces the scouts and exploring detachments. 
Pouring into the fertile plains of Italy, they destroyed all before them 
with fire and sword, sacked Milan, destroyed Padua with many 
other cities, and depopulated entire provinces. The whole country 
on the left side of the river Po, was one continued scene of carnage 
and devastation. Such of the inhabitants as had time to avoid this 
destructive storm, retired into the small islands at the extremity of 
the Adriatic Gulf, where they laid the foundation of the noble city 
and republic of Venice. The weak emperor Valentinian was on the 
point of abandoning Italy, and the Romans, in' the utmost terror, 
expected soon to see the barbarians before their gates. 

In this genera] consternation. Pope St. Leo, at the request of the 
emperor and of the whole city of Rome, went to meet Attila, in 
hopes of mollifying his rage and preventing his further progress. 
Avienus, a man of consular dignity, and Trigetius, who had been 
prefect of Rome, were deputed to accompany him in this embassy. 
They found the haughty monarch at Ambuleium near Mantua. 
Contrary to the general expectation, he received the Pope with great 
honor, and gave him a favorable audience: St. Leo, on his part, ad- 
dressed the barbarian with so much energy, eloquence and dignity, 
that he gained the admiration of all, and especially of Attila, who, 
on his proposal, concluded a treaty of peace with the empire, under 
the condition of an annual tribute. The king immediately com- 
manded his army to cease hostilities, and soon after recrossed the 
Alps, to retire into his own dominions near the Danube ; but, on his 
way home, he was seized with a violent vomiting of blood, of which 
he died in 453. The Huns buried him with the same honors and 
precautions, wherewith the Goths had buried their king Alaric forty- 
three years before. As to the vast empire which that extraordinary 
man had founded, it disappeared with him, in consequence of the 
civil wars that broke out among his children and vassals. 

^tius did not outlive him more than one year, being destroyed by 
an intrigue similar to that which he himself had formerly used 
against Count Boniface. A charge of conspiracy having been se- 
cretly brought against him at court, he was summoned to the palace j 



A, n. i:,5— 47f). 



MARCIAN, ETC. 131 



lie obeyed, and on his arrival, the emperor slew him with a sword. 
By this crime, the blind and wretched Valentinian deprived his per- 
son and crown of the only defender whom he might successfully 
oppose to his numerous enemies. One of his attendants gave him 
to understand this fully, when, being asked what he thought of 
the death of yEtius, he answered that the emperor had cut off his 
own right hand with the left. A few months after (a. d. 455), Va- 
lentinian was murdered in the midst of Rome by some discontented 
officers, the chief of whom was a certain Maximus, who immediate- 
seized upon the imperial throne. That unhappy prince had lived 
thirty-six, and reigned about thirty years, if he may be said to have 
reigned, who was almost constantly a slave to the interested will of 
others as well as to his own passions, which he never controlled. 

Notwithstanding his vices and the faults of his government, Valen- 
tinian was regretted by many persons : his widow, Eudoxia, carried 
her resentment against the murderers so far, as to call the Vandals 
from Africa to avenge his death. No proposal could be more pleas- 
ing to that nation always eager for pillage j they hastened to cross 
the sea with a numerous fleet, and going up the Tiber, entered Rome 
before the close of the same year 455. At this time, St. Leo was not 
able to avert the storm, but he succeeded at least in obtaining frond 
Genseric, though an Arian and a violent persecutor of the Catholics 
in his own kingdom, that the buildings of the city and the lives of 
the inhabitants should be spared. Accordingly, the Vandals content- 
ed themselves with taking a certain number of prisoners together 
with the riches of Rome, and returned to Carthage loaded with 
booty. 



MARCIAN.— LEO THE THRACIAN, IN TIlE EAST. 

LAST PERIOD AND FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE. — 455 — 476. 

Theodosius II died in the year 450, of a fall from his horse, at the 
age of fifty, after a reign of forty-two years. No one was better 
quahfied to succeed him than his sister Pulcheria; still, as no woman 
had ever reigned alone in either empire, she married and proclaimed 
emperor, Marcian, a brave and virtuous officer, who by his merit had 
raised himself from the condition of a common soldier to a conspicu- 
ous rank in both the army and the state. 

No sooner was he acknowledged emperor, than he began to rescue 
the empire from that state of ignominy and dejection to which it had 
been reduced by the barbarians. When Attila, before setting out for 
his expedition into Gaul, sent to the court of Constantinople to re- 



132 MODERN HISTORY. Part 11. 

ceive the payment of the annual tribute stipulated by Theodosius II, I 
Marcian answered the deputies that, reserving gold for his friends, he 
had nothing but iron and steel for his enemies. Towards his sub- 
jects he behaved as a true father. Being surrounded by excellent 
counsellors of his own choice, he devoted with them all his care to 
restore security and abundance, procure the exact administration of 
justice, remove unworthy men from public employments, diminish 
the taxes, check the course of public and private calamities, relieve 
the poor and distressed, in a word, to bestow benefits on all, as far as 
prudence and the state of the exchequer permitted. 

The object that chiefly engaged Marcian's attention was the cause 
of the true faith, which demanded his cooperation against various 
enemies in the East. Of late, a succession of violent storms had 
been raised against it by two opposite heresies, the Nestorian, which 
denied the unity of person in Christ, and the Eutychian, which at- 
tacked the distinction of his two natures. The former of these errors, 
"*both equally hostile to the mystery of the Incarnation, had been al- 
ready condemned by the general council of Ephesus, held in 431 ; 
against the latter, the council of Chalcedon, the fourth of the general 
councils, was, by the authority of Pope St. Leo, and through the care 
of Marcian, assembled in 451. Besides renewing the condemnation of 
the Nestorian, It solemnly proscribed the Eutychian doctrmes; and 
such of the abettors of either as refused to submit, were considered 
as no longer belonging to the Church of Christ: they henceforth 
Ibrmed separate societies, which are still extant in Asia. 

Marcian was not less distinguished for his domestic virtues, than 
for his public conduct. Nothing appeared in him but sincere piety 
and modesty, beneficence, disinterestedness, and admirable purity of 
life. His reign, deservedly called the golden age of the Eastern em- 
pire, was, if not the most conspicuous in every respect, at least the 
most prosperous and irreprehensible. Unfortunately, it did not last 
more than six years and five months ; this excellent emperor died in 
January 457, at the age of sixty-five. 

Leo, the Thracian, who succeeded him, and reigned about seven- 
teen years, also shewed great zeal for religion. He was well fitted 
for the sovereign power, though not so talented or successful as his 
predecessor. A powerful fleet which he sent against Genseric, was 
entirely defeated ; but he gained signal victories over the barbarians of 
the north, and, in general, maintained his dominions in that state of 
respectability in which they had been left by Marcian. He died in 
the year 474, and Genseric, that terrible conqueror whom we have 
often mentioned, followed him to the grave three years later, after 
having during half a century inflicted on the Romans, in every part 
of their dominions, all the injury in his power. 



A. D. 455-476. MAHCIAN;, ETC. 133 

The Western empire was now in the last stage of its existence. A fter 
the death of Valentinian III, and of the usurper Maximus (a. d. 455), 
Avitus, a senator of great repute, was acknowledged emperor in their 
place: still, the greater portion of the authority soon fell into the 
hands of Ricimer, a general of Suevian extraction, who was equally 
capable of noble deeds and great crimes; prudent and eloquent, skil- 
ful and intrepid, but devoid of true honor, fidelity and gratitude, and 
guided only by his ambition. He might, at three different times, 
have assumed the purple; but he preferred to confer it on others, 
Vv^hom he raised and afterwards destroyed in the most capricious 
manner. 

Within the short space of twenty-one years, no fewer than eight 
emperors successively appeared and disappeared; viz. 

Avitus, whose reign commenced in 455. 

Majorien 457. 

Libius-Severus 461. 

Anthemius 467. 

Olybrius 472. 

Glycerins 473. 

Julius-Nepos 474, 

Romulus-Agustulus . 475. 

Some of these emperors were men of great merit, and, in more fa- 
vorable circumstances, might have reigned with glory. Majorien es- 
pecially, and nearly the same might be said of Anthemius, was not 
less commendable for his moral and mental qualities than for his mili- 
tary acquirements ; but these two emperors incurred the displeasure 
of Ricimer, by not leaving the government in his hands^ and were put 
to death by that ambitious and cruel minister. 

Notwithstanding so many revolutions and enormities, Ricimer 
vigorously repulsed the various foes who were striving to complete the 
dismemberment of the empire. Death alone put a stop to his career 
of crimes and victories (a. d. 472). 

The last emperor of the West, by a singular coincidence, bore tlie 
names both of the founder of the city (Romulus), and of the founder 
of the empire of Rome (Augustus); being called Romulus-Augus- 
tus, or Augustulus (on account of his youth). At that time, the 
Romans, blended with other nations which continually poured into 
their territory, had no longer any attachment either for the imperial 
government, or for emperors who could not defend them against 
their enemies. Odoacer, king of the Heruli, taking advantage of the 
apathy of the people, easily overthrew a tottering throne, the fall of 
which was accelerated by its own weakness. He attacked Augustulus 
in Ravenna, and, having made himself master of the town, deprived 
him of the purple, though, through compassion for his age, he spared 

12 



134 MODERN HISTORY. Part II. 

"his life, and even granted him an honorable retreat near Naples. The 
conqueror found no greater difficulty in subduing Pavia, Rome, and 
all Italy, of which he was proclaimed king (a. d. 476). 

Thus was the Roman empire destroyed in the West, twelve hun- 
dred and twenty-nine years after the building of Rome, five hundred 
and seven after the battle of Actium. Its fall, long since prepared by the 
w^eakness of many emperors and the despotism of armies, by civil 
wars and foreign invasions, was scarcely noticed in the world ; it dis- 
appeared without any violent commotion, like a man full of years, 
who dies of decrepitude. The Eastern empire, being less exposed to 
foreign attacks, and better defended by its capital and frontiers, sub- 
sisted yet for many centuries, during which its history is connected 
with that of nations of more recent origin; but it never attained 
the power, splendor and wealth, which had distinguished ancient 
Rome. 

Amidst so many disturbances and revolutions, rehgion alone fully 
maintained her influence and dignity. Far from yielding to the vio 
lence of the storms which shook the social world to its very centre, 
she exercised her divine power over the very conquerors of Rome, 
and, being founded upon an immovable rock by the hand of God 
himself, she triumphed over them, as she had formerly triumphed over 
her pagan persecutors. Even at this disastrous and turbulent period, 
she began to tame and civihze those fierce barbarians who before ac- 
knowledged no law but that of the sword. Divine Providence seemed 
to have permitted their irruptions into the Roman provinces for no 
other view than to destroy, through their means, the last remains of 
idolatry, and effect their own happy conversion to the laws of the 
Gospel. On the other hand, the inhabitants of the invaded countries 
were led to understand, in he midst of their sufferings, that all was 
not lost for them, but that they would find a sure -refuge in the 
Church of Christ. 



PART III. 



FROM THE DOWNFALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE (A. D. 476), TO ITS 
REVIVAL UNDER CHARLEMAGNE (A. D. 800). 



FOUNDATION OF THE PRINCIPAL AND MOST CELEBRATED 
STATES OF EUROPE. 



From the overthrow of the Western empire we may date the 
foundation of the principal states now extant in Europe. The 
northern tribes by whose multipHed efforts its entire ruin was effected 
or accelerated, vied with each other in taking speedy possession of its 
fairest provinces. The conquests of the Vandals and of the Heruli 
having been already mentioned, we have to speak at present of the 
still more successful and celebrated establishment of the Anglo-Saxons 
in Great Britain, of the Visigoths in Spain, of the Franks in Gaul, 
and of the Ostrogoths in Italy. 



$ I.— ANGLO-SAXONS IN GREAT BRITAIN. 

HENGIST.— 449— 488. 

Ever since the time when the Roman troops were totally with- 
drawn from Great Britain, the Picts and Scots seized every favorable 
opportunity to renew their inroads. District after district became a 
scene of devastation, and the misery of the natives increased every 
day, till finding themselves destitute of all resources at home, they 
at length resolved to call in as auxiliaries a body of Saxons, who, 
having sailed from the north of Germany, were then cruisitig in the 
channel along the coast in quest of plunder. Adventurer^ like these 
could not fail to comply with a request which they justly presumed 
would turn to their own advantage. For six years (449 — 455) they 
fought the battles of the natives with great fidelity and success. But 



136 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part III. 



having by this time invited great numbers of their coimtrymen, to 
whom the Angles, another German tribe, willin'giy joined themselves, 
they excited the jealousy and alarms of the Britons, who refused them 
an increased supply of provisions. 

This was the signal for a war which proved most fatal to the liber- 
ty of the natives. The Anglo-Saxons conquered them in many 
battles, and began to bring under subjection the country which they 
had just defended against the Scottish invaders. Their first settle- 
ment upon the British territory was that of Kent, which the valiant 
chieftain Hengist gained and secured by a series of bloody victories, 
from the year 455 to 473, and which, at his death, in 488, he left in 
a prosperous condition to his son ^sca. The work of conquest was 
continued after him, and, though the Britons fought with great valor, 
and sometimes with success, for the independence of their country, 
their efforts ultimately proved fruitless, and the greater part of the 
island was subjugated by the Anglo-Saxons, who, changing its name, 
laws and constitution, established in it seven independent kingdoms, 
commonly called the Heptarchy. 

By this conquest, the whole of the country was replunged into 
the state of barbarism from which it had been rescued by the Ro- 
mans. It remained in that state until the close of the sixth century, 
when its conquerors received the light of the Gospel through the 
pious zeal of St. Augustine and forty other missionaries sent from 
Rome by Pope St. Gregory the Great. The natives, as soon as they 
found resistance useless, fled with their most valuable effects to the 
hills and forests, to escape from the exterminating sword of the inva- 
ders. Multitudes found a secure asylum in the craggy and moun- 
tainous districts of the country of Wales, which they henceforth 
occupied for many centuries. Others, crossing the ocean, landed on 
the western extremity of Armorica in Gaul, where they made per- 
manent settlements, and gave to the new tract they inhabited the 
name of Brittany (Bretagne), which it still retains. 



§ II.— VISIGOTHS IN SPAIN. • 

EVARIC— A. D. 466—484. 

The conquests of the Visigoths, or "Western Goths, in Spam, 
were more rapid than those of the Anglo-Saxons in Britain. Their 
king Evaric, taking advantage of the weakness and continual change 
of the last Roman emperors, sent a powerful army from the south of 
Gaul to the nearest provinces beyond the Pyrenees. The success of 



*. ». «8-484. VISIGOTHS IN SPAIN^ ETC. 137 

this expedition was astonishing: the very strongest towns opened 
their gates, and the natives, defeated in a great battle, abandoned a 
considerable portion of their country to the enemy. Upon this, 
Evaric himself arrived at the head of fresh troops ; the war was 
prosecuted with redoubled vigor; nothing could resist his arms, nor 
impede his progress, and with the exception of a few northern pro- 
vinces occupied by the Suevians, the whole peninsula submitted to 
his power (a. d. 473). 

This warlike prince subdued also the portion of Aquitania not yet 
in his possession, and many other provinces in GauL The name of 
Evaric was now respected abroad : his court which he estabhshed at 
Bordeaux, beheld ambassadors from all the neighboring nations pay- 
ing homage to him as to the mightiest monarch of western Europe ; 
and this high reputation he enjoyed until his death. 

But, besides being a powerful conqueror and the founder of the 
kingdom of the Visigoths in Spain, Evaric wished also to be the 
legislator of his people. Until then, the Gothic legislation was very 
limited, consisting only of some statutes of their kings, which had 
little authority among them, and were frequently disregarded in prac- 
tice. Evaric published a collection of those ancient laws, and added 
to them new regulations peculiarly adapted to the time, place and other 
circumstances. Well aware that on their faithful observance depended 
his personal safety as well as the prosperity of the state, he carefully 
enforced their execution, and thus began to accustom the Visigoths 
to the duties and practices of social life. 

Evaric died at Aries in 484, after a glorious reign of eighteen years. 
His uncommon talent for war and civil administration would have 
still more entitled him to the praises of posterity, had he not, through 
ambition, stained his hand with the blood of his brother Theodoric II, 
and, through sectarian intolerance, treated his Catholic subjects with 
excessive rigor, he himself being an obstinate Arian. Great however 
were the civil benefits he bestowed on his own people ; the conquest 
of the peninsula, especially, was so much the more fortunate for the 
Visigoths, as they were on the point of being expelled from their pos- 
sessions in Gaul by a still greater conqueror, and of being compelled 
to confine themselves to their newly acquired and more lasting king- 
dom of Spain. 



12» 



138 MODERN HISTORY. Part UL 

$ III.— FRANKS IN GAUL. 
CLOVIS— A. D. 481—511. 

This conqueror was Clovis, king of tiie Franks, who, for the mag- 
nitude and important consequences of his exploits, is justly considered 
the real founder of the French monarchy. The Franks were not at first 
a single nation distinct from all others, but made up of several Ger- 
man tribes which had, long before, entered into a confederacy for the 
support of their independence. During the greater part of the fifth 
century, under four successive kings, they made frequent irruptions 
iato Gaul, and took possession of its northern frontiers; Clovis, more 
enterprising, undertook, at the early age of twenty years, to bring it 
entirely under his power. 

His first opponent was Syagrius, a brave general, who had formed 
a small state for himself in the north of Gaul on the ruins of the Ro- 
man empire. Clovis attacked him near Soissons (a. d. 486), and 
gained so complete a victory, that Syagrius, being left almost alone 
in his party, fled for refuge to the court of Alaric II, king of the Visi- 
goths. Nor could this asylum save him from the hands of his vic- 
torious enemy. Clovis compelled Alaric, by threats and terrors, to 
deliver up the unfortunate general whom he put to death, and, by 
this act of cruel policy, remained in full possession of his territory. 

After the lapse of some years, the French king was obliged, in con- 
sequence of a sudden invasion of the Alemanni, to carry his arms to 
the banks of the Rhine. An obstinate battle was fought at Tolbiac, 
near Cologne, in which the Franks, almost entirely routed in the be- 
ginning, remained in the end masters of the field. It was after this 
unexpected triumph, which Clovis himself attributed to a special pro 
tection of the true God whom he had invoked during the contest, that 
both he and his nation, abandoning the worship of idols, embraced 
the Christian faith (a. d. 496). 

During the course of the ensuing years, Clovis, always active and 
fond of conquests, continued to enlarge his empire. Either by force 
of arms, or by negotiations and treaties, he obliged the Arborici (inha- 
bitants of Belgium) to acknowledge him for their king, subdued Ba- 
varia, and rendered the Burgundians his tributaries. This rapid in- 
crease of power in the French monarch was a source of uneasiness 
and alarm for his neighbors, particularly for Alaric, king of the Visi- 
goths : fearing for his own territory, he raised troops for its defence. 
Nothing could be more consonant than this with the designs of Clo- 
vis, as it afforded him an occasion of declaring an open war, and 



A. D. 481-511. FRANKS IK GAUL^ ETC. 139 

striking at once a signal blow. He marched with, his usual rapidity, 
crossed the river Loire, came up with the army of the Visigoths near 
Poitiers, and forced them to engage in a general battle (a. d. 507). 
After a sanguinary contest, victory declared in favor of Clovis. With 
his own hand he struck Alaric dead ; the Visigoths then fled with all 
possible speed, their conquerors pursuing them in every direction.' 
In less than two years, Clovis subdued nearly all their possessions 
between the Loire and the Pyrenees, and thus nearly extinguished 
their domination in Gaul ; he would even have carried his advantages 
farther, had not a considerable body of his troops been defeated, near 
Aries, by those of Theodoric, king of Italy. 

Still, this defeat did not deprive Clovis of the principal fruit of his 
labors. He preserved his former conquests, and returning to the 
north of Gaul, or rather Prance, as we shall henceforth call it, fixed 
his residence in Paris. The extraordinary reputation he had gained, 
being now far spread, and causing a great sensation even at the court 
of Constantinople, the emperor Anastasius sent him the ornaments of 
the consulship, as a mark of his esteem and alliance. Unfortunately, 
Clovis did not preserve his glory pure and entire to the end, but sul- 
lied it by several acts of cruelty against the princes of his own kin- 
dred, whose estates he wished to invade. H^e died in 511, at the age 
of forty-five, after a reign of thirty years, leaving his kingdom to be 
divided among four sons: a mode of succession which was followed 
after him on different occasions, and became a source of numberless 
disasters and civil wars. 

Although the government of Clovis had been rather military and 
despotic, it evinced on many points a wise and skilful policy. He 
did not, barbarian hke, expel the natives from the provinces whioh 
he subdued, nor deprive them of their liberty and all their property ; 
he only required that the lands of the country should be divided be- 
tween them and his followers ; whence it followed that the two 
nations, living and dwelling together upon the same soil, were soon 
blended into one people. He also published a code of laws, one of 
which declared women unfit to inherit such estates as had been ob- 
tained by arms and conquest ; and this gave rise to the fundamental 
regulation of the national constitution of France, according to which 
the French crown never devolved to women.* 

* That code was called the Salic law, from the tribe of the Saltan Franka, 
to which Clovis belonged. The article which settled the right of succes- 
sion, became subsequently, when nnderstood of the succession to the 
throne, a proverb thus expressed : Le royaume de France ne tombe point en 
quenouille. 



140 MODERN HISTORY. Part IlL 

$ IV.— OSTROGOTHS IN ITALY. 

THEODORIC THE GREAT.— (a. d. 493—526). 

Clovis, notwithstanding his justly renowned exploits and legisla- 
tion, was neither the greatest warrior nor the ablest politician of his 
age, this praise being due rather to Theodoric, king of the eastern 
Goths or Ostrogoths. 7\is nation, after the dismemberment of 
Attila's empire, settled firsi m Pannonia near the Danube^ but;, being 
little satisfied with its residence, set out in 489 on an expedition 
against Italy. Odoacer, who was yet reigning there, did not fail to 
defend with courage a kingdom which he had now governed, during 
fourteen years, with great wisdom and glory. Still, victory every 
where followed the standard of Theodoric : three battles lost by Odoa- 
cer, and the vigor with which the Goths conducted the siege of the 
city of Ravenna where he had taken refuge^ obliged him to come to 
an agreement with his conqueror. He was first treated with cor- 
diality ; till Theodoric, sacrificing justice and humanity to the cruel 
policy of the times, perfidiously put to death a prince worthy of a 
better fate (a. d. 493). 

But, if the Gothic monarch had recourse to so odious a means for 
the acquisition of a new kingdom, he on the other hand took the 
wisest and most efficient measures to secure its possession. One 
of the most successful was, to enter into a permanent alliance with 
the neighboring princes. Some of them he compelled to live at 
peace with himj others he attached to his family and to himself by 
the ties of affinity; with others,ln fine, he assumed the tone of pa- 
rental authority, fully justified by his great wisdom and experience. 
"You are young," he wrote to them, " and stand in need of good 
advice. Your ambition and imprudent behavior afflict me, and I 
cannot see with indifference that you are ruled by your passions." 
He was guided by these wise counsels himself, taking care not to 
enlarge his dominions by rashly exposing the Hfe of his people or 
violating the laws of equity. " Let others," said he, " wage war for 
fne sake of destruction and plunder ; as for me, my intention is, with 
the help of God^ to conquer my enemies in such a manner, that the 
vanquished may be sorry for not having been before of the number 
of my subjects." 

No sooner did Theodoric see his power firmly established in Italy, 
than he undertook to civilize his people under the benign influence 
of its climate. He adopted for that purpose the Roman jurispru- 
dence, which he reduced to one hundred and fifty statutes, well 



A. D. 493-526. OSTROGOTHS IN ITALY^ ETC. 141 

calculated,, by the prudent rules and judicious maxims witli which 
they abounded, to promote the public utility. He wished the Italians 
and the Goths, after a new division of the lands, to consider them- 
selves not only as allies, but even as kinsmen and brothers, being 
governed upon the same principles and by one who looked upon 
himself as their common father. The only distinction estabhshed 
between them was, that the carrying of arms and the performance 
of military duty were reserved to the Goths, whilst civil employ- 
ments and trades were left to the Romans. During the whole course 
of his reign, Theodoric proved the impartial benefactor of the two 
nations, and became equally endeared to both. Though an Arian 
by birth and education, instead of persecuting the orthodox, like the 
Vandal kings of Africa, his cotemporaries, he on the contrary favored 
and protected them; and so firm was his conviction, acquired by 
experience, of the disinterestedness and charity of the Catholic 
bisiiops, that he usually applied to them for the distribution of his 
alms to the poor and the exercise of his liberality towards the pro- 
vinces. 

This great prince knew how to gather around him and select for 
his counsellors, persons the most conspicuous for their merit and 
ability, such as Boetius, Cassiodorus, etc. Boetius was a man of 
consular dignity, of noble feelings and superior genius, which shine 
forth in all his writings, especially in his five books de Consolatione 
Pliilosophice. Cassiodorus, who was not less distinguished for his 
learning and virtue, is proposed chiefly as the model of a zealous, 
active and disinterested minister of state. After a most laborious life 
at court, he retired into a pleasant solitude in Calabria, where he de- 
voted the remainder of his days to study, writing, and religious exer- 
cises, and died at the age of about one hundred years. 

Thus was literature, so long after the Augustan age, still culti- 
vated with great success in Italy ; and, whilst the Franks, the Bur- 
gundians, and the Visigoths, had scarcely begun to learn the princi- 
ples of civilization, the court of Theodoric was the centre of learning 
and politeness. His palace was constantly open to talents and 
merit. To him Rome was indebted for the rebuilding of its walls 
and the preservation of its ancient monuments; Ravenna, Pavia and 
other cities, were also repaired or embellished. He protected every 
useful enterprise, revived agriculture and commerce, and procured 
so perfect a security to social intercourse, that neither citizens nor 
travellers had any thing to fear, either in the towns or in the country. 

The empire which Theodoric had founded, and which, by im- 
proving every fair occasion, he almost continually enlarged, was 
very extensive. He reigned over Italy, Sicily, Dalmatia, Pannonia, 
Rhetia, Noricum, and some of the finest provinces of France and 



142 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part III. 



Spain. But his glory, besides being already impaired by the unjust 
death of King Odoacer, was, like that of Clovis, much diminished 
by several subsequent acts of cruelty. Old age and infirmity made 
him suspicious. He listened to the slanders and false accusations of 
jealous courtiers against the most respectable men of the state. Cas- 
siodorus resigned his offices, and left the court : Boetius, and Sym- 
raachus, his father-in-law, suffered capital punishment, without 
being convicted of any crime, and the holy Pope John I, was 
thrown into prison, where he died after a painful confinement of 
several months. 

Remorse for these acts soon assailed Theodoric. His bitter sfrief 
for his late cruelties, produced a melancholy which accelerated his 
death. Most historians relate that, being one day at table, when a 
Large fish had been served up, he imagined he saw in the dish the 
head of Symmachus ; he withdrew terrified from the table, went to 
his bed, and expired, a prey to anguish and remorse, at the age of 
seventy-four years (a. d. 526). He had however sufficient time to 
proclaim, with the unanimous consent of those around him, his 
grand-son Athalaric for his successor, under the regency of Amala- 
sontes, mother of this young prince. 

The administration of Theodoric was, -during thirty years (from 
494 to 524), a model of excellent government in almost every respect. 
Having previously shown to the world what he could do on the field 
of battle, he appeared, all that time, a modest conqueror, a wise 
legislator, and a pacific monarch, who knew, by a happy mixture 
of severity and mildness, how to keep his victorious soldiers within 
the bounds of strict discipline, and to gain the hearts of his new sub- 
jects. When Belisarius conquered the Goths, he overthrew the 
statues of that great prince, but spared his sepulchre. It is yet 
extant in Ravenna, and attracts, by its elevation, the admiration of 
travellers. 



EMPERORS OP CONSTANTINOPLE, 

JUSTIN I.— A. D 518—527. 

We must now revert to the Eastern empire, which began about 
this time to make a greater figure in the political world than it had 
done under its last sovereigns, Basiliscus, Zeno and Anastasius I. 
After them, Justin, an officer of obscure parentage, but renowned for 
his valor, was judged worthy of the throne, at the advanced age of 



A. ». 518—527. 



JUSTIN I. 143 



sixty-eight (a. d. 518). It is remarkable that this emperor knew 
neither how to read nor write, and still rendered important services 
to the state, during the nine years of his reign. Having natural 
talent and a sound mind, which he improved by experience and by 
asking counsel of other prudent men, he easily perceived the course 
to be followed in difficult affairs, and always acted with wisdom and 
equity. 

He took particular care, on the one hand, to appoint able minis- 
ters and virtuous magistrates, and, on the other, to afford seasonable 
relief to his people in their calamities and disasters, which were then 
uncommonly frequent. But a short time before his elevation, a tre- 
mendous earthquake had desolated several parts of lUyria. For 
some days, a chasm immensely deep, about twelve feet wide, and 
extending to the distance of thirty miles, threw out sparks and 
flames, and swallowed up trees, rocks and houses. Some years be- 
fore, a dreadful conflagration had consumed many buildings in Con- 
stantinople, among others, that which contained the public library 
consisting of one hundred and twenty thousand volumes. An in- 
valuable copy of the works of Homer, written in golden letters on the 
skin of a serpent one hundred and twenty feet long, was lost on this 
occasion. 

Agi^in, in the years 525 and 526, similar accidents desolated or 
destroyed many cities, especially the great city of Antioch, the capi- 
tal of Syria. About noon of the twenty-ninth of May (526), a sud- 
den and violent shaking of the ground overthrew the houses in the 
western part of the town; and, as the earthquake quickly reached 
the other quarters, nearly all the buildings fell, at the same moment, 
with a frightful crash. To this first evil, fire added its ravages. A 
subterraneous furnace, the usual attendant of earthquakes, ignited the 
very soil; hot cinders were carried up by whirlwinds, and fell after- 
wards in the form of a fiery rain, which consumed the wood- work 
of the houses, whilst another fire, rising from the ground, augmented 
the conflagration. 

So unexpectedly did all those scourges come upon the inhabitants, 
that few of them could make their escape into the country; and this 
^'reat city, the most populous of the East, became all at once the 
common sepulchre of two hundred and fifty thousand persons. Most 
of them were crushed by the faUing of the houses, or consumed by 
the flames ; but others met a fate which almost exceeds belief Bands 
of robbers began to commit depredations in the midst of these scenes 
of destruction and death. Whilst numbers of unfortunate people, 
covered with bruises and wounds, were running in dismay through 
the streets and public places in order to avoid impending ruin, they 
met murderers, who cruelly deprived them of life and took possession 



144 MODERN PIISTORY. Part IILj 

of their fortunes, and who, soon after, were themselves destroyed with 
their criminal booty. 

The deplorable spectacle of a city which barbarous conquerors', 
have just taken by storm, would present but a faint idea of the deso- 
lation of Antioch. Some of the inhabitants, however, had the good ' 
fortune to escape from the ruins of their houses, under which they i 
were for a time buried. Twenty or thirty days after, persons yet alive ' 
were taken from those sepulchres, where they had lived upon the 
victuals usually kept in families ; but a far greater number were found 
dead. This earthquake, the fifth that Antioch suffered since its foun- 
dation, was the most awful and disastrous. It lasted six days with 
uninterrupted violence, and during six months was felt at different 
times ; nor was the ground entirely settled till eighteen months after. 

The news of these calamitous events pierced the heart of the em- 
peror with grief. He presently despatched virtuous and trusty men, 
with considerable sums of money, to repair those cities which had 
suffered most, and rescue their surviving inhabitants from misery 
and despair; we are told that, in rebuilding Antioch alone, he spent 
fifty millions of livres (ten or twelve millions of dollars). It was in 
the course of these occupations, so worthy of a sovereign, that Jus- 
tin closed his useful career (527). A short time before his death, he 
associated his nephew Justinian in the imperial power, and, by his 
demise, left this prince in a condition to raise to its proper height the 
edifice of glory of which he had laid the first foundation. 



GLORIOUS REIGN OF JUSTINIAN.— a. d. 527—565. 

The reign of Justinian forms an interesting epoch in the history 
of the Greek empire. The enlarged views of this prince, the union 
of favorable circumstances, the highly cultivated state of the science 
of law, and the brilliant successes obtained in different wars, equally 
contributed to render it glorious. 

Justinian, on his elevation to the throne, resolved to reconquer the 
western provinces which formerly belonged to the Romans, and to 
improve the civil legislation. This latter design he executed with the 
assistance of the ablest civiHans of his age, particularly the famous 
and learned questor Tribonian. There already existed, it is true, 
different collections of laws, published under Adrian, Theodosius II, 
etc.; but all of them were defective. To become well acquainted 
with the ancient jurisprudence, it was necessary to peruse two thou- 
sand volumes containing, amidst several wise enactments, many in- 
"iccuracies and obscure passages, and even opposite and contrauic- 



D. 527-565. JUSTINIAN. 145 



tory statutes. Justinian undertook to introduce order into that chaos, 
by comprising in a work of moderate extent, both the general princi- 
ples of jurisprudence, and the best laws or judiciary sentences that 
had been promulgated before his time,, during the space of thirteen 
hundred years. 

He first ordered a select collection to be made of the imperial sta- 
tutes, from the beginning of Adrian's reign. By the assiduity of 
Tribonian and his associates, the work was soon performed, and pub- 
Ushed under the name of the JYew or Justinian Code (a. d. 529). 
After three years more of immense labor, the Digest (Digestum), or 
Pandects (Pandectce), appeared in fifty books, containing the most 
equitable ordinances of ancient legislators with the best decisions of 
lawyers or civilians, under proper divisions and titles. To render the 
study of these books easier and more useful, some introduction was 
necessary ; this was also made, and four other books, called Institutes, 
were promulgated, which not only are the key to the Roman juris- 
prudence, but even contain the fundamental principles of all legisla- 
tion. Of the different parts of the Justinian compilation, it is the 
best and most admirable. In fine, the emperor revised his Code, pub- 
lished it again more correctly in 534, and to the ordinances contained 
in it added a great number of new statutes, the collection of which, 
under the title novellce, completed what we call the Roman or the Civil 
Law. 

Such was the origin of that famous body of laws, which, notwith- 
standing some imperfections, is the most remarkable that human 
wisdom ever produced. It was gradually adopted in several coun- 
tries ; and it is moreover from that abundant source of social princi- 
ples, that the present states of Europe derive the better portion or 
supply the deficiency of their respective Codes.* 

* The history and character of the Roman jurisprudence are described 
with great erudition and sagacity by Chancellor Kent, in the twenty-thirci 
lecture of his Commentaries, His concluding remarks are these; "The 
civil law shows the proofs of the highest cultivation and refinement ; and 
no one who peruses it can well avoid the conviction, that it has been the 
fruitful source of those comprehensive views and solid principles, which 
have been applied to elevate and adorn the jurisprudence of modem na- 
tions. .... .The whole body of the civil law will excite never failing cu- 
riosity, and receive the homage of scholars, as a singular monument of 
wisdom. It fills such a large space in the eye of human reason; it regu- 
iates so many interests of man as a social and civilized being; it embodies 
go much thought, reflection, experience and labor; it leads us sp far into 
the recesses of antiquity, and it has stood so long against the waves anc} 
and weathers of time, thaHt is impossible, while engaged in the eontempla- 
tion of the system, not to^ struck with some portion of the awe and vene= 
ration which are felt in the midst of the solitudies of a majestic ruin." Co^? 
ineniaries on law, 2d edit., vol. i, pjo. 547, 548. 

13 



146 MODERN HISTORY. Part 11!. 

Whilst Justinian was engaged in this important work^ he did not 
forget the other design he had formed; viz., of reconquering the wes- 
tern provinces of the empire now occupied by the barbarians. Not 
to be surrounded with enemies on all sides, he ended a long and un- 
decisive war against the Persians by a solemn treaty of peace, and 
then directed all his efforts to the conquest of Africa. The Vandals, 
who were still masters of that country, had very much degenerated 
from their former courage ; and perpetual quarrels among the de- 
scendants of Gejiseric contributed to weaken more and more their 
political strength. One of these dissensions furnished Justinian with 
an opportunity to send a fleet and an army to Africa, under the com- 
mand of Belisarius (a. d. 533). 

This general had already, during the preceding Persian war, begun 
to display that extraordinary skill in the art of commanding armies, 
which afterwards rendered him equal to the greatest generals of an- 
cient Rome. He sailed from Constantinople with five hundred and 
ninety-two vessels of all dimensions, and, after a long voyage, landed 
on the shores of Africa, at some distance from Carthage. His troops 
amounted to scarcely sixteen thousand men; but they were full of 
ardor, and the general was himself a host. The Vandals, on the 
contrary, had numerous troops; but their generals were unskilled in 
war, and showed more valor than prudence: two of them perished 
in a first battle; the others, with King Gehmer, were put to flight. 
This enabled Belisarius to advance through the country without fur- 
ther obstacle. Every where he was received as a deliverer by the an- 
cient inhabitants, especially by those of Carthage : the rigor and bar- 
barism of the Vandals had long since exasperated their minds ; where- 
as the mildness of Justinian's general, and the excellent discipline 
which he maintained in his army, gamed him universal confidence 
and affection. From Carthage, Belisarius went forward in pursuit 
of Gelimer. Having found him stationed at Tricameron, a place 
twenty miles distant from Carthage ; with only ten thousand men 
against one hundred thousand Vandals, he obtained a glorious vic- 
tory, which rendered him master of the whole surrounding country, 
of the royal treasures, and even, in a short time of the person of 
the king (534). 

This prince had fled from the field of battle to the extremity of 
Numidia, and there had shut himself up in a town situated on the 
summit of a high mountain. Belisarius, whose presence was neces- 
sary at Carthage, sent one of his generals, named Pharas, with a 
part of the army, to invest that place, and if possible, to take the 
king prisoner. Accordingly, the town was closely besieged, and, 
before the expiration of three months, was reduced to the last ex- 
tremity 5 in the meanwhile, Pharas w^ote to Geliraer, and exhorted 



« b. 537—565. 



J0STINIAN. 147 



him to surrender, with a positive assurance that he would be hono- 
tably treated by Justinian. The unfortunate prince wept whilst 
reading the letter^ and in his answer to it, after expressing his unwil- 
lingness to become a captive, requested Pharas to send him a loaf, a 
sponge and a lute : a loaf, because he had not seen any bread for a 
long time > a sponge, to wash his wounds j and a lute, to accompany 
his voice when singing his misfortunes. 

Pharas, moved with compassion, granted the request, but still con- 
tinued, with diligent care, to obstruct all the avenues of the fortress. 
At length, Gelimer, afraid lest it should be taken by storm, consented 
10 capitulate. He descended from the mountain, and, on the re- 
peated assurances of an honorable treatment, went with Pharas to 
Carthage, where he delivered himself into the hands of Belisarius. 

Thus was Africa again subjected to the Roman power,* and the 
kingdom of the Vandals destroyed after a duration of one hundred 
and six years. Belisarius, having provided, as well as he was able, 
for the security of his conquest, returned to Constantinople, where he 
received honors proportionate to the greatness of his exploits. He 
had taken the precaution to make Gelimer embark with him and 
leave Africa. When this unhappy monarch was solemnly presented 
to the emperor, in the middle of an immense concourse of people, no 
sigh, no tear escaped him ; but appearing to be plunged in deep 
reflection on the present state of his fortune, he several times repeated 
these words of Scripture : Vanity of vanities, and all is vanity.^ Jus- 
tinian gave him a rich estate in Galatia, where he was permitted to 
live in quiet with his family. 

Scarcely had the African provinces been united to the empire, 
when similar views began to be manifested with respect to Italy. 
The unjust death inflicted by ungrateful subjects on dueen Amala- 
sontes, who had been a faithful ally to the court of Constantinople, 
was for the emperor a favorable pretext for attacking the Goths. In 
the year 535, the conqueror of Africa, Belisarius, unexpectedly ap- 
peared in Sicily, at the head of seven thousand five hundred men. 
With this handful of soldiers that great general knew how to achieve 
exploits, which others would have found diflacult to accomplish with 
very numerous armies J. After subduing the island, he passed over 

* The empire of Constantinople retained for many centuries the nameof 
Roman or Eastern, though it is also frequently designated by the appellation 
of Greek or Lower Empire. 

t Eccies. i, 2. 

% This appeared particularly in the year 537, when Belisarius, after taking 
Rome, was himself besieged in that city by an army of one hundred and 
fifty thousand men. The siege lasted twelve months and nine days, during 
which the two parties engaged seventy times, with a great display of valor 
on each side: but Belisariu'^, with only the twentieth part of the enemy's 



148 MODERN HISTORY. Part III. 

to the continent, and either by storm or surprise, by force or capitula- 
tion, took Naples, Rome, Ravenna, with many other cities, defeated 
the Goths on several occasions, and finally compelled their king 
Vitiges to embark, as Gelimer had done, for Constantinople, where 
the Gothic monarch also received estates and honorable titles from 
Justinian, as a compensation for the loss of his kingdom (a. d. 540). 

Stdl the power of the Goths in Italy was not yet entirely over- 
thrown. Notwithstanding the fatal blow it had just received, it reco- 
vered for a time its former strength, and even acquired, after the de- 
parture of Belisarius, an astonishing superiority, under the conduct 
of Totila, whom the Goths chose for their leader in 541. 

Of all the successors of Theodoric the Great, Totila was the only 
one who perfectly resembled hiro. in prudence, activity, valor, justice 
and generosity. He conquered the Roman commanders in Italy, as 
often as he attacked them, and retook Rome in spite of all the exer- 
tions made by Belisarius after his return (a. d. 546). This great 
general, left by the emperor without the necessary supplies of ammu- 
nition and troops, saw his former prosperity decline; after some 
years of fruitless efforts, he resigned the command of the army, 
and left to Narses the honor of terminating the war. 

Narses was one of those extraordinary men whom Providence pre- 
pares, as it were, in secret, for the prosperity or the destruction of 
states. Though a stranger, of small size and mean appearance, he 
had risen from a slave, to be one of the first officers in the palace 
of Justinian. The deficiency of regular studies was abundantly 
supplied in him by a natural and noble eloquence. A quick and 
sound judgment, a profound and extensive genius, wisdom in con- 
triving the best plans and activity in executing them, insured the suc- 
cess of his undertakings. He possessed in an eminent degree all the 
virtues not incompatible with a certain ambition, above all, generosity 
and beneficence. As for his talents in war, they only wanted an 
occasion for their display, and without having been a soldier, he all 
at once appeared a consummate general. 

Besides these natural advantages, Narses enjoyed the favor of Jus- 
tinian, who readily granted him what had been refused to Belisarius, 
viz : all the troops, money and ammunition requisite to carry on the 
war with vigor and success. Being thus well provided in every re- 
spect, he had but to appear in Italy, to check the prosperous fortune 
of the Goths, and the very first battle which he fought, in the plains 
of Lentagio, entirely turned the scale in favor of the Romans. In 
vain did Totila make every effort to maintain the superiority which 

forces, defeated all their efforts, and finally obliged them to retire. — P*-o- 
copius, De Bello Goth,; Lebeau, Hist, du Bas. empire, vol. ix. b. 44, pp 
395—473. 



4. D. 5»7-565. JUSTINIAN. 149 

he had acquired ; his army was completely defeated, his bravest war- 
riors were killed, arid he himself, being forced to fly for the first time 
in his life, died of his wounds a few hours after the battle. Narses 
immediately sent to (^Constantinople the news of his victory, together 
with the cuirass and the crown of Totila ; and Justinian received, in 
the middle of the senate, these spoils taken from a prince far superior 
to him in personal merit (a. d. 552). 

The Goths, although vanquished, and deeply afflicted at the death 
of their excellent king, did not lose courage, but hastened to give 
him a worthy successor in the person of Teias, the bravest of his 
lieutenants. In this arduous post, Teias answered as well as he pos- 
sibly could the hopes of his nation, and, being unable to save it, strove 
at least to retard its entire overthrow. He rallied the remains of the 
Gothic army, and leaving the open country to the victorious troops of 
Narses, went to occupy a strong position near Mount Vesuvius. The 
Roman general, at the head of all his forces, pursued him so closely, 
that the Goths began to suffer considerably from famine. Then, con- 
sidering the decaying state of their fortune, which was on the point 
of being utterly lost, these magnanimous and last survivors of a na- 
tion formerly so flourishing, looked at their swords, and resolved to 
fight once more, either to conquer by a last effort, or at least to die 
with glory. 

No sooner had they come to this determination, than, descending 
from the heights, they rushed with desperate fury against the enemy : 
but the resistance was not less vigorous than the attack was violent. 
The Romans were encouraged by the remembrance of past success, 
and an implicit confidence in the superior talents of their general : the 
Goths were animated by despair and by the example of their king, 
who having taken his post in the first rank, displayed the most heroic 
courage, and, for the space of four hours, spread among the enemy 
terror and death. Assailed as he was by a multitude of javelins and 
arrows, Teias, immovable as a rock, with one hand warded off" the 
weapons, and, with the other, slew as many Romans as came within 
his reach. At length, unable to bear up his shield, which was pierced 
with twelve javelins, he asked for another. Whilst he was taking it 
from the hands of his armor-bearer, and putting off" the first, his 
breast for an instant remained uncovered ; at this very moment, he 
received a deadly blow; he however continued to fight until he 
became exhausted, and then fell with his face towards the enemy. 

The Romans cut off" the head of this valiant prince, and exposed 
it, on the top of a pike, to the gaze of both armies, especially to that 
of the Goths, in order to throw them into consternation and despair. 
But the courage of those intrepid warriors, instead of being abated 
by this melancholy event, was rather increased by the desire of 
13* 



150 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part III. 



avenging the death of Teias. They therefore continued fighting with 
great heroism, until the darkness of night separated them from the 
Romans. Both parties spent the night on the field of battle,, and, as 
soon as the dawn appeared, the combat was renewed with the same 
fury and maintained with the same obstinacy as the day before; nor 
could Narses put to flight enemies who were few in number, 
wounded and fatigued, but, at the same time, buoyed up by their 
excitement, and making their last desperate effort. Giving up the 
hope of conquering men to whom liberty was dearer than life, he per- 
mitted them to retire unmolested, on condition that they would never 
more unsheath their swords against the empire ; after this, he easily 
achieved the conquest of Italy (a. d. 553). The kingdom of the Ostro- 
goths thus disappeared for ever, after a short duration of sixty years, 
during which it had produced three heroes worthy of that name, Theo- 
doric, Totila and Teias. The authority of Justinian being now ac- 
knowledged throughout Italy, Narses, by his appointment and in his 
name, governed the country which he had so gloriously subjugated. 

Warfare however was not yet entirely at an end, owing to the share 
that the French took for a long time in these public broils. The 
successors of Clovis had inherited his warlike spirit, which they all 
exerted in subduing the little neighboring states : but none among 
them became as remarkable in this respect, as Theodebertus, king of 
Austrasia and of a considerable part of Germany. So great was his 
reputation for ability and valor, that both the Greeks and the Ostro- 
goths, from the very beginning of their contest, eagerly courted his 
alliance. He promised it to each nation, but was faithful to neither , 
his design being to conquer for himself. With this interested view, 
he crossed the Alps at the head of a powerful army, attacked both 
parties successively, defeated them, and would probably have re- 
mained sole master of the disputed regions, had not a contagious 
distemper, which broke out among his soldiers, obliged him to re- 
tire with considerable loss (a. d. 539). 

After- his retreat, though none of those who followed him had pe- 
rished by the sword of the Romans, Justinian had the ridiculous 
vanity to assume the title of Francicus, or conqueror of the French. 
Theodebertus, filled with indignation, resolved to avenge the insult, 
and, by following the course of the Danube, to invade Thrace, and 
then attack the very capital of the Greek empire. Already great pre- 
parations were making for this purpose, and the emperor began to 
tremble in Constantinople, when Theodebertus died in the flower of 
his age (a. d. 548), and there was none after him skilful or bold 
enough to execute his projects. 

It was only towards the end of the Gothic war, that two of his 
successor's generals, Leutharis and Bucelin, undertook in their own 



A. B. 527—565. 



JUSTINIAJf. 151 



name the defence of the Goths, who were now deprived of every 
other resource. They passed across the Alps into Italy, with seventy- 
five thousand warriors, French and Germans. This army, like a fu- 
rious torrent, overran the whole peninsula, from the northern pro- 
vinces to the southern extremity of Calabria, sweeping away or de 
stroying every thing in its impetuous course. Leutharis then desired 
to secure his booty by returning to the north, but was entirely 
foiled in his design. Being first defeated by the Romans during his 
march, he had scarcely reached and recrossed the river Po, when a 
dreadful pestilence carried him off, with nearly all his soldiers j a just 
punishment for the depredations and cruelties which they had com- 
mitted. 

In the meanwhUe, the army of Bucelin was also in a very per- 
plexed condition : Narses, unable, in the opening of the campaign, 
to stop his progress, succeeded at last in famishing his wearied troops ; 
this induced the German chieftain to engage in a general battle, rather 
than let all his followers die of sickness and starvation. The two 
armies met near Capua, on the banks of the little river Casihno, from 
which the bloody fight took its name. Never was there witnessed 
greater impetuosity on the one side, nor more valiant resistance on 
the other ; nor was there ever a more striking proof the superiority 
of true courage regulated by discipline, over blind and unrestrained 
bravery. Although the Romans and their auxiliaries found them- 
selves at first in great danger, from the violence of the enemy's at- 
tack, the defeat of the French and Germans was so complete, that, 
out of thirty thousand, only five men escaped, all the others being 
slain with their general; whereas the conquerors, whose number 
scarcely amounted to eighteen thousand, did not lose more than 
eighty men. All of them had performed prodigies of valor; but the 
honor of the day was by every one attributed to Narses, whose pre- 
sence of mind and superior genius had changed into so glorious a 
triumph, a combat the beginning of which seemed almost desperate 
for the Romans (a. d. 554). Shortly after, he cut to pieces another 
party of French, who were occupying a large portion of the country 
between the Po and the mountains : so many losses made them aban- 
don the hope of obtaining a footing in Italy. 

Whilst the bravest troops and the ablest generals of the empire 
were thus employed in the West, the Persians had recommenced the 
war in the East. During many years, their king Chosroes I, sur- 
named the Great, spread devastation through the rich provinces of 
JMesopotamia and Syria, burning or sacking the towns, plundermg 
the country, and routing the armies sent for its defence. He several 
times returned, after his campaigns to Persia with an immense booty, 
or after having forced Justinian to pay him a heavy tribute. Behsa- 



152 MODERN HISTORY. Part m. 

rius repaired in some degree the dishonor of the Roman arms; but 
after his departure, when he went to Italy for the second time, it daily- 
increased under other generals; particularly when thirty thousand Ro- 
mans were defeated by four thousand Persians, and, on another oc- 
casion, fifty thousand by three thousand only * At length, a signal vic- 
tory and other advantages gained by the troops of Justinian, permitted 
him to conclude a truce less disgraceful to the empire (a. d. 555). 

This truce was the more opportune as the state was visited at this 
period with many other calamities. Earthquakes overthrew several 
buildings, and pestilence destroyed many of the inhabitants of Con- 
stantinople; on the other hand, the Huns made a furious irruption 
into Thrace, and advanced so far as to threaten the capital. Belisa- 
rius was once more, on this occasion, the glorious defender and the 
strongest bulwark of the empire. Though scarcely able, on account 
of old affe, to wield a sword, he marched out with a handful of war- 
riors against the barbarians, and obliged them to retire (559). 

In return for so many services, the suspicious emperor, deceived 
by the slanders of the court, and believing Behsarius privy to a late 
conspiracy, stripped this great man of all his honors, and condemned 
him to an ignominious confinement which lasted seven months. It 
is even said and believed by many that his eyes were put out, and 
that he was reduced to so great a misery, as to beg his bread in the 
streets of Constantinople. But this seems to be a mere tale, quite 
unknown to contemporary historians, and founded on no better au- 
thority than that of John Tzetzes, an injudicious Greek writer of the 
twelfth century. More ancient authors, as Cedrenus and Theophanes, 
instead of mentioning any such fact, relate that Belisarius recovered 
his dignities and the friendship of the emperor. 

Both of them died shortly after, and in the same year (565). Jus- 
tinian was in the eighty-fourth year of his life, and the thirty-ninth 
of a reign which had been more famous abroad than prosperous at 
home, especially towards its close. The armies now stood in a 
miserable condition for want of regular pay, and the provinces 
were groaning under the pressure of heavy taxes, which served 
only to enrich covetous courtiers, or were spent in purchasing peace 
from the barbarians. Moreover, the emperor's munificence often 
degenerated into prodigality ; this being added to an inordinate pas- 
sion for new buildings, one of the incorrigible defects of Justinian, 
caused immense sums to be expended, that might have been much 
better employed. 

It should also be remarked that, after having amended the Roman 
legi-slation, he frequently altered his own laws, or suffered them to 

* Lebeau, Hist, du Bas. empire, vol. x, pp. 225-228 ; and vol. xi, 18-22. 
Agath. and Procop. De Bello Persico. 



A. D. 565-582= JUSTIN II. TIBERIUS II. 153 

be changed by his courtiers and ministers, in accordance with their 
interests and passions. The same inconstancy, and a weak CDnde- 
scension for his haughty and wicked wife Theodora, often betrayed 
nim into wrong and unjust measures, so far as to disgrace his ardent 
zeal for rehgion by the violence of his measures, and by his conti- 
nual attempts to rule and direct the affairs of the Church, whilst he 
neglected those of the empire. Owing to his imprudence, the fac- 
tions of the circus excited many disturbances, sometimes even bloody 
seditions in Constantinople, the emperor's bhnd partiality for one of 
the parties having increased their mutual animosity, which continued 
under his successors, and proved one of the greatest calamities of 
that capital. In a word, although Justinian possessed great talents 
and many virtues, one might reasonably think, from the general 
tenor of his government, that he was rather an idle spectator of the 
splendid transactions which occurred during his reign, and that he 
really did less good than evil to both Church and State. 

However, it would be unjust to deny that this emperor had noble 
views, and formed truly glorious designs. The reformation of juris- 
prudence, the conquest of Italy and Africa, his endeavors to increase 
the power and splendor of the empire, were certainly undertakings 
calculated to confer undying honor on any reign. If he did not him- 
self carry them into execution, Ms at least was the glory of having 
contrived the plans, furnished the means, and effected their accom- 
plishment through the instrumentality of talented individuals whose 
services Divine Providence placed at his disposal. 



JUSTIN II.— TIBERIUS IL— a. d. 565—582. 

At the death of Justinian, who left no issue, the imperial sceptre 
passed into the hands of his nephew, Justin II. This prince com- 
menced his reign with universal applause, having, on the very first 
day, redressed many grievances, and paid innumerable debts con- 
tracted by Justinian in his old age. His subsequent conduct was not, 
it is true, always marked by the same love of law and justice ; still, the 
emperor displayed it on many other occasions, particularly in the 
following occurrence, which is well deserving of notice. 

In order to check fraud and extortion in the capital, Justin ap- 
pointed for its prefect a magistrate of renowned integrity, who was 
not less firm in the discharge of his duty, than upright and virtuous. 
He invested him with unlimited power to punish, without appeal 
and without hope of pardon, all criminals, of whatever rank or con- 
dition; a just, though severe statute, which frightened all iniquitous 



154 MODERN HISTORY. Part III. 

men and extortioners, one only excepted, a proud nobleman, who 
thought himself above the reach of either divine or human law. A \ 
complaint was lodged against this man by a poor widow whom he j 
had robbed of all her property. The prefect, through regard for the 
accused, who was a relation to the emperor, wrote to him, and intrust- | 
ing the letter to no one but the injured widow, begged him to indem ! 
nify her for the wrong she had suffered. The only satisfaction she \ 
received, was insult and ill treatment. 

The prefect, hearing this, was inflamed with indignation, and 
summoned the offender before his tribunal ; but his new orders were 
equally despised, and answered only with fresh insults and railleries 
against both the judge and the judgment. Instead of appearing, the 
haughty nobleman went to the palace, where he was invited to dine 
with a great number of courtiers. No sooner did the prefect know 
that he was at table with the emperor, than he himself entered 
the dining-room, and said to Justin: " My lord, if you persist in the 
resolution which you have manifested of punishing oppression and 
violence, I also shall continue to fulfil your orders. But if you re- 
nounce a design so worthy of you, if the worst of men are honored 
with your favor and admitted to your table, receive my resignation 
of an office which becomes useless to your subjects, and cannot but 
be displeasing to yourself." To this noble remonstrance Justin an- 
swered that he had not changed his mind. *' Punish," said he to 
the prefect, '^punish injustice every where; were it even seated with 
me upon the throne, I would rather descend, to deliver it up to pun- 
ishment." The virtuous magistrate did not desire more : emboldened 
by this answer, he presently ordered the culprit to be seized in the 
midst of the guests, and carried before his tribunal. The widow's 
complaints were heard, and as that man, before so arrogant, and now 
speechless and trembling, could not urge any thing in his defence, 
the prefect caused him to be stripped and beaten with rods, and 
then to ride upon an ass, with his face turned to the tail, through 
all the streets of the city ; his effects were moreover forfeited for the 
benefit of the widow. This exemplary chastisement stopped for 
some time the course of usurpation and extortion. The emperor 
rewarded the resolute conduct of the prefect by raising him to the 
rank of a patrician, and confirming him in his charge for the remain- 
der of his life.* 

The other quahfications of Justin were not equal to his zeal for 
the enforcement of the laws and of good order. He was dissolute, 

* This act of firmness and vigor is by some referred to the reign of Justin 
I, but more probably belong^ to that of Justin II, and to th§ year 574 oi 
near that time. — See Lebeau, Histoire du Bas empire, vol. xi, pp. 235-237; 
— Petavius, Rationairium, temporwm, vol. i,p. 409. 



A. D. 5CO-582. JUSTI-K li.— TIBERIUS II. 155 

indolent, pusillanimous, and, at the same time, haughty to excess 
towards the ambassadors of foreign nations. This unbecoming pride, 
which his wife Sophia too faithfully imitated, occasioned bloody 
wars, and caused great losses to the empire. That princess, having 
long since harbored a deep hatred against Narses, the conqueror, 
and at that time, the governor of Italy, sent him a spindle and a dis- 
taff, with a scornful letter, telling him that those articles were more 
suitable for him than the command of armies and the government of 
provinces : for which reason she ordered him to depart from Italy, 
and return to Constantinople, to be employed in the palace. 

Narses had virtue, firmness and courage, but not to such a degree 
as patiently to bear so cruel an affront. On the perusal of the letter, 
his eyes sparkled with wrath, and, in a sarcastic tone : " Go," said 
he to the messenger, " and tell the empress, that I will cut out for 
her moire work than she desires." He immediately wrote to the na- 
tion of the Lombards (so called from their long beards), inviting them 
to come and invade Italy. He soon repented of his treason, and 
died with the bitter regret of having by that one act, dishonored a hfe 
of ninety-five years, the last portion of which had been ennobled by 
so many glorious achievements.* But this repentance came too late 
to prevent the evil consequences of his rash step : the Lombards had 
already set out under the guidance of their King Alboin (568). 
They crossed the Alps from the north-east, and meeting with little 
opposition, subdued all that part of the peninsula which received from 
them the name of Lombardy. Pavia was the capital of this new 
kingdom. The invaders did not advance far enough, or in sufficient 
numbers, to take the other chief cities, Rome, Naples, Ravenna, etc.; 
these therefore continued, for nearly two centuries more, under the 
power of the emperors of Constantinople, Ravenna being chosen, on 
account of its advantageous situation, to be the residence of the 
governors whom they appointed under the title of exarchs. 

The imprudence of Justin gave rise also to a new war against the 
Persians, the beginning of which did great injury to the Romans. 
Whilst the emperor, more ready to threaten than to execute, remained 
shut up in his palace, Chosroes, ever active and intrepid, unexpect- 
edly appeared on the frontiers at the head of one hundred and forty 
thousand men, attacked Mesopotamia and Syria, and with little or no 
opposition, desolated those rich provinces. The intelligence of these 

* In this we follow the account commonly given by historians ; still it 
should be observed, in justification of Narses, that several learned criticg 
deny his having yielded to his resentment and made any proposal to the 
Lombards about the invasion of Italy ; which invasion, they say, was 
undertaken for a variety of other causes. — Ste Annates du moyen age, vol, 
III, p. 188. — Lebeau, vol. xi,pp. 178, 179. 



156 MODERN HISTOKY. 



Part rir. 



disasters threw Justin into such a melancholy as degenerated into j 
real madness, the paroxysms of which became more and more fre- 1 
quent. Having fortunately retained his senses sufficiently to feel that 
he was no longer able to govern without a colleague, he made choice 
of Tiberius, the commander of his guards, a man universally respected 
for his prudence and virtue, and intrusted him to the reigns of 
government (a. d. 574). 

It would have been difficult to make abetter choice; and Chosroes 
soon perceived, to his cost, that the imperial court was now directed 
by a more vigorous hand. He saw the career of his triumphs and 
prosperity checked at the battle of Melitine, a town of Lesser Armenia, 
where he found himself opposed by one hundred and fifty thousand 
men, Romans and auxiliaries, whom Tiberius had mustered from the 
different parts of the empire as well as from the surrounding nations. 
Notwithstanding the exertions of Chosroes during the contest, most 
of the Persians were put to the sword, or driven into the Euphrates, 
where they perished. The dejected monarch fled with all haste to 
the extremities of Persia, and died in grief and despair, after a memo- 
rable reign of forty-eight years. 

Whilst Tiberius was thus restoring the honor of the Roman 
armies, he was not less careful to restore the interior tranquillity of 
the state. Crimes and extortions were checked by severe laws. 
The vain magnificence and useless expenses of the imperial court 
were abolished, and by this wise measure Tiberius enabled himself 
to support the standing army, diminish the taxes, relieve the wants 
of divers provinces, and gain the hearts of his subjects, by conferring 
on them benefits worthy of a great prince. He considered them all 
as his children, the state as his family, and the sovereign power as 
a blessing which he must render, as much as possible, common to 
all, by his equity, kindness and liberality. 

Amidst these laudable employments, the death of Justin, in 578, 
left him sole master. As the empress Sophia, by her counsels and 
influence, had been instrumental in placing him on the throne, she 
expected that, as she was now a widow, he would marry her, and 
thus enable her to preserve the title of empress. But Tiberius was 
already married, a fact of which she was not aware. On the day of 
his coronation, he made his virtuous wife, Anastasia, suddenly appear 
in the sight of the people, and crowned her with his own hands, to 
the extreme joy of all the spectators except Sophia, whose disap- 
pointment can scarcely be imagined. This ambitious princess, in the 
violence of her resentment, did all in her power to dethrone a sove- 
reign to whose elevation she had so much contributed. Tiberius 
contented himself with depriving her of the great riches which had 



A. D. 583—602. 



MAURITIUS. 157 



been left at her disposal, and in spite of her intrigues, remained in 
quiet possession of the throne. 

He occupied it only four years, and during this short interval, con- 
stantly displayed virtues equal to his rank. To procure the welfare 
of his people and maintain the honor of the empire, were now, as 
they had hitherto been, the constant objects of his solicitude. If, for 
want of sufficient forces, he could not expel the Lombards from their 
conquests in Italy, nor prevent the Avari, a Scythian nation, from 
obtaining a similar settlement in Pannonia ; he at least continued, 
though desirous of peace, to gain great advantages against the Per- 
sians, whose new king Hormisdas was obstinately bent on prosecu- 
ting the war. 

For these successes, the emperor was chiefly indebted to Mauritius, 
commander of his armies in the East. Mauritius was a man of 
great valor and experience, and, with the exception of a certain taint 
of avarice, still more commendable for the qualities of his heart. 
Tiberius, whose health was rapidly declining, thought he could do 
nothing better for the state than to appoint him his successor. This 
he did in a solemn assembly with universal applause, and died the 
next day (14th of August, 582), leaving Constantinople in deep 
affliction for the loss of so excellent an emperor, and yet in the cheer- 
ing hope of equal prosperity under the new sovereign. 



MAURITIUS,— A. D. 582—602 

The triumphs of Mauritius over the Persians had raised him to the 
throne : in order to maintain his own work, and pursue the course 
of his victories, he sent numerous armies to the frontiers j but the 
misunderstanding of the troops and generals permitted the enemy to 
regain the superiority in the first campaigns. At length, good order 
was re-established, and the Persians were conquered in many battles. 
These defeats, joined to the intolerable pride and cruelty of Hormis- 
das, roused his subjects against him. He was thrown into a dun- 
geon, and shortly after, put to death, with the consent of his son 
Chosroes II, who began to reign in his place. 

But Chosroes himself was not secure upon a throne lately stained 
with his father's blood. A considerable portion of the army perse- 
vered in its rebellion against the royal family, and defeated the troops 
of the king. In this distress, Chosroes, trusting more to a generous 
enemy than to disloyal subjects, fled for refuge to the Roman boun- 
daries, from which he wrote a moving letter to Mauritius, requesting 
his assistance and protection. Mauritius liberally complied with the 
14 



158 MODERN HISTORY. Panm 

request : by his orders^ the fugitive monarch was treated in a manlier 
worthy of a sovereign, and moreover supplied with a powerful army, 
whose exertions enabled him to re-enter his own dominions in tri- 
umph, to crush the rebels^ and regain the undisturbed possession of 
his kingdom (a. d. 593). 

In return for these signal benefits, Chosroes yielded to the Romans 
the territories and cities for which so much blood had been shed and 
so many battles fought within the last years. A permanent peace 
was concluded between Persia and the empire j and thus, instead of 
meanly fomenting the internal feuds of a powerful and rival stat^, 
Mauritius had the honor of bringing them to a happy termination, 
of replacing an exiled sovereign upon his throne, and of ending, by 
an act of generosity far more commendable than all his victorieSj a 
long and violent struggle which had proved so fatal to both nations. 

The emperor then directed his attention chiefly to the defence of 
the northern frontier against the attacks of the Avari. These barba- 
rians were accustomed to a life of warfare and pillage : frequently 
victorious and successful in their attempts, sometimes conquered and 
repulsed, they incessantly renewed their inroads, and spread devas- 
tation through Mesia, Thrace and other provinces. At last, a mas- 
terly expedition of Priscus, one of the Roman generals, in 601, 
almost annihilated their forces, without however destroying their 
warlike and restless spirit. 

This brave commander, having resolved to strike a signal blow, 
crossed the Danube with the intention of attacking the Avari upon 
their own territories, and immediately sent away the boats, in order 
to reduce his own soldiers to the necessity of conquering or perishing. 
This being done, he marched out of his cafnp, with all his troops 
drawn up in battle array; and, as it was the custom of the barbarians 
to fight in separate bodies and in a desultory manner, Priscus divided 
his army into three square battalions, the better to face the enemy on 
all sides. He ordered them, moreover, not to use their arrows, but 
to come to close fight with their pikes and javelins. This first com- 
bat ended only with the day, and the issue was favorable to the Ro- 
mans; for, whilst their loss did not amount to more than three hun- 
dred men, they had killed four thousand of the Avari. 

The enemy did not appear for two days. On the morning of the 
third, Priscus drew up his army in the same order as before, but, 
during the contest, gradually extended its wings, so as to enclose the 
barbarians, who lost nine thousand men on that day. The ten fol- 
lowing days passed without any new engagement. Priscus, ani- 
mated by his first success, and seeing the Avari at a stand, went 
forward to provoke them a third time to battle. He posted his troops 
on the declivity of a hill, at the bottom of which there was a lake. 



A. o. 582—603. 



MAURITIUS. 159 



The Romans rushed upon the barbarians with such fury, and drove 
them towards the lake with such irrresistible force, that fifteen thou- 
sand of them were put to the sword, or perished in the water. Of 
this number were the four sons of the Kan (chief of the Avari); and 
the Kan himself was, for some moments, in great danger, which he 
escaped only by a precipitate flight. 

Priscus, having let his troops take some repose, went in search of 
the Avari, and fought them in a fourth and equally successful battle, 
which obliged the vanquished to retreat beyond the river Teissa. 
The conqueror sent four thousand men to observe them, and examine 
their new position. This detachment found in a certain borough a 
great multitude of Gepidse, subjects of the Avarian nation, who had 
just come to celebrate one of their solemn feasts. These barbarians, 
not being informed of the issue of the last battle, were enjoying 
themselves at table during the night, particularly in drinking: the 
Romans arrived just at that time, and easily slew thirty thousand of 
tliem^ they then returned, loaded with booty, to their camp on the 
other side of the river. 

Twenty days more having elapsed, the Kan, at the head of a con- 
siderable force, recrossed the Teissa, and challenged the Romans to 
a fifth battle. His obstinate resolution was still of no avail, and this 
victory of Priscus crowned the success of his glorious campaign, 
which had not lasted more than two months. The numerous army 
of the Avari was either cut to pieces or drowned in the river. There 
remained only about seventeen thousand men, many of whom were 
taken prisoners ; but, shortly after, the Kan had the good fortune ta 
recover them by a stratagem, and with them repaired, in some mea- 
sure, the great losses of his nation. 

It was just the reverse with the Greek emperor, whose political 
career, so successful in the beginning, ended in a bloody tragedy of 
which he and all his family were the victims. During one of the 
preceding campaigns, the Avari had taken twelve thousand Roman 
prisoners, whom Mauritius refused to redeem, though but a trifling 
sum was asked for their ransom ; and this refusal so enraged the 
barbarians, that they put them all to the sword. The emperor then 
began to be stung with remorse, gave large alms, and prayed that 
God would rather punish him in this life, than in the next. His 
prayer was heard, and he himself unknowingly prepared the way 
for its accomplishment. 

The late conduct of this prince with regard to the prisoners, had 
already provoked loud complaints against him, when, in the year 
602, he ordered the troops on the frontier to take up their quarters 
in the enemy's country, and to subsist there by plunder during 
winter. The soldiers exasperated at this command, chose one Pho- 



160 MODERN HISTORY. Pait III. 

cas, a daring, ambitious man, for their leader, and marched to Con- 
stantinople, where he was crowned emperor. Mauritius endeavored to 
make his escape, and passed indeed to the opposite shore ; but he was 
overtaken with his family. His five sons were slain before his eyes 
al Chalcedon, whilst he repeated these words of the Royal Prophet: 
Thou art just, O Lord, and thy judgment is right f and when the nurse 
offered her own child instead of his youngest, he would not suffer it. 
Last of all, he himself was massacred, and, after having shown him- 
self a great general and an emperor of some ability, he appeared in 
his last moments a true and magnanimous hero. He had held the 
sceptre twenty, and lived sixty-three years. 

During his reign, an inundation took place in Italy, which was 
deem.ed the most surprising and destructive that had ever happened 
since the deluge. All the rivers overflowed, and spread devastation 
throughout the whole country. The plains were covered with such 
a quantity of water, as to present the spectacle of a vast sea, upon 
whose surface the wrecks of farms, the timber of houses, the dead 
bodies of men and animals, were floating on every side, as in a gene- 
ral shipwreck. The Tiber was so high, that it filled the streets of 
Rome, destroyed many buildings, and left uncovered only the seven 
famous hills of the city, which then appeared as so many islands. 
The rapid stream carried along with it an incredible multitude of ser- 
pents, among which there was seen one of an enormous size. Being 
all hurried away into the sea, they perished, and were thrown op by 
the waves upon the beach. In fine, this deluge was accompanied 
by frightful storms, thunder and lightnings, and followed by a pesti- 
lence, which swept off. vast numbers of inhabitants. 

In the midst of these calamities, St. Gregory the Great was, not- 
withstanding his modest reluctance, raised to the chair of St. Peter, 
which he occupied fourteen years (590 — 604). During that period 
he constantly acted the part of a wise, enlightened, virtuous and holy 
pontiff, as all contemporary monuments testify .f This great pope 

* Ps. cxviii. 137. 

t This, being a notorious fact to which all sorts of documents bear 
ample testimony, plainly demonstrates how unjust and absurd are the 
charges of bigoted zeal, ambition, flattery towards princes, etc., brought 
forward by Hume and other infidels against St. Gregory. 

Equally unfounded and ridiculous is the accusation of his having destroy 
ed the books and other monuments of ancient literature in Rome. This 
work of destruction is not only well accounted for by the multiplied ravages 
of the barbarians, but, even in the opinion of Bayle and Barbeyrae, two au- 
thors little suspected of partiality in favor of the popes, not one single good 
proof can be adduced that St. Gregory ever attempted to do so ; except per- 
haps with regard to books of sorcery and judicious astrology, which St. Paul 
himself judged worthy of entire destruction, as we read in the Acts of the 
Apostles, xix, 19. All this has been candidly acknowledged by RoscoOj in 



A. P. 602—610. 



PHOCAS. 161 



arrested the progress of the plague by his prayers ; instructed empe- 
rors^ and at the same time inculcated the obhgation of true obedience 
in their regard: consoled and strengthened Africa; confirmed'in the 
true faith the Visigoths of Spain, lately converted from Arianism 
with their king Recared ; sent to England the glad tidings of the gos- 
pel; reformed discipline in France; subdued the fierce temper of the 
Lombards ; saved Rome and Italy, which the emperors were unable 
to assist; checked the growing pride of the patriarchs of Constanti- 
nople; enlightened the whole Church by his doctrine; governed the 
East and West with equal vigor and humility, and afforded to the 
world a perfect model of ecclesiastical government. 



PHOCAS.— A. D. 602—610. 

Mauritius and his guiltless' offspring being inhumanly cut off, 
Phocas, the leader of the rebellion, the personification of intemper- 
ance and cruelty, appeared in secure possesion of the supreme power 
in Constantinople. But Chosroes, the politic king of Persia, with 
sentiments of seeming indignation at the murder of his kind bene- 
factor and ally, loudly exclaimed against the assassin on the throne, 
and threatened revenge. A still stronger motive, his own interest, 
induced him to declare war against the tyrant Phocas. With nu- 
merous troops, he passed tire Roman boundary, and, meeting with 
no resistance, quickly overran Mesopotamia and Syria. Phocas, who 
had renounced the profession of a soldier, without assuming the 
character of a prince, remained inactive, and beheld with indifference 
the ravages of his dominions. He suffered Chosroes to gratify his 
revenge and ambition without a. check, and exclusively employed 
himself in shedding the blood of the worthiest men of the state, and 
gratifying his unruly passions. His own relatives and the senate 
of Constantinople, seeing nothing done for the preservation of the 
empire, secretly requested Heraclius, the governor of Africa, to come 
to their assistance, assuring him that the purple would be the reward 
of his services. 

Age had extinguished the last spark of ambition in the breast of 
Heraclius; but he took all proper means to secure the crown for his 
son. The young Heraclius boldly embarked in the hazardous en- 
terprise, put a select body of troops on board the vessels that were 

his History of Leo the Tenth, vol. i, ch. i, p. 53, where he praises " the benefi- 
cence, candor and pastoral attention of Gregory I, — unjustly charged," he 
.adds, "with being the adversary of liberal studies." 
14* 



162 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part III. 



ready for sea, set sail, and nearly reached Constantinople, before 
Phocas had the least suspicion of his rival's approach. After a sharp 
contest at sea, Heraclius forced the entrance of the harbor. In the 
meantime, the tyrant destitute of friends, was seized by a private 
enemy, and conveyed on board the galley of the conqueror, who first 
reproached him for his atrocious crimes, then ordered his head to be 
struck off and his body to be burned. Heraclius was immediately 
proclaimed emperor (a. d. 610). 



HERACLIUS.— A. D. 610—628. 

By this time, the empire was in a most deplorable condition. On 
one hand, the pabhc treasury was drained; there were hardly any 
troops to defend the frontiers, and not one good general at their head, 
the ablest officers having either fallen in battle or perished by the 
sword of the tyrant. On the other hand, the Avari were recommenc- 
ing their inroads in the West, and the Persians continuing the work of 
depredation throughout the whole East. The latter, in four success- 
ful campaigns (611 — 615), subdued Mesopotamia, Cappadocia, Sy- 
ria and Palestine; plundered the cities of Edessa, Caesarea, Antioch, 
Damascus, Jerusalem, etc., and carrying off innumerable captives, 
together with an immense booty, left those unfortunate regions co- 
vered with blood, ruins and ashes. 

In pursuit of new victories, the Persians then marched into Egypt, 
took the wealthy city of Alexandria, and desolated the whole coun- 
try around ; while another army advanced through Pontus and Asia 
Minor as far as the Straits of Constantinople. Unprepared, and un- 
able to resist so powerful a force, Heraclius begged peace of Chos- 
roes with suppliant intreaties, and even on the humiliating terms of 
purchasing it by an annual tribute. The haughty monarch rejected 
the proposal with scorn. Putting the ambassadors in chains, he 
swore that he would spare neither the emperor nor his subjects, un- 
less they would abjure their crucified God, and, hke the Persians, 
adopt the worship of the sun. 

In this desperate state of affairs, Heraclius thought of abandoning 
Constantinople and transferring to Carthage the seat of the empire. 
Fusing however from that despondency and lethargy in which be 
seemed to be plunged, he took at length the generous determination 
of putting himself at the head of his shattered troops, and to run 
with them all the hazards of so perilous a war. Being once roused 
to action, nothing appeared in him but heroism. He spent one year 
in preparing his soldiers, and inspiring them with his own ardor and 



A. V. 610—628. 



HERACLIUS. 163 



intrepidity; his design being, froni the very first step, to remove the 
seat of war into Persia^ and thereby obhge the infidels to return home 
for the defence of their country. Not to leave any enemies behind, 
he eoncluded a truce with the Avari, who had lately attacked him 
on the side of Thrace; and in the year 622, the twelfth of his reign, 
began his march towards Persia, immediately after Easter. 

Before the expiration of the same year, HeracUus began to reap 
tlie fruit of his eff'orts, by defeating the Persians in Armenia. This 
first success turned for ever the scale of fortune : the Romans, so 
much dispirited before, but now under the conduct of a magnanimous 
prince, and animated by the example of his heroic valor, fearlessly 
entered the hostile territory, overthrowing, as they advanced, what- 
ever dared oppose their progress. Chosroes beheld, with impotent 
rage, all his armies conquered, his dominions laid waste, his cities 
and castles taken by storm, and himself compelled to fly for safety to 
more distant quarters. In the summer of 623, Heraclius took the 
important city of Gansac or Tauris, and consigned a great part of it 
to the flames, especially a famous temple dedicated to heathen wor- 
ship, and the palace of Chosroes, in which there was a rich statue 
of this proud monarch, under a dome which represented the heavens 
with the sun, moon and stars, and round about it angels holding 
sceptres in their hands in honor of Chosroes, with machinery in- 
tended to produce effects resembling storms and thunder. Leading 
back his army to take winter quarters in Albania, near the Caspian 
sea, the emperor was moved with compassion towards fifty thousand 
Persian captives whom he had brought with him, and dismissed them 
all, after having supplied them with the necessaries of life. This 
act of humanity so touched their hearts, as to make them pray with 
tears for his further success, and express their ardent desire that he 
might deliver Persia from a tyrant who, by his exactions and cruelty, 
was the destroyer of mankind. 

The campaigns of Heraclius in 624 and 625, were equally suc- 
cessful. He fought the numerous troops of the Persians in five or 
six battles, and was as many times victorious. In 626, Sarbar, one 
of the Persian generals, arrived with a powerful army before Chalce- 
don on the Asiatic bank of the Bosphorus, and was seconded by the 
perfidious Avari, who, having broken the truce, attacked Constanti- 
nople on the European side; but they were repulsed both by land 
and sea, and Sarbar was likewise foiled in his attempts against Chal- 
cedon. 

On the 12th of December, 627, Heraclius, almost without any loss 
on his side, gave the Persians an entire overthrow near the ruins of 
the ancient city of Ninivis. Razates, their general, was found among 
the slain, with his shield and cuirass of solid gold ; and with him fell 



164 MODERN HISTORY. Part III. 

nearly all the officers and the greater part of the Persian army. The I 
haughty Chosroes was now driven from town to town, and yet con- 
tinued obstinately deaf to aU proposals of peace. This obstinacy so I 
exasperated his subjects against him, that even his nobles and gene- 
rals revolted, with Siroes, his eldest son ; and, as the old king had ! 
just declared Medarses, another of his sons, his successor, Siroes j 
seized on his father, bound him in chains, and threw him into a dun- 
geon. There he was loaded with insults, allowed only a small, 
quantity of bread and water for his sustenance, frequently shot at, 
and wounded with arrows, until he expired, on the fifth day of his 
confinement (a. d. 628). 

Thus, through a just judgment of God, Chosroes II perished by 
the hands of an unnatural son, after having himself obtained the throne 
by spilling the blood of his father Hormisdas, and filled not only his 
own kingdom, but all the East, with carnage and desolation, during 
a reign of thirty-five years. Siroes immediately entered upon a treaty 
of peace with Heraclius, restored the provinces which the empire had 
lost, and released all the Roman prisoners. Another effect of this 
treaty was the restitution of the Holy Cross, which had been carried 
away by the Persians fourteen years before, and which, being now 
recovered from their hands, was conveyed back with great solemnity 
to Jerusalem. 

The emperor then returned in triumph to Constantinople, and 
made his entry into that capital in a chariot drawn by four elephants, 
amidst the shouts of multitudes. He afterwards applied himself to 
repair in the several provinces, the evils caused by so disastrous a 
war; Persia, in the meantime, remaining a prey to an almost uninter- 
rupted succession of bloody revolutions, which followed the hasty 
death of Siroes. Upon the whole, both nations were exceedingly 
weakened, and shortly after found themselves unable to resist with 
success a common and most formidable enemy, who, issuing forth 
from the deserts of Arabia, was preparing at this very time to impose 
upon the whole East his yoke, his laws, and his new religion. 



RISE OF MAHOMETANISM.— A. j>. 622—632. 

The author of this amazing revolution was Mahomet,, or Moha- 
med, a descendant through Ismael, of the great Patriarch Abraham. 
This famous impostor is believed to have been born in the year 570, 
at Mecca, a town of Arabia. The first part of his life he spent in 
obscure employments, already cherishing however that unbounded 
ambition which was to burst with so much violence and to produce 



A. D. 623—632. 



RISE OF MAHOMET ANISM. 165 



such extensive effects. At the age of forty, he assumed the quaUty 
of a prophet ; and supposing, contrary to the divine promises, that 
the true worship of God existed no longer upon earth, boldly main- 
tained that he was commissioned by heaven to restore the religion 
of Abraham, Moses and Jesus Christ, to its primitive purity, dread- 
fully disfigured, he said, by Christians, Jews and Idolaters. 

Upon this foundation, Mahomet built his religious system, which 
is a monstrous compound of Judaism, Christianity, old heresies, and 
his own fancies ; on one side, discarding all the mysteries of rehgion, 
on the other, continually inculcating that " God is God, and Maho- 
met IS his prophet." Being subject to fits of epilepsy, he attributed 
them to the visits of the Archangel Gabriel, by whom he pretended 
he was taught, but whose presence he could not bear without trances 
and convulsions. As he knew neither how to read or write, it was 
only with the assistance of a Jewish Rabbin and of a Nestorian monk, 
that he compiled his Koran, or book of books, as he called it, and 
which, in reality, is nothing else than a most strange medley of some 
beautiful sentences and maxims taken from Holy Writ, and of non- 
sense, absurdities and ideas the most extravagant, without design or 
connexion, though expressed in a lofty and an animated style. 

It was a very favorable circumstance for the design of Mahomet, 
that he preached his doctrine first among Arabs and Saracens, the 
most ignorant people perhaps then in the world. Still, instead of 
making much progress in the beginning, it rather met with powerful 
opposition at Mecca ; so far, that the pretended prophet, seeing the 
danger which threatened his life, was obliged to depart from that town. 
Tills event happ"ened in the year 622, and is famous among the Ma- 
hometans, who trace back to it the beginning of their era, under the 
namie of hegira, or flight. 

Mahomet retired to Medina or Yatreb, another Arabian city, where 
he was received with great honors. He obtained there numerous 
proselytes, to whom he declared that he intended to establish his reli- 
gion, not by the power of miracles, as the ancient prophets had done, 
but by the force and terror of arms.* To this first means of enforcing 
conviction, he added another equally successful with the generality 
of men, the enticement of sensual pleasures ; he himself setting the 
example of debauchery, as well as of ambition, enthusiasm and des- 
perate courage. Having assembled a little army, chiefly consisting 
of thieves and fugitive slaves, he at first attacked the caravans that 
went through Arabia for the purpose of Jrade, and meeting with 
great success, he enriched his soldiers and enlarged his projects. He 
took the city of Mecca from w^hich he had been compelled to flee, 

♦ See Note E. 



166 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part in. 



and thence carried the sword of destruction from one tribe to another, 
forcing all to embrace his religion, or pay him an annual tribute. 
Before his death (632), nearly the whole of Arabia was already sub- 
jugated. 

Such was the first result of the exertions of Mahomet j and, since 
he had personally set the example to an enthusiastic people, it is 
chiefly to him, as to its first cause, that we should refer the long 
course of victories gained, and of conquests made by his successors. 
It was he who changed some miserable tribes, until then confined tp 
the deserts of Arabia, into armies of undaunted warriors, for whom 
the invasion of the whole world seemed to be too little. Of what 
efforts were not those men capable, whose minds he had impressed 
with the dogma of absolute predestination, whose souls he had in 
flamed with all the ardor of rehgious fanaticism, and whom, in fine, 
he had taught to look upon thejnciselves as strictly bound and most 
happy either to conquer or to die on the field of battle for the propaga- 
tion of their sect! 

The inexorable severity of Mahomet towards the vanquished, was 
another cause of the rapidity of his success, the terror which he 
spread abroad, frequently disarming those whom he threatened with 
war. His practice in declaring it was, to propose the choice of one 
of three conditions, viz., the adoption of his religious system, or the 
payment of a tribute, or an appeal to the sword. They who agreed 
to the first, not only preserved their lives and property, but were even 
made partakers of all the privileges of Mussulmans. Those who 
consented to pay a tribute, were allowed to profess their own reli- 
gion, provided it was not gross idolatry. If they had courage to 
fight, no quarter was granted to them ; only the women, old people 
and children were spared, and reduced to slavery. This terrible 
mode of proceeding continued for many years, and was abandoned 
only when the Mahometan power, being solidly estabhshed, had 
nothing to fear from its enemies. 

The followers of Mahomet are called Mahometans^ from his own 
name ; — Mussulmans or Moslems, from the word Islam, which means 
submission to God and to his prophet, and by which they desig- 
nate their religion ; — sometimes Arabs, from their parent country ; — 
and more frequently Saracens, from one of the principal tribes that 
first embraced Mahometanism. As to the chiefs of this new religion 
and empire, they took the name of Caliphs, or vicars of the prophet ; 
and sometimes also, the title of Emir al moumenin or Miramolin, 
which signifies prince, or commander of the faithful. 



i.D. 6X^639. SARACENS IN SYRIA^ ETC. 167 



PROGRESS OF MAHOMETANISM 



CONQUESTS OF THE SARACENS IN SYRIA, PALESTINE AND MESOPOTAMIA. 

A. D. 632—639. 



Mahomet having left no male issue, it was natural to expect that 
the titles and power he had enjoyed, should be transferred to All, 
his cousin, son-in-law, and designated heir. Still the suffrages of the 
nation were for Abu-Beker, Mahomet's father-in-law, a man of great 
repute among the Arabs, and to whom, more than any one else, Is- 
lamism was indebted for the popularity it had acquired. Moreover 
he was powerfully supported by the most influential chieftains of the 
Mussulmans, Omar and Othman, who preferred to see the dignity 
of caliph, to which they themselves probably aspired, intrusted to a 
man sixty years old, the age of Abu-Beker, rather than to Ali, a 
young man, who, having, acccording to the ordinary course of na- 
ture, the prospect of a long life, would likely prevent them from ever 
becoming caliphs. 

Abu-Beker therefore was elected, and immediately took the census 
of his subjects. Having found one hundred and twenty four thou- 
sand Mussulmans, he did not doubt but that he might, with these 
forces, undertake and execute great projects. After quelling some se- 
ditions among the Arabs, and driving the Persians from the ancient 
Chaldea, he raised three armies for the invasion of Syria, under the 
command of three valiant chieftains, Kaled, Abu-Obeyda and Am- 
rou. Their first attack was directed against the frontier towns, Bc:;- 
tra. Palmyra, and some others which were easily conquered. Kaled, 
who was the commander in chief, then went, at the head of fifty 
thousand men, to lay siege to the important city of Damascite. Nei- 
ther the courage of the citizens and garrison, nor the exertions of the 
troops sent to their assistance, could save the town from the hands 
of the infidels. It was taken by them at the end of six months, and 
most of its brave inhabitants were inhumanly slaughtered, by the or- 
der of Kaled. This happened on the 30th of August (634), and was 
the last event of the reign of Abu-Beker, who died on that very day, 
at the age of nearly sixty-three years, after having appointed Omar 
his successor. 

The death of one caliph and the accession of anoth^ made no al 
teration in the plans, and put no hindrance to the progress of the 
Saracens. The only change that arose was, that Abu-Obeyda re- 
ceived the chief command of their troops, in the place of Kaled whose 
temper was too violent and sanguinary. This terrible, but truly mag- 



168 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part m. 



nanimous warrior, descended without a murmur to an inferior rank, 
and declared that this circumstance would by no means prevent himl! 
from making the utmost exertions for the public welfare. Such was;' 
the heroic spirit of the Arabs of that period: religious enthusiasm 
raised their minds above the ordinary feelings of nature, and keptj 
them ever ready to sacrifice their private interests and personal viewsj 
on the altar of patriotism. However, as Kaled possessed surprising 
activity and great talents for war, he continued, under Abu-Obeyda,, 
to direct the operations of the army, and this good understanding of Ij 
the two generals greatly facilitated their success. : i! 

In the meantime, the Greeks and the Syrians, roused by their ex-!! 
treme danger, opposed in different parts of the invaded country, a I 
formidable resistance which cost the lives of many Saracens, particu- i 
larly in the neighborhood of fortified places whose garrisons frequently; 
made vigorous and successful sallies. Heraclius also was exerting | 
himself in taking measures to preserve Syria. Having raised a nu- 
merous army, he placed it under the command of a general named l 
Manuel, who immediatelv went in search of the Saracens. It did not i 
take him long to find them; at the news of his approach, Obeyda and | 
Kaled had assembled their forces, and stationed them on the banks ' 
of a river near the city of Yarmouth : on that spot the furious and ' 
bloody engagement took place, that almost annihilated the Roman 
power in those provinces. During the battle, which lasted several 
days, women seemed to vie with men for the prize of courage. On 
the first day, the Greeks animated equally by despair and by the su- 
periority of their numbers, three times put the Saracens to flight, 
and three times the fugitives returned to the field, spurred on by the 
railleries of their wives, who were placed at the rear with the great 
standard of Mahomet. Not less sharp and obstinate was the fight of 
the following day. At last the Christians being not only harassed^ 
but also betrayed, v/ere entirely defeated, and lost more than a hun- 
dred thousand men, many of whom fell by the exterminating sword 
of the Arabs; some perished in the river; and others were taken 
prisoners. 

The conquerors seized the occasion of improving their victory, by 
the pursuit of the vanquished, and by the capture of those places in 
Syria and Palestine, that were yet subjected to the empire. Je- 
rusalem, in particular, was the grand object of their views. Mahomet 
had always professed a peculiar veneration for that holy city, and had 
transmitted tiftit veneration to his followers, who ardently desired to 
have the town in their possession. Accordingly, only one month 
after the battle of Yarmouth, Omar sent to his generals an order to 
march into Palestine and attack Jerusalpm. The city, though desti- 
tute of all hope of assistance from Herachus, resisted during several 



A. D. 639-644. SARACENS IN EGYPT. 169 

months all the efforts of the enemy, but was in the end compelled to 
surrender. The caliph went himself from Arabia to treat of the 
capitulation, granted mild conditions to the inhabitants, and solemnly 
took possession of the town in May, (a. d. 637). Aleppo, Antioch, 
Tyre, Cassarea, etc. fell also about the same time under the power 
of the victorious Arabs, and the conquest of Syria and Palestine was 
completed by them in the space of six years. 

The conquest of Mesopotamia cost them still less time and fatigue. 
One year was sufficient to subdue that country, for which the Ro- 
mans and Persians had fought during many centuries. Edessa, 
Nisibis, and other towns, so famous in antiquity for the glory of their 
arms, as well as for the flourishing state of Christianity within their 
walls, scarcely dared make any resistance, and submitted to the Ma- 
hometan yoke. 

All this happened during the reign of Heraclius, who was now 
disgracing by indolence the glory which he had formerly acquired, 
and who seemed to have lived, merely to behold the loss of his finest 
provinces. He died in the year 641, the thirty-first of his reign, and 
sixty-seventh of his age, leaving the Greek empire in a condition 
nearly as deplorable as that from which he had rescued it some years 
before. After him, Constantine HeracUus and Heracleonas his sons, 
occupied the throne ten months only, and Constant II, his grand-son, 
who occupied it twenty-seven years, did little else than persecute the 
Church and tyrannize over his subjects. 



CONQUESTS OF THE SARACENS IN EGYPT .-^a. d. 639—644. 

SovEBEiGNs of this description were certainly incapable of checking 
the progress of the Saracens, whose armies had already penetratecj 
into Egypt. The leader of their forces in that envied country, was 
Amrou, a brave general^ who has been already mentioned. Uniting 
wisdom and prudence with intrepidity, he first took different town^ 
leither by capitulation or surprise, and at length appeared in sight of 
iihe populous city of Alexandria. 

Like other great generals, Amrou trusted to no one but himself foF ~ 
the precautions and measures to be taken in war. In order then tQ 
'become well acquainted with the position and strength of the town, 
he himself went to examine its outworks, accompanied only by a 
slave called Verdan, and Mulisma, one of his chief officers. Having 
approached too near the wall, they were apprehended, p.nd broughf: 
before the governor of the place, who asked them upon what grounds 
ittie Mahometans h^fl^ com^ tp nUnc-k Alesandriji, Amrou J?eplie4 
15 



170 MODERN HISTORY, Part III. 

that their view was, either to make the Greeks embrace the religion 
of Mahomet, or compel them, sword in hand, to pay an annual 
tribute to the caliph. 

So bold an answer led the governor to believe that the man who 
gave it, was certainly the general of the Saracen troops : " This is- 
Amrou himself," said he to his officers ; "let him be beheaded." 
Verdan, who understood Greek, seeing the imminent danger of his 
master, turned to him, and giving him a violent blow, said in an 
angry tone: " Why do you, who are the least of the Mussulmans, 
take upon yourself to answer? Let your superiors speak." Then 
Mulisma, raising his voice, said that the general of the Mahometans, 
desirous to treat with the governor, had sent them to demand an in- 
terview ; and, if the Greeks were disposed to offer or accept reasona- 
ble conditions, peace would be soon concluded. 

This stratagem had the desired effect. The governor, believing 
now that he had been mistaken about these men, dismissed them 
unmolested; but, instead of the proposed interview, Amrou, on the 
following day, showed himself with his whole array near the walls 
of Alexandria, and immediately commenced the siege (a. d 640). 

It lasted fourteen months, during which the Saracens lost twenty- 
three thousand men, who were slain either in different assaults, or in 
the frequent sallies made by the garrison. At last, they took the city 
by storm, and putting to the sword many of its brave defenders, 
drove the others into the country, whither they were pursued by 
Amrou. Still, many of them had time to embark in the vessels 
which they found in the harbor; they soon returned, re-entered tlie 
city, and slew all the Saracens whom Amrou had left there. At this 
melancholy news, he hastened back with his troops, and finding the 
Greeks already in possession of the fortress, attacked them without 
delay, and, notwithstanding their vigorous resistance, drove them from 
this their last retreat. Those who escaped the destructive sword of 
the conquerors, re -embarked with precipitancy, and abandoned to 
the Saracens this powerful city, which had been so long the great 
store-house, as it were, of Rome and Constantinople, the honor of 
the empire, and the centre of commerce in the East. It lost then 
these noble prerogatives, and the whole province passed with it under 
the Mussulman sway. 

At this time also, literature suffered an irreparable loss by the con- 
flagration of the Alexandrian library, which contained upwards of 
five hundred thousand volumes. Amrou sent deputies to consult 
the Caliph, and ask hira what was , to be done with so many 
books; Omar answered .that, being useless if they agreed with the 
Koran, and dangerous if they differed from it, in either case they 
were to be destroyed. The Mussulman general, who was not less 



A. D. 632-656. SARACEN'S IN PERSIA^ ETC. 171 

moderate after victory than iritrepid in battle, reluctantly, but punc- 
tually, obeyed the order : the books were distributed throughout the 
various quarters of the city, and served, it is said, to warm the 
public baths during six months. 

No sooner was Egypt entirely subdued, than Amrou, proceeding 
farther west, carried his victorious arms into Lybia, and would have 
made still greater progress, had not the death of Omar occasioned his 
return. This caliph was murdered at Medina, in 644, by a Persian 
slave, to whose complaints against his master he had refused to listen. 
Othman, another celebrated personage among the Arabs, was imme- 
diately chosen to succeed him ; still, the death of Omar created deep 
affliction in the heart of every true Mussulman. Of all the caliphs, 
he is, to this day, the most revered among the Mahometans, at least 
those called Sunnites (see p. 174), as having contributed most to the 
increase of their civil and religious power. In fact, according to an 
ancient historian, he conquered, within the space of ten years and a 
half, thirty-six thousand towns or fortresses. Syria, Mesopotamia, 
nearly all Persia, Egypt and Lybia, were subdued by his generals ; 
and, what is still more surprising, these conquests were not less se- 
cure and permanent, than they had been rapid and extensive, owing 
to the wisdom and firmness with which the caliph governed — his 
staff, to use the expression of the Arabs, being more respected than 
the sword of his successors. 

This wonderful success of Omar's administration produced no 
change in his morals, no alteration in his manner of life, which was 
quite plain and even austere. Careless about his own ease, he every 
Friday distributed the money of the treasury to the poor, according 
to the wants of every individual. Historians highly praise also his 
love of justice, though they admit that he sometimes carried it to an 
excess bordering on cruelty, and that he was Bot always faithful to 
his promises. 



CONQUESTS OF THE SARACENS IN PERSIA, RHODES AND 
OTHER COUNTRIES.— A. d. 632—656. 



Othman completed the subjugation of Persia, which had been 
commenced under Abu-Beker and vigorously prosecuted under 
Omar. This kingdom was, in consequence of its frequent revolutions 
and the victories of Pleraclius, nearly shorn of its strength ; and Isde- 
gerdes III, who, in 632, ascended the throne at the age of fifteen years, 
was too young to defend it with success against the attacks of the Mus- 
sulmans, At the same time that they invaded Syria, thirty thousand 



172 MODERN HISTORY. Part III. 

of their warriors carried the sword of destruction to the banks of the 
Euphrates and Tigris. They were commanded, in this first period 
of tiieir progress, by Saad, one of the heroes of the Saracens, who 
achieved in Persia exploits equal to those of Kaled in Syria, and of 
Amrou in Egypt. The Persians, on their side, like the Syrians and 
the Greeks, roused themselves to a new exertion of that courage 
which they had so frequently displayed in former and better times. 
They made incredible efforts to avert the storm and secure their inde- 
pendence ; nor could the Saracens truly look upon themselves as the 
conquerors and masters of Persia, as long as there were inhabitants 
to defend it against invasion. 

No later than the year 636, a great battle was fought near the town 
of Cadesia between tlie Mussulman troops commanded by Saad, and 
an army of Persians amounting to one hundred and twenty thousand 
men, under the command of Rostan, the bravest of their generals. 
This battle, which is as famous among oriental nations as that of 
Arbela between Alexander and Darius (b. c. 331), was continued 
three days, with the utmost fury on both sides. The Saracens lost 
nearly eight thousand, and the Persians upwards of sixty thousand 
men j Isdegerdes was obhged to fly to the remotest parts of his king- 
dom, where he hoped he would be better able to muster new forces. 

The Mussulmans, before pursuing him, marched to Ctesiphon, or 
Modin, the capital city of Persia, and took it at the first onset. They 
found in it immense treasures and effects of inestimable value, the 
pillage of which enriched them, and, by a necessary consequence, 
made them lose the noble simplicity and plainness of their ancestors. 
Still, their warlike and enthusiastic spirit was ever the same, as 
clearly appeared when Saad, a few months after the capture of Mo- 
din, received from the caliph an order to go forward in pursuit of 
Isdegerdes. This intrepid general, with an ardor not to be surpassed, 
led his troops through the deserts and mountains of Persia, from one 
extremity to the other of this vast empire. Having overtaken the 
king at Gialola, in the province of Korasan, he gained over him a 
second victory as bloody and decisive as that of Cadesia. The unfor- 
tunate monarch was driven entirely from his dominions, and forced 
to apply for refuge and assistance to the petty neighboring tribes. 

A third battle gave the deadly blow to the Persian monarchy. 
Rostan, summoning all who could bear arms, raised another very 
numerous army, with which he determined to make a last and des- 
perate effort for the support of this tottering empire. Nooman, at 
that time commander of the Saracens, in the place of Saad who was 
engaged in subduing important provinces, did not avoid the battle. 
It took place near Nahavend, and was for a long time disputed with 
incredible animosity and valor. Nooman perished in the conflict. 



A. D. 63^-656. SARACENS IN PERSIA^ ETC. 173 

and the Saracens were about to abandon the field, when Hodaifa, a 
brave officer, revived their courage, and rushing at their head against 
the enemy, so broke his ranks, and made such a slaughter, as to 
gain at last a decided and most signal advantage, which the Arabs 
call the victory of victories. 

From this time forward, the Persians did not venture to appear 
any more in the open field ; cities every where opened their gates to 
the conquerors, a very few only having dared to make some show of 
resistance. It was in vain that Isdergerdes once more endeavored to 
retrieve his losses ; his last troops were easily overthrown, and he 
himself, being again obliged to fly, was put to death by discontented 
auxiliaries. Thus ended the second Persian empire (a. d. 651), 
after having lasted four hundred and twenty-five years from its res- 
toration in 226. The Arabian power was now fully established in 
that kingdom, and the surviving population adopted the religion of 
Mahomet. 

About the same time, the Saracens made other conquests in vari- 
ous countries, but neither so secure nor so important. The reduc- 
tion of the island of Cyprus was but transient, it being shortly after 
reconquered by the Christians. Nearly the same happened to Arme- 
nia ; but Nubia, in the south of Egypt, was rendered tributary, and 
the conquest of the island of Rhodes proved more lasting. Moaviah, 
a brave and skilful general, entirely subdued it in 653. The famous 
Colossus, or brazen statue of the sun, which the Rhodians had 
erected (b. c. about 300), after their deliverance from a powerful 
enemy (Demetrius Poliorcetes), was still lying on the ground. It 
was at least one hundred and five feet high, its other dimensions 
being in proportion; each finger was larger than a man of ordinary 
size; and being placed at the entrance of the harbor upon two oppo- 
site rocks which served as pedestals, ships could pass without diffi- 
culty betweeti the feet of the statue. It was thrown down by an 
earthquake, after having stood fifty-six years ; and it remained upon, 
the shore for about nine centuries, when the Saracens, now masters 
of the island, sold the broken parts of the Colossus to a Jewish 
merchant, who loaded with them nine hundred camels: this sup- 
poses the whole weight to have been seven hundred and twenty 
thousand pounds. 



15 



174 MODERN HISTORY. Part III. 

DISSENSIONS AMONG THE SARACENS.— a. d. 656—668. 

I 
i 

The progress of the Saracens in Asia was now checked for a time | 
by various obstacles, the greatest of which arose from among them^ 
selves. It was occasioned by the death of Caliph Othman, who, 
having provoked general discontent by the singularity of his deport- 
ment, and his partiahty for his relatives upon whom he blindly 
lavished the dignities and treasures of the state,' fell by the swords of 
assassins at the age of eighty- two years (a. d. 656). The right of 
succeeding him was claimed simultaneously by Ali, the son-in-law 
of Mahomet, and by Moaviah, the conqueror of Rhodes. A civil 
war ensued, which, though bloody, left the question undecided; till 
Ali, being murdered in 661 by a certain fanatic of his own party, 
and his son Assan dying after the lapse of some years, Moaviah re- 
mained sole and undisputed master. He chose Damascus for his 
residence, and was the head of the Ommiade dynasty, which reigned 
over the Saracens ninety-two years. 

But, although Moaviah succeeded in uniting under his sway all 
the parts of their empire, the hatred of the two parties did not abate : 
founded, not only on the difference of poHtical pretensions, but also 
on the disagreement of religious doctrines, it continued to subsist, 
and has even continued almost to this day the cause of frequent and 
bloody wars between the Persians who adhere to the sect of Ali, and 
the Turks who are followers of Omar and Moaviah. The preference 
given to Abu-Beker over Ali (see p. 167), is commonly assigned as 
the origin of this lasting animosity. According to the Persians, Ali 
was the lawful successor of Mahomet, and the three first caliphs 
were mere usurpers, as well as the Ommiades, who reigned after 
them to the detriment of the Fatimites, or offspring of Ali by his 
wife Fatime, Mahomet's daughter. The Turks, on the contrary, call 
themselves Sunnites, or orthodox, attached to the traditions of their 
Mahometan ancestors, and give to the Persians the name of Shyites, 
that is to say, schismatics and sectarians. 



PROSPERITY OF THE GREEK EMPIRE UNDER CONSTAN- 
TINE-POGONATUS.— A. d. 668—685 



Another great obstacle with which the Mussulmans of this period 
met in their career of invasion, was the superior ability of the Greek 
emperor, Constantine IV, or Pogonatus. No sooner had his father. 
Constant II, been slain by his own servants (a. d. 668), than he 



A. D.688-685. GREEK EMPIRE^ ETC. 175 

seized, with a resolute iiand, the helm of the state. He commenced 
his reign by punishing the murderers of his father, and bringing to a 
speedy termination some dangerous seditions. Having succeeded in 
this, he found a still better opportunity of manifesting the energies 
of his soul, in the defence of his capital city against the attacks of 
the Saracens. 

During seven years in succession (673-679), the numerous armies 
of Caliph Moaviah presented themselves before the walls of Con- 
stantinople, and battered them with all kinds of military engines; 
but they were constantly repelled, and finally obhged to retreat. 
Their failure was owing to their want of prudence and experience 
with regard to the attack of fortified places, inasmuch as they retired 
every winter, and were afterwards obliged to recommence the siege 
as if nothing had hitherto been done; and also to the unwearied 
courage and activity which the emperor and his troops displayed all 
that time. Among the various means that they took to baffle the 
efforts of the enemy, none was of greater service to them than the 
Grecian fire, which had been lately invented by a Syrian named Cal- 
hnicus. This man, having come from Heliopolis to Constantinople, 
carried thither the secret of that famous composition, which for many 
centuries rendered innumerable services to the Greeks in their difie- 
rent wars. It was used for the first time during this siege, and 
caused dreadful ravages among the Saracens. Burning even in 
water, and directing its blaze downwards, that terrible fire consumed 
both men and ships, and even iron and stones, before it could be 
extinguished ; for which purpose they were obliged to make use of 
sand or vinegar. 

The Mussulmans, unable to bear up against this mode of warfare, 
abandoned their undertaking, after it had already cost them a consi- 
derable part of their fleet and army. The remainder was not less 
unfortunate, when they attempted to retreat. All the vessels were, 
in consequence of a furious tempest, driven on shore, arid broken 
agamst the rocks or swallowed up by the waves ; while the land sol- 
diers, worn out with fatigue and afflicted by a contagious disease, 
were quickly overtaken by the Greeks, and cut in pieces, to the num- 
ber, it is said, of thirty thousand men. Other bodies of Mussulman 
troops were likewise entirely defeated by the Maronites, or inhabi- 
tants of Mount Libanus. These multiphed losses induced Moaviah 
to sue for peace; it was granted on condition of an annual tribute; 
and Pogonatus had thus the honor of compelling the most powerful 
prince of that time, to become a tributary of the empire. 

The state was beginning to recover its ancient splendor, when the 
Bulgarians, a barbarous nation, until then very little known, made 
settlements near Thrace on the banks of the Danube. Notwithstand- 



176 MODERN HISTORY. Part III. 

ing the wisdom of the measures adopted by the emperor to drive 
them back, his army was vanquished, and he found himself obhged 
to conclude a treaty, not very honorable indeed, but necessary for the 
tranquillity of his subjects. He then applied, with great zeal and 
success, to restore the peace of the Church, which had been consider- 
ably disturbed in the East by new heresies. This good, just and 
pious prince died in the eighteenth year of a reign generally pros- 
perous and glorious (a. d. 685). 

After his death, the court of Constantinople exhibited, during thirty 
years, an almost uninterrupted series of treasons and revolutions, 
which it would be equally tedious and useless to relate. Civil 
wars were also carried on among the Saracens for the possession of 
the supreme power, until Abdel Malek, the fourth successor of Moa- 
viah, by repeated victories, destroyed his competitors, prostrated 
their partisans, and was acknowledged sole cahph in 691. 



CONQUESTS OF THE SARACENS IN AFRICA.— a. d. 644—710. 

This event enabled the Arabs to resume their former course of pro- 
selytism and conquest; not so much however in the eastern part of 
the Greek empire, where they now suffered frequent defeats, as in 
other countries. Whilst some of their armies penetrated into India, 
others, taking the opposite direction, reached the western extremity 
of the African shores. Yet this did not happen till after a long 
struggle and repeated efforts, the subjugation of Africa having been, 
of all tlieir conquests m the civilized world, the most arduous and 
painful. Amrou had commenced it in the year 644 ; a second ex- 
pedition was undertaken in 647 under Abdalla, his successor in the 
government of Egypt. With an army of forty thousand brave war- 
riors, he advanced as far as Tripoli, a town advantageously situated 
on the coast of the Mediterranean sea opposite to Sicily. For want 
of ships and engines of war, he could take neither that city nor an- 
other which he likewise attacked ; but in the following year, he sig- 
nalized himself by a more brilliant expedition. 

At the approach of the Mussulman troops, the Patrician Gregory, 
who commanded in those parts, had assembled one hundred and 
twenty thousand men, either Greeks or natives, and inspired them 
with his own ardor for the defence of the country. He attacKed the 
Saracens near Yakoube, and these enthusiastic adventurers, though 
far inferior in numbers, willingly accepted the offer of battle. Noth- 
ing indeed ever surpassed the animosity of the combatants on eaCh 
side, nor was any battle ever conducted in a more singular manner. 



A. D. 644-710. SARACEJS^S. IN AFHICA. 177 

Every day, at the rising of the sun, the two armies went forth from 
their camp, and fought vahantly until noon; then equally exhausted 
by excess of heat and fatigue, they retired, as it were, by common 
agreement, and disposed themselves to recommence the next morning. 

This was done for several days in succession, without any decided 
advantage for either party ; till at last a stratagem of the Saracens 
rendered them completely victorious. By the advice of Zobeir, one 
of their most distinguished officers, part of their troops remained in 
the camp, ready to march at the first signal, whilst the others, early 
in the morning, went forward against the enemy. The engagement, 
as usual, was terrible and obstinately disputed, Zobeir purposely pro- 
longing the fight, in order to waste the strength of the Africans. At 
length the Saracens withdrew from the field, and laid aside their ar- 
mor, as if to take some repose; the Africans also, worn out with fa- 
tigue and burnt by the sun, began to retreat towards their camp. 

At this moment, the Saracen troops in reserve mounted their horses, 
and, with the indefatigable Zobeir at their head, bore down upon a 
wearied enemy. This unexpected attack every where spread terror 
and confusion among the Africans, who fled in every direction. 
Gregory, having rallied some brave soldiers, endeavored, but in vain, 
to withstand the fury of the assailants : being pierced by a pike, he 
died on the spot which had been the theatre of his valor. After this, 
the fugitives were pursued with great slaughter, and the Saracens 
easily subdued all the country around, and obtained an immense 
booty. Still, as they had themselves suffered a great loss of men and 
horses, they did not, at this time, proceed farther, but, after having 
taken the precaution to leave garrisons in the places which they had 
conquered, their army returned to Egypt (a. d. 648). 

No other troops were directed agahist Africa, for the space of 
seventeen years, namely until 665, when a brave general, called Moa- 
viah, like the celebrated caliph by whom he was sent, gained another 
victory near Tripoli ; but it had no great effect with regard to the fate 
of those regions. 

In 670, a more spirited and effectual effort was made by Oucba, 
another general full of ardor and enthusiasm, who had just received 
orders from the caliph to complete the subjection of the whole coast 
along the Mediterranean sea. This intrepid and fanatic warrior 
quickly overran all that part of Africa included in his commission. 
Torrents of Christian blood were spilt in the places which he subdued ; 
although, according to the rule laid down by Abu-Beker, he spared 
old people, women and children, and sent eighty thousand prisoners 
to Egypt. Not satisfied with depopulating the Roman provinces, he 
attacked and put to the sword the barbarians of Mount Atlas, and, 
having at length reached the shores of the Atlantic, he spurred on 



178 MODERN HISTORY. Part 111. 

his horse into the sea, and loudly expressed his regret that this bar- 
rier should oppose his farther progress. 

On his return, Oucba was guilty of great imprudence. Being too 
easily prompted to believe that the country was entirely subdued, 
he dismissed or scattered his forces, and kept only five thousand men 
with him. This rashness caused his ruin. There were still many 
towns occupied by the Roman troops, the rapidity of Oucba's course 
not having permitted him to attack them, and drive them all from 
Africa. They assembled together with the natives, chose for their lea- 
der Kuscile, a Moorish prince greatly renowned for his courage and 
prudence, and marched against Oucba before he had time to collect 
his own troops. 

This undaunted man did not hesitate one instant to go and fight 
them with a handful of soldiers; determined as he was to die rather 
than lose his former glory, he met the confederates half way. When, 
at the head of his five thousand warriors, he was in sight of that 
army of a hundred thousand men, he broke in pieces the scabbard 
of his sword; all his followers did the same, and then, with desperate 
fury, fell upon the enemy, wishing only to sell their lives as dearly as 
possible. In fact, not one of them died until he had slain at least his 
first antagonist, whether Roman or Moor, and the combat lasted as 
long as there remained one Saracen alive. Oucba was found dead 
upon a heap of enemies whom his sword had despatched; and the 
field of battle which is to this day called the field of Oucba, still bears 
testimony to his intrepid valor. 

This loss of the Saracens prevented, for many years more, the en- 
tire reduction of Africa. A new attempt was made in 688 by Zuheir, 
another hero of Islamism not inferior to those already mentioned; 
but this undertaking, like the expedition of Oucba, although at first 
brilliantly successful, terminated, like the former, in the slaughter of 
Zuheir and all his troops. 

Thus did northern Africa repeatedly bafl3e the measures and foil 
the efforts of its invaders. But its final overthrow was now at hand. 
No sooner had Abdel Malek prostrated his competitors and their par- 
tisans, than he directed his attention towards the achievement of this 
important conquest, and raised for that purpose numerous armies, 
the command of which he intrusted to Hassan, then governor of 
Egypt. This general, equal in courage, and superior in skill and 
prudence, to his predecessors, instead of overrunning without any 
fixed object, the country which he desired to conquer, marched di 
rectly to Carthage its caphal, and took it by storm (a. d. 697). He 
left a garrison there, with every means of defence ; which, however, 
did not prevent the Romans from reconquering the city before the 
elid of the same year. In the ensuing year (698), Hassan, after de- 



i. D. 711—718. 



SARACEKS IN SPAIN. 179 



feating tliem in a naval battle, took Carthage a secona time, and 
utterly destroyed that celebrated town, without any regard for its past 
glory or its prospects for the future. 

Thus was the death-blow given to Christianity and civilization ia 
Africa. There was yet, it is true, some show of resistance on the 
part of the remaining Romans united with the Moors ; but the perse- 
vering efforts of the Saracens overcame all obstacles, and the whole 
region, from Egypt to the straits of Gadez or Gibraltar, was finally 
subdued in the year 710, the sixty-sixth after the first attempt made 
by Amrou. The generality of the natives gradually embraced the 
Mahometan religion ; and northern Africa soon became the chief 
quarter from which the Saracens issued forth to pillage the coasts of 
Italy and Sicily, and to invade the rich provinces of Spain. 



CONQUESTS OF THE SARACENS IN SPAIN— a. d. 711—718. 

The Visigoths had possessed Spain during the space of two hun- 
dred and fifty years, when the misconduct of a prince and the trea- 
son of a subject overthrew their flourishing monarchy almost in a 
moment. King Roderic, shortly after his accession to the throne, 
dishonored by his immorality the family of Count Julian, one of the 
most distinguished of the nation. The exasperated nobleman, in 
order to avenge the insult, resolved to call in the Saracens of Africa. 
He conducted this fatal design with all the ardor, secrecy and ani- 
mosity of which the spirit of revenge is capable; and the greatest 
enemies of his religion and country were solicited by him to cross the 
straits, with assurances of a powerful assistance (a. d. 711). 

This proposal was readily accepted, and Musa, the Saracen gover- 
nor of Africa, sent an army composed of Arabs and Moors, under 
the command of Tarik, one of his ablest generals. Roderic had 
scarcely heard of the approach of the invaders, when he leheld them 
at the gates of his kingdom. He summoned the sti'ength of 
the nation to attend him in the field, and raised an army of a hun- 
dred thousand men, many of whom unfortunately were rather 
effeminate citizens than true soldiers. The Saracens had scarcely 
one-third of that number, but nearly all of them were old warriors, 
accustomed to fight, hardened against fatigues, proud of the conquest 
of Africa, and eager in propagating the empire of the Koran by the 
effusion of Christian blopd. 

The two armies met near Xeres in Andalusia, and being animated, 
one by the necessity of defending the national liberty and religion, 
the other by the love of glory and conquest, soon came to a furious 



180 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part III 



engagement. The animosity and obstinacy of tiie combatants made 
victory for a long time doubtful; for, although the Gothic army was 
partly composed of a new and undiscipUned militia, there was in it a 
sufficient number of brave soldiers to withstand all the efforts of the 
Saracens, and the king himself gave such proofs of personal bravery, 
as could hardly have been expected in a man of his dissolute habits. 
All this raised among the Goths a cheering hope of the fortunate 
issue of the day in their favor, when a sudden treason caused victory 
Jo declare for their enemies. 

During the hottest part of the battle, two sons of King Vitiza 
whom Roderic had dethroned, joined the Arabs at the head of their 
partisans, and attacking their countrymen in the flank, threw them 
into irremediable confusion. The Goths frightened by so strange an 
event, lost courage and fled; the king, after using his utmost exer- 
tions to rally the fugitives, was himself carried away by their multi- 
tudes, and disappeared; nor was his fate ever perfectly ascer- 
tained. His horse having been found, with the royal crown and 
mantle, at a short distance from a neighboring river, it was generally 
supposed that the unhappy monarch had been drowned. 

This day, so fatal to his cause, was decisive in favor of the inva- 
ders, on account of the immense booty, and the great number of 
standards and prisoners that fell into their hands. From the slain 
among the conquerors, who lost sixteen thousand, may be gathered 
the terrible slaughter of the vanquished. But the most certain as 
well as most important result of the battle of Xeres, was the down- 
fall of the Gothic monarchy, which disappeared with the last of its 
sovereigns. The Saracens easily dispersed the remainder of its sup- 
porters, and directed their victorious course to those portions of Spain 
which they had not yet invaded. Musa, the African governor, ar- 
rived with new forces, and dividing them into three separate bodies, 
overran in a short time the whole peninsula from Gadez to the 
Pyrenees. The inhabitants were either put to the sword or made 
tributaries; the cities were destroyed, or compelled to submit to the 
Arabian yoke. 

In the northern part of Spain, however, a small number of Chris- 
tians preserved their independence. Under the guidance of Pelaigio 
and Alfonso, two generous princes of royal descent, they retired from 
the invaded provinces to the remote and mountainous district of 
Asturias, where the conquerors at first perhaps disdained, and soon 
after were unable to attack them with success (a. d. 718). This 
was the beginning of the more recent kingdom of Spain, which 
gradually increased, but had to struggle for about eight hundred 
years, before it could be rendered as extensive as the first, by the entire 
overthrow of the Arabs and Moors in the Spanish peninsula. 



A. 0. ^17-730. SARACENS DEFEATED^ ETC. 181 

SARACENS DEFEATED IN THE, EAST— LEO THE ISAURIAN. 

A. D. 717—730. 

The Saracens had now, in the lapse of ninety years, achieved as 
many conquests, as the ancient Romans had done in seven or eight 
centuries ; but the empire of the former was not settled upon so last- 
ing and solid a foundation as that of the latter. Even at the time 
which immediately followed the subjection of Spain, the Mussul- 
mans experienced signal defeats, whereby their power and glory 
were greatly impaired. Having a second time attacked Constanti- 
nople, both by land and sea, they were again repulsed, with the loss 
of more than one hundred and twenty thousand men who perished 
by famine, cold, pestilence, or the sword of the enemy. Their fleet 
also, consisting of about eighteen hundred ships, was utterly destroy- 
ed, either by the fury of storms, or the violence of the Grecian fire. 
Only five ships escaped to convey to Syria the news of that frightful 
disaster (a. d. 718). 

The emperor of Constantinople at this period, was Leo the Isau- 
rian, a prince justly renowned for his military skill, which he admira- 
bly displayed during the siege of his capital. When he had delivered 
the empire from its enemies, he undertook a war of a very different 
nature, and much more worthy of a tyrant than of a wise sovereign. 
Unwilling to comprehend that the veneration of images is only 
an inferior honor referred to the person whom they represent, he 
published a severe edict against the use of them in churches, as if it 
were an idolatrous practice j and thus gave rise to the sect of Icono- 
clasts, or Image-breakers. 

In obedience to the emperor's orders, the pictures and images 
of Christ and of his Saints were destroyed in many places, to 
the great scandal of the faithful, and not without much blood-shed 
a-nd innumerable deeds of barbarous cruelty.* One of the most 
shocking, was the burning of the twelve learned and virtuous libra- 
rians (whom Leo had not been able to gain over to his party), toge- 
ther with the public library of Constantinople (a. d. 730). This per- 
secution was carried on with the same and even greater violence by 
his successor, Constantine Copronymus, and continued to disturb 
both Church and State till the year 787, when, in the seventh general 
council,f the second of Nice, the relative honor paid to images was 

* See Theophanes' Chronography p. 339 ; — Anastasius, in Pap. Gregor. 
II; — Fleury, Hint. Eccles. b. 42, n. 5, — Lebeau, Hist, du Bas. Emp. h. 63, 
n. 50 etc. vol. 13, ja. 357—363. 

I The fifth general council had been held under Justinian, in 553, and the 
sixth, under Constantine Pogonatus in 680, (both at Constantinople); for 
the purpose of condemning pernicious writings and doctrines connected 
with the Nestorian and Eutychian heresies 
16 



182 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part in. 



solemnly declared to be according to apostolic tradition, and to the 
practice of the primitive Church; was coniBrmed by examples from 
Scriptures, and vindicated from the charge of idolatry and superstition. 



SARACENS DEFEATED IN FRANCE.— CHARLES M ARTEL, 
ETC.— A. D. 731—752. 



In the west of Europe, the Arabs and Moors, after the conquest of 
Spain, looked upon France with a jealous eye, and wished to bring 
It also under their power. The first attempts which they made to 
this effect, had but little success, being repeatedly defeated by the 
brave resistance of Eudes, Duke of Aquitania. But, in 731, a new 
invasion took place that threatened not only Prance, but likewise 
all Christendom. Four hundred thousand Saraciens, having at their 
head Abderame, a renowned general, crossed the Pyrenees, and driving 
every thing before them, filled whole provinces with terror and deso- 
lation. Their march every where exhibited one continued scene of 
conflagration, plunder, and bloodshed. They who had the good for- 
tune to escape the exterminating sword of the enemy, were seen 
flying in all directions. Eudes, who attempted to check the career 
of the Saracens, was defeated, and forced to abandon his dukedom 
to the victorious barbarians. 

They then advanced without obstacle as far as the river Loirjp, 
into the very heart of France, constantly marking their passage 
with the most frightful ravages. The French monarchy seemed to 
be on the brink of ruin; every day added to its dangers; but fortu- 
nately, it possessed at that time, in the person of Duke Charles, the 
greatest general of Christendom. This hero, who had been hitherto 
engaged in subduing the restless tribes of Germany, was no sooner 
informed of the progress of the Saracens, than he marched from the 
north with a choice body of thirty thousand warriors, and meeting 
the enemy between the cities of Poitiers and Tours, soon put an end 
to their triumphant and destructive course. 

Seven days were spent on each side in preparing for a general 
engagement. On the eighth day, the French, animated by the pre- 
sence of their invincible leader, briskly charged the barbarians, and 
began to pierce the thickest battalions by the tremendous blows of 
their sabres and battle-axes. The Saracens sustained the attack with 
equal courage, and, though numbers of them fell dead, still vigor- 
ously resisted, by constantly opposing fresh troops to the impetuosity 
of the assailants. The battle Was fought in this manner for several 
hours, during which the Mussulman army was mowed down with 



4. D, 731-753. SARACENS DEFEATED, ETC. 183 

uninterrupted and frightful slaughter. Towards the close of the day, 
Abderame fell among the dead. Night separated the combatants, 
-who retired to their respective camps, but with very different feehngs 
— the French, with the consciousness of their advantage, the Arabs, 
in deep consternation. These fierce invaders, a short time before so 
proud of past success, but now reduced to a small number, and sen- 
sible of their immense loss, availed themselves of the darkness to 
effect their retreat, and precipitately retraced their steps towards the 
Pyrenees. 

So great was the number ©f the Saracens who fell in the battle, 
that, according to many historians, it exceeded three hundred thou- 
sand, whereas the loss of the French scarcely amounted to fifteen hun- 
dred men. Hence the defeat of the former is considered by all as one 
of the most signal that ever happened, and the victory of the latter as 
one of the most complete, important and decisive ever gained, as it 
was thought to have saved, not only France, but all Europe from the 
yoke of barbarism and infidelity. It is also commonly beheved that 
this was the day on which Charles acquired the surname of Martel 
(hammer), because, like a hammer, he had broken to pieces the 
weapons and crushed the power of the Saracens (a. d. 732). 

This great man continued to conquer all his enemies, and to go- 
vern France, as he had done before, with sovereign authority under 
the title of duke. There still existed kings and princes of the family 
of Clovis ; but they were generally weak and indolent, abandoning 
the cares of government to their prime-ministers. Pepin the Short, 
who, in 741, inherited the power and great quahties of his father 
Charles, thought of taking the last step towards the throne. This 
appeared so much the easier, as existing circumstances seemed to 
favor the execution of his project ; on one hand, the- mode of succes- 
sion of the last kings, which had bordered on the elective, and the 
inability of the present sovereign, Childeric III, contrasted with his 
own transcendent merit ; and on the other, the wishes of the French 
people, and the favorable, though very prudent, answer of Pope 
Zachary, who was consulted on the subject, emboldened him to 
prosecute his design.* 

Pepin therefore took his final resolution, and was proclaimed king 
in a general assembly of the nation (a. d. 752); Childeric having 
been in the mean time removed to a monastery, where he died three 
years after. In this prince ended the dynasty of the Merovingian 
sovereigns, after having occupied the French throne about three hun- 
dred years, during which it produced but few good and great mo- 
narchs. Dissensions and civil wars first weakened its power; indo- 
lence and habitual incapacity completed its downfall. 

* See note F. 



184 MODERN HISTORY. Part HI. 



PEPIN, KING OF FRANCE.— A. d. 752—768. 

Pepin showed himself every way worthy of the high station to 
which he was now raised. He not only maintained profound tran- 
quillity in his kingdom, but extended its limits, and, from the very 
beginning of his reign, signalized himself by a briUiant expedition 
equally important in itself and in its consequences. 

By this time, the Lombards, already masters of a great part of Italy, 
aimed at subduing the whole, and indeed conquered the province of 
Ravenna, which, under the name of Exarchate, had until then 
belonged to the emperors of Constantinople. Rome itself being on the 
point of falling into their power. Pope Stephen sent to implore neces- 
sary succors from Constantine Copronymus, in whose name the 
government of Rome was still exercised. But that emperor was too 
deeply engaged in warring against the images of the Saints, to think 
of sending troops against the Lombards. In this extremity, the Ro- 
mans embraced the last resource which was left them, that of calhng 
the vaHant monarch of the French to their assistance. 

The Pope went in person to France, where he was received with 
all possible honor and respect, and found the king and his lords ready 
to undertake the defence of Rome against its obstinate enemies. But 
before any act of hostility, and in order to prevent the effusion of 
Christian blood, deputies were sent, at the Pope's request, to Astol- 
phus, king of the Lombards, strongly to exhort him to do justice, 
and renounce his ambitious views. The fierce Lombard answered 
the proposal with threats and insults. Pepin then marched with his 
troops into Italy, and forcing the passage of the Alps, defeated the 
Lombards, and obliged Astolphus to shut himself up in Pavia, his 
capital, where, after a short siege, the vanquished prince consented 
to accept the terms of peace offered by the conqueror. With the 
most solemn promises he agreed to restore the towns which he had 
taken, and to put every thing in the same state as before the war. 
Pepin, relying on his word, contrary to the advice of the pope who 
knew the character of Astolphus better, returned to France. 

Scarcely had he departed, when the perfidious Lombard recom- 
menced hostilities, and laid siege to Rome, around which he renewed 
all the the ravages of the late war; Stephen had recourse again to 
his royal protector, and Pepin again hastened across the Alps into- 
Lombardy. His march was equally successful and rapid. Astol- 
phus dared not face him in the field, postponed no longer the execu- 
tion of the stipulated treaty, and was moreover condemned to bear 
the expenses of the war. 



A. ». 753-768. PEPIN^ KING OF FRANCE. 185 

At this juncture, two ambassadors arrived from Constantinople, to 
claim for the emperor the restitution of the cities and provinces which 
had been usurped by the Lombards. Pepin answered^ with a firm 
tone, that these countries being now his conquest as justly as any 
one obtained in a lawful war, it was quite surprising that the Greeks 
should claim for themselves the fruit of his labors, and the posses- 
sion of lands and places which they had been neither willing to de- 
fend, nor able to preserve : accordingly, as it was not for their master 
that he and his troops had undergone so many fatigues, it was not to 
him that he would resign what he had so justly acquired. 

The French king intended to make a donation of his conquests in 
Italy to Pope Stephen and his successors in the pontifical chair. 
After the Greek deputies had retired, he executed his resolution, by a 
solemn grant to the see of Rome of that part of Italy which is, on 
this account, called the Ecclesiastical State, and has ever since com- 
posed the temporal dominions of the popes. Before that time, they had 
been subject in civil matters to the Roman or Greek emperors : but, 
when the Roman empire no longer comprised the generality of 
Christendom^ when, after its downfall in the West, there sprung up 
from its ruins innumerable states and kingdoms, whose pretensions, 
views and interests were different, nay, commonly opposite; it was 
the kind design and will of Divine providence, that the popes should 
become totally independent of the power and influence of any 
secular prince. This independence they obtained through the instru- 
mentality of Pepin and his successor Charlemagne, who conferred 
on the Popes such an extent of temporal power as might enable them 
freely to exercise their spiritual authority.* 

The middle of the eighth century seemed destined to witness great 
changes in every part of the world. For, at that period, the Om- 
miades who had held the Mussulman sceptre for about a hundred 
years, were, after a bloody struggle, deprived of their ascendency by 
the Abassides, another powerful family among the Arabs. Abul- 
Abbas was the first caliph of this new dynasty. His successor, Al- 
manzor, built on the left bank of the Tigris the splendid city of Bag- 
dad, which he made his residence; and this city became, under the 
Abassides, what Damascus had been under the Ommiades, and 
Medina, under the first successors of Mahomet. 

In the same time, Abderame, one of the Ommiades, having es- 
caped the ruin of his family, fled from Asia to Spain, where he 
found the power of the Saracens much weakened by their late de* 
feats in France, by the progress of the Christians in Asturias, and 
by their owii dissensions and feuds. Putting himself at the head of 
one of the contending parties, he overcame the others, and founded 

See note G. 
16* . 



186 MODERN HISTORY. 



Pan III. 



a kingdom free from all allegiance to the caliphs of Bagdad. Cordova 
was the capital of this new empire. 

The late defeats just mentioned, of the Saracens in France, had 
been achieved by King Pepin. This warlike monarch drove .them 
entirely beyond the Pyrenees, added Aquitania to his dominions, 
and moreover enabled himself^ by his activity and constant vigilance, 
to render his arms equally formidable to the various nations of Ger- 
many. Broken down by the hardships of so many campaigns, | 
rather than by old age, he died in the fifty-fourth year of his life, 
the seventeenth year of his reign, and the twenty-seventh of his poli- 
tical and public career (a. d. 768). 

Valor, prudence, all the endowments of a noble mind and a 
generous soul, though somewhat tinged with ambition, contributed 
to make Pepin an almost accomplished monarch. He possessed a 
surprising talent fdr conciliating esteem, respect and affection. Al- 
though his birth did not call him to the throne, he ascended it with 
general applause, and, from the beginning, so well established his 
authority, that no mention is made of the least rebellion during his 
reign. Prudence was his predominant quahty, and one of the great- 
est praises that could, in after ages, be bestowed on a prince, was to 
say of him: *'^He is as prudent as Pepin." In a word, being the 
son of one hero and the father of another, he appeared worthy of i 
both, and historians observe that every thing was remarkable in him, J 
except his size from which he derived the surname of Short. | 

But even that, although for many persons an object of raillery, be- ] 
came for Pepin an occasion of glory. On a certain day, as he was | 
witnessing the combat of a bull and a lion exhibited for the amuse- 1 
ment of the court, he turned to his attendants, and asked which of ' 
them felt bold enough to separate those furious beasts. Not one 
dared make the attempt. *^Mine then shall be the task," replied Pe- 
pin; and leaping into the circus, he went to the lion which he killed 
by a single blow of his cimeter, and with another stroke cut off the 
head of the bull. All extolled his bravery, and acknowledged the 
impropriety of their railleries. 



CHARLEMAGNE, KING OF FRANCE AND LOMBARDY. 
A. D. 768—800. 



J 



It would have been no small honor for the successor of Pepin, to 
follow the footsteps of this great prince. Charles his eldest son, did 
more than this; he surpassed him, and by the invincible firmness of 
his mind, the superiority of his genius, and the incredible number of 



A.i. 76&-800. CHARLEMAGKE^ Ki:PrG; ETC. 187 

his exploits^ raised the French monarchy to the highest degree of 
splendor that it ever attained. 

In effect, a continual series of victories gained over the Saxons, 
the Lombards, the Saracens, the Greeks, the Avari, and other na- 
tions; the conquest of Saxony, Bavaria, Noricum, Austria, Pannonia, 
Bohemia, and of a considerable part of Italy and Spain; the diligent 
and wise administration of his extensive dominions, during a great 
number of years; the civilization of Germany; the revival of sciences 
and literature ; the re-estabhshment of the western empire with all 
its prerogatives in favor of the French monarch and of his successors : 
such are the splendid characteristics with which the reign of Charle- 
magne presents itself to the admiration of posterity. 

He began by chastising the Aquitanians now armed against him, 
and the Saxons who, at the other extremity of his kingdom, had 
made inroads upon his territory. After this double campaign, he 
was called into Italy for a still more glorious and useful expedition 
against Desiderius, king of the Lombards, who obstinately refused to 
abide by the treaty concluded by his predecessor Astolphus with 
Pepin. That restless and ambitious prince was even threatening the 
city of Rome, nor could the favorable conditions which were offered 
him, prevail upon him to give satisfaction. 

Charles therefore resolved, at the entreaties of the Romans, to af- 
ford them speedy relief, and rescue them from their foe by measures 
more vigorous and efficacious than mere exhortations. After the 
example of his father in like circumstances, he crossed the Alps at 
the head of a gallant army, put the Lombards to flight, and in a few 
weeks rendered himself master of almost all the country which they 
possessed between the Po and the mountains. Still, Pavia, their 
capital, where Desiderius had taken his last refuge, resisted for six 
months; during that time Charles, whilst the siege was continued 
by his troops, went to Rome, and visited Pope Adrian I, a pontiff 
equally conspicuous for his ability and virtue. 

The pope received his royal guest with great joy and extraordinary 
honors, and Charles in return manifested his respectful attachment 
to the Apostolic See, by ratifying and augmenting the donation 
which Pepin had made in its favor. Upon his return to the camp 
before Pavia, King Desiderius surrendered at discretion. Charles 
spared his life, but sent him to a distant monastery, and, by being 
crowned and acknowledged in his place, annihilated the separate 
kingdom of Lombardy, which had lasted two hundred and six years 
(a. d. 774). 

Scarcely was this important conquest achieved, when he was ear- 
nestly begged to pass over to Spain, for the purpose of rescuing some 
Moorish prmces, his allies or tributaries, from their oppressors of the 



88 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part HI. 



same nation. Complying with the request, he subdued the north 
of the Spanish peninsula with as much facility as he had subdued 
the north of Italy, and with a very trifling loss. But, as he was 
leading back his victorious troops to France, being himself at the head 
of the van-guard, the rear was defeated by the Gascons in the defiles 
of the Pyrenees (a. d. 778). This however neither impaired his 
personal reputation, nor made him lose the fruit of his campaign. 

Immediately after his return, Charles had to renew the war against 
the Saxons. This warlike and savage people, though conquered 
many times before, did not cease, by their yearly revolts, to trouble 
the French monarch, and furnish him with continual occasions of 
exerting his valor, and exercising towards them his clemency or his 
justice. On the return of almost every spring, they signahzed their 
ferocious courage, by laying waste the countries situated between 
the Rhine and the Weser. As often indeed as they took up arms, 
Charlemagne forced them to submit, and to implore his mercy; but 
he had, among their chiefs, an implacable enemy, whom nothing 
could subdue. Always at the head of the rebels, this fierce warrior, 
when defeated, disappeared for a time, and, hke another Arminius, 
returned to renew the attack as soon as he perceived in the attempt a 
gleam of success. 

Witikind was the name of this undaunted Saxon. He spent the 
time during the absence of Charles, in urging his countrymen to 
take up arms again ; and they, readily complying with the summons, 
overthrew all the monuments of religion and foreign power which 
existed in that part of Germany. Some French troops having en- 
deavored to suppress the rebellion, were themselves, through the 
misunderstanding of their generals, defeated and cut in pieces. 

Charlemagne, litde accustomed to receive such news, was much 
afflicted at this event, and lost no time in repairing, or at least in 
checking the evil. He marched in person at the head of a new 
army, and suddenly appearing among the Saxons, again forced them 
to submission. They came to him in great fear, and suppliantly 
sued for pardon, ascribing the guilt of the late revolt to Witikind who 
had now taken refuge among the Danes. But Charles, as dissatis- 
fied with this excuse as he was exasperated at their continual acts of 
rebellion, and not believing it possible to tame their ferocious spirit 
otherwise than by exercising severe justice, required the other chief 
rebels to be immediately delivered into his hands, and sentenced them 
to be beheaded on the same day, to the number, it is said, of four 
thousand five hundred. 

He had intended, by this rigorous chastisement, to inspire the 
whole nation with a salutary and lasting fear; but the deep mourn- 
ing which it first occasioned, was quickly turned into fresh and 



A. D. 768-800. CHARLEMAGNE^ KINO^ E-TC. 189 

ungovernable animosity. Witikind once more re-appeared, and 
going through the different parts of the country, infused into every 
breast his own fury and desire of revenge. Fury however was of 
little avail against the warlike genius and activity of the French 
monarch. He attacked them before they could muster all their 
forces, defeated them in three bloody battles, and did not cease during 
three years to visit with a terrible retribution every quarter of that 
unhappy region. 

Still, Charles ardently desired the end of a war which proved so 
destructive and fatal to his subjects, as well as to his enemies. Re- 
suming therefore his former course of moderate measures, more con- 
formable to his character than measures of rigor, he undertook to 
gain by mildness the very men whom the utmost severity and the 
most terrible disasters could scarcely subdue. Through his deputies, 
he represented to the Saxon leaders how many calamities they had 
brought upon their countrymen and upon themselves, and promised 
them not only entire safety, but even great honors, if they would lay 
down their arms. 

At first, Witikind and Abbon, another renowned chieftain, could 
hardly believe that the king was sincere in offering them such favor- 
able conditions ; but being at last induced to rely on his word, they 
went boldly to meet him. Charles received them with so much kind- 
ness, and treated them with such generosity, that they did not hesi- 
tate any longer to swear inviolable fidelity to so great a prince, and 
asked to be instructed in the Christian religion, which they sincerely 
embraced (a. d. 785). This step was followed by the entire reduc- 
tion of Saxony. Partial revolts, it is true, continued to exercise for 
some years the activity of Charlemagne ; but these were much more 
easily checked than the former; and, in order to prevent their revival 
in future, thirty thousand Saxon families were transported from the 
north of Germany to other parts of the French empire. At length, 
after an obstinate struggle of thirty years, this extensive country was 
entirely subdued, and being now reckoned among the dominions of 
the French king, consented to receive the two-fold benefit of civiliza- 
tion and Christianity. 

But new wars were threatening in other quarters. The conquests 
made by the French having awakened the fears and jealousy of the 
neighboring nations, their sovereigns concluded for their mutual sup- 
port a powerful league, which, however, only afforded Charlemagne 
an occasion to gain new laurels and to enlarge bis empire. All his 
enemies fell into the very snare they had prepared for him. He 
subdued the Bavarians, conquered the Greeks, carried his victorious 
arms mto Pannonia, and defeated the Avari so often and with so 
great a loss on their part, that this nation disappeared from the earth. 



190 MODERN HISTORY. Part IIL 

and left in his power both iheir settlements along the Danube, and 
the prodigious wealth which they had acquired within the two last 
centuries by the pillage of the Greek provinces (a. d. 796). 

When Charlemagne had obtained, by so many labors, a state of 
comparative tranquiUity, he appUed himself more than ever to make 
religion, justice, agriculture and commerce flourish throughout his 
vast empire. These great and useful objects he always kept in view, 
even when engaged in different wars ; but more particularly when 
his sons and generals became capable of filling his place at the head 
of armies. The interior government of the state was then his chief em- 
ployment. His wisdom in enacting laws most suitable for the time, 
place and other circumstances, and his firmness in enforcing their 
execution, enabled him to restore good order wherever it had been 
disturbed, and to repress grievous abuses which had taken their rise 
before the reign of his father Pepin. 

One of the principal means that he employed for the attainment 
of these important objects, was to commission regularly every year, 
persons of integrity, w^isdom and experience, vested with ample 
powers, to visit the several parts of his extensive monarchy, to inquire 
into the conduct of public oflficers, remove iniquitous judges, redress 
grievances, and check disorders and crimes. It was the duty of these 
royal commissioners, to free the provinces which they visited from 
robbers and other malefactors, to protect the weak and inno(^ent, in a 
word, to make all the subjects of the empire enjoy the benefits of a 
wise, firm and moderate government. Affairs involving difficulties 
and requiring a protracted examination, were referred to the superior 
authority of the king. It was principally in the general assemblies 
which, by his orders, annually met in his presence, that Charlemagne 
instituted a strict inquiry into the wants, and applied the best remedies 
to the evils of the state. Here, surrounded by his counsellors and 
the representatives of the nation, he discussed with them the most 
important affairs, adopted the measures for the preservation of public 
tranquillity, and enacted those celebrated statutes known under the 
name of Capitulars, which constitute the most valuable part of the 
ancient legislation of the Franks. 

Charlemagne undertook likewise to raise literature and science from 
the low state to which the invasion of northern barbarians had 
reduced them during the last centuries. Accordingly, he invited men 
of great erudition from foreign states to his court, and with their help 
established, in the principal towns of France and Germany, public 
schools for the purpose of promoting the study of every branch of 
true and useful knowledge. The most celebrated among them was 
Alcuin, a learned and virtuous Englishman, whom the French mo- 
narch loaded with honors and blessings. This prince appointed him 



A. D. 7f.^-800. CHARLEMAGNE^ KING^ ETC. 191 

to open a great school in his own palace, and to deliver lectures, at 
which he himself usually assisted with his sons and other person- 
ages of his court. By these noble exertions, he made the desire of 
instruction almost universal among his subjects. Various estabhsh- 
ments arose, especially in great cities, for the revival of science, and 
historians remark particularly a sort of academy, or society of learned 
men, who had frequent debates or kept up an animated correspon- 
dence on scientific and literary subjects, the king himself being one 
of its most distinguished members. 

Charlemagne was now at the height of his glory, and the celebrity 
of his name had reached the most distant parts of the civilized world. 
The kings of the Enghsh Heptarchy solicited his friendship; the 
Saracens of Spain dreaded his arms ; Irene, the empress of Constan- 
tinople, entered into a treaty of alliance with him ; and the celebrated 
Caliph Aaron-Al-Rashid, the greatest monarch of the East, and, like 
Charles himself, a zealous protector of learning and learned men, 
sent ambassadors to him from Bagdad, with splendid gifts, among 
which were the keys of the city of Jerusalem, a repeating clock, and 
an elephant (the first that had been seen in France) : in a word, the 
whole earth admired his wisdom and respected his power. By the 
vigor and success of his military exertions, he had become master of 
a greater extent of country than any prince had possessed in Europe 
since the fall of the western empire : all the territory that composes 
modern France ; Spain, from the Pyrenees to the Ebro ; the greater 
part of Italy; Tyrol; Pannonia ; Noricum or Austria; Helvetia 
or Switzerland ; Bavaria ; Saxony, as far as the Elbe ; Frisia and 
Holland were subject to that mighty monarch. Nothing was want- 
ing to his earthly grandeur but the imperial diadem ; and even that 
was bestowed upon him about this time, in the most flattering 
manner. 

Just at the end of the eighth century, he had repaired to Rome for 
the purpose of defending Pope Leo III against wicked and unjust 
persecutors. In return for this and other benefits, the Romans agreed 
to proclaim Charlemagne emperor of the West. Accordingly, as he 
was assisting at the divine office in St. Peter's church on Christmas- 
day, the pope approached, and, in presence of a multitude of bishops 
and lords and an immense crowd of people, placed on his head the 
imperial crown which had been purposely prepared, all present cry- 
ing out at the same time, in transports of joy ; *' Life and victory to 
Charles, most pious, the great and pacific emperor of the Romans;" 
this was repeated three times (a. d. 800). 

Thus was the Roman empire, three hundred and twenty-four years 

< after its extinction in the West, revived in favor of a monarch truly 

deserving, by his piety, valor and herorrc actions, to be tlie successor 



192 MODERN HISTORY. Part ill. 

of Theodosius and Constantine. The singular modesty which he 
evinced on that occasion^ made him appear still more worthy of the 
extraordinary honors he then received. We learn from Eginhard, 
his secretary, that he was totally unacquainted with the design of the 
pope and of the Romans. In returning from the divine service, he 
declared that, had he known what was to take place, he would have 
abstained from going to church on that day, notwithstanding the 
fcolemnity of the festival. 

From this time forward, Charlemagne joined the title of Roman 
emperor with that of king of Prance and Lombardy. During the 
stay which he made in Rome after the ceremony of his coronation, 
his extraordinary munificence and generosity gained him more and 
more the hearts of the people. Even the court of Constantinople 
acquiesced at last in acknowledging him as emperor of the West, 
though with great repugnance : but the consent was necessary, and 
the refusal would have been useless, and perhaps dangerous. 



REMARKS ON THE STvVTE OF CIVILIZATION, LEARNING 
AND PARTICULARLY RELIGION, 

DURING THE THIRD PART OF MODERN HISTORY. 

No one, well acquainted with the history of remote ages, can for- 
bear noticing that contagious distempers, famine, and other similar 
visitations were then much more common than they are at present. 
This difference may be ascribed in some measure, to the want of ex- 
perience in those times, or to a great deficiency in the use of neces- 
sary precautions with regard to the cleanliness of cities and towns, 
streets, houses, dress and burials. Still, it would be neither just nor 
accurate to acknowledge no other causes than these, of the calamities 
which befel men during the period in question, and thence conclude 
a total absence of foresight or of industry; for, very frequently 
also, they originated in earthquakes, inundations, excessive heat or 
extreme cold, and other natural effects which could not be either fore- 
seen or prevented. Merely to add one instance more to tne facts 
already mentioned (see reign of Justin I, of Mauritius, etc.) : we learn 
from the Byzantine historians, that in the year 7G3, the Euxine or 
Black Sea, (which now shows almost no ice even in the dead of win- 
ter), was frozen, throughout a considerable part of its extent and 
during the space of four months, to the depth of forty-five feet, witli 
thirty feet of snow on the surface; in the following summer, a mul- 
titude of springs and rivers were dried up by the excess and duration 
of the heat.* 



REMARKS ON THE CIVILIZATION^ ETC. 19^" 

A more general and more lasting calamity than the disorder of sea- 
sons, was that occasioned by the settlement of the barbarian tribes in 
the civilized world. Their successive invasions and incessant war- 
fare necessarily produced great confusion in the laws, customs and 
manners of the countries which they occupied. It was only by re- 
peated exertions, and after a lapse of many years, that these new 
states were enabled distinctly to establish their respective constitutions 
and national character. Languages too, by the continual intercourse 
of the conquerors and the vanquished, became singular medleys of 
Latin and Celtic or Gothic words, which happening to undergo, 
during the course of ages, various alterations or improvements pecu- 
liar to each clime and country, gave rise to the principal tongues of 
Europe, as they now exist. 

One of the most pernicious effects of the invasion of the barbarians, 
was the rapid decline of literature, arts and sciences, wherever those 
wild conquerors passed or settled. Owing to their almost exclusive 
relish for war and plunder, literary and scientific monuments disap- 
peared from innumerable places, and in the very regions where for- 
merly belles-lettres had been most flourishing, ignorance began to 
prevail, not however to such an extent as is commonly imagined. 
Even at the epoch which preceded the revival of learning under 
Charlemagne, there always remained much of useful knowledge. 
The vast store of erudition possessed by a Venerable Bede, an Alcuin, 
a Deacon Paul, etc. ; the numerous and eminent scholars that went 
forth from Ireland, England, Italy, etc. are sufficient vouchers of this 
truth. Nay, discoveries were made in those times of confusion, 
which would have done honor to conspicuous and enlightened ages ; 
among others, the invention and application of water-mills, in the 
year 555; of glass windows for churches, about the same time; silk 
manufactures, in 551 ; bells in churches, towards 605 ; organs, in 660 5 
the Grecian fire, in 673 ; computation of years from the birth of 
Christ, first proposed by Dionysius Exiguus, a learned monk of the 
sixth century and adopted in 742. 

ReUgion was the chief, or rather the only means which stemmed 
this torrent of barbarism, and not only saved letters and learning from 
universal shipwreck, but also caused the wild tribes, whose destruc- 
tive invasion had been so detrimental to them, gradually to imbibe 
and adopt the principles of civil and social life. It was not to be ex- 
pected that the Goths, Franks, Lombards, Saxons and Germans, 
would ever receive those principles from human studies which they 

* See Cedrenus, Zonaras, Nicephorus, and especially Theophanes, -e^ 
contemporary author; apud Lebeau, vol. xiii,pp. 47.3 — 475. — See also A 
M. SS. C. G. Histoire du Bas-Empire, vol. i, p, 27.3;— -I^englet-Dufresnoy 
Tableltes Chronolosrique^, q,(l q,nn. 763 • etr:. 
\7 ' ' 



J94 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part III. 



heartily despised : Christianity alone could, and really did rescue them 
from their ignorance and barbarity. As it was already established in 
the provinces that fell under their power, these savage tribes, whose 
habits of plunder and revenge could not be checked by force of arms, 
sooner or later yielded to the mild precepts of the gospel. Their 
minds and hearts became attached to a rehgion which did not teach 
them only by speculative maxims and didactic precepts, but also by 
examples, festivals and rites equally moving and instructive. 

No sooner had they received and embraced the faith of Christ, 
than they began to lay aside the rudeness of their manners, and to 
establish among themselves a more adequate distribution of justice. 
By the enforcement of the divine law concerning the indissolubility 
of marriage, there resulted an immense benefit for the community at 
large, as well as for individuals and families. Outrageous acts, which 
idolatrous nations had considered mere trifles, were now gradually 
suppressed. A stronger barrier was opposed to human passions; 
morals became more pure, nobler feelings animated mankind, milder 
customs were introduced; and these salutary effects were invariably 
in proportion to the degree of influence which religion acquired over 
the minds of her new followers. 

'^The influence of Christianity," says the learned Chancellor 
Kent, "was very efiEicient towards the introduction of a better and 
more enlightened sense of right and justice among the governments of 
Europe. It taught the duty of benevolence to strangers, of humanity 
to the vanquished, of the obligation of good faith, and the enormity 
of the sin of murder, revenge and rapacity. . The history of Europe, 
during the early periods of modern history, abounds with interesting 
and strong cases, to show the authority of the Church over turbulent 
princes and fierce w^arriors, and the effects of that authority in melio- 
rating manners, checking violence, and introducing a system of morals 
which inculcated peace, moderation and justice."* 

Bishops, priests and monks, afterwards so much calumniated by 
an ungrateful posterity, were the active instruments employed by Di- 
vine Providence to forward these various improvements in their re- 
spective countries. It was from episcopal houses and monasteries 
that crowds of holy missionaries went forth to instruct, convert and 
civihze the fierce barbarians of the north. Moreover, the superiors 
of clerical and monastic bodies were frequenfly invested by Christian 
kings and emperors with civil jurisdiction, and as it was exercised by 
them in a more equitable manner than by secular magistrates, men 
quickly learned to prefer their decisions to the hasty judgments ol 
warlike and ignorant nobles. This accounts for the great portion of 
temporal authority which bishops and abbots possessed in those re- 
* Commentaries on law, vol, i, p. 10. 



REMARKS ON THE CIVILIZATION^ ETC. 195 

mote ages, aad which they used m checking the arbitrary vexations 
of private lords, and rendering as much as possible the various classes 
of the people partakers of the general advantages of society. 

The zeal of the clergy and monks, preserved also not only the sa- 
cred science of religion, but likewise all the different branches of use- 
ful learning. Theh solicitude was industrious in discovering and col- 
lecting the relics of ancient literature, and many persons among them 
daily allotted a considerable portion of their time to the humble bul 
useful occupation of transcribing old manuscripts. Others, more tit 
for manual labor, actively employed themselves in clearing forests, 
draining marshes and fertilizing barren grounds. Every obstacle pre- 
sented by nature or the soil, was overcome by their unwearied exer- 
tions, and plentiful crops arose where, before, naught was seen but 
reeds or briars. Thus, while the lay proprietors reigned in soHtary 
grandeur over their wide and unfruitful domains, the lands originally 
bestowed on the monks and clergy by the gratitude, confidence and 
piety of their contemporaries, were cultivated and improved ; their 
houses were an asylum constantly opened to the poor, the infirm and 
the traveller; their villages were crowded with inhabitans, and the 
foundations were laid of several among the principal cities in Eng- 
land, Germany, etc.* 

Still greater and more important than these, were the benefits con- 
ferred by the Sovereign Pontiffs upon Europe at large, and all Chris- 
tendom. This will be the subject of a separate dissertation on the 
popes of the middle ages. 

* See Lingard, Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, ch. 3, 4: mid 10;— 
Bergier, Diciionnaire de theologie, art. Moines, Monasieres, 8fC. 



PART IV. 



FROM THF REVIVAL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE (A. D. 800), TO TSIK 
BEGINNING OF THE CRUSADES (A. D. 1095). 



»-'\^W\/>/\/N/\/ w 



CHARLEMAGNE, EMPEROR.— a. d. 800—814. 

Charlemagne signalized the beginning of his reign as emperor, 
hy redoubling his zeal for the happiness of his people. Still more 
than ever did he watch over the different parts of his vast monarchy, 
to procure in all a speedy redress of grievances and an exact admi- 
nistration of justice. As to the command of armies, he now left it to 
his lieutenants and his sons, whom he had so well traine-d in military 
science, that victory followed their standards on almost every occa- 
sion, whether in Italy, Germany or Spain. The Moors or Saracens 
experienced by new defeats the superiority of French discipline and 
courage 5 Bohemia and the coasts of Venetia were added to the em- 
pire; the north-eastern frontier was extended to the shores of the 
Baltic, Eind the Danes were taught to confine themselves to their 
isles and their peninsula of Jutland. 

These new and brilliant conquests were owing chiefly to the abili- 
ties of Charles and Pepin, the two eldest sons of Charlemagne. 
With delight he looked upon these young heroes as the supporters 
of his empire and his future successors ; but he had the misfortune 
to see both of them die in the flower of their age and in the midst of 
their triumphs. Not permitting however the sensibihty of the maj) 
and the grief of the father to prevail over the duty and firmness of 
the monarch, he did not abandon or neglect the cares of government, 
and seemed rather to be more active in improving all the good he 
had already done, in proportion as he approached the end of his 
long and glorious career. In fine, after having filled the wotld with 
the renown of his genius, conquests and legislation; after having 
rendered invaluable services to religion as well as to social order, and 
given innumerable examples of Christian piety, he died at Aix-la- 
ChapeUe, on the 28th of January of the year 814, the seventy- 



A. D. 800-814. CHARLEMAGNE^ EMPEROR. 197 

second of his life, the forty-seventh of his reign as king, and the 
fourteenth of his reign as emperor. 

Never was there a monarch greater than Charle7nagne, perhaps 
his equal never existed, the epithet great being, in the judgment 
and language of posterity, so strictly due to him, that it constitutes a 
part of his name.* He had a mind which wonderfully fitted him to 
rule over the most extensive monarchy. Vast in his designs and 
quick in their execution, going incessantly from one province to 
another wherever his presence might be required, from Italy to 
Prance, and from the Pyrenees to the shores of the German Ocean, 
he possessed in an extraordinary degree the uncommon talent of per- 
forming the greatest things with promptness, and the most difficult 
with facility. His laws and statutes, commonly known under the 
name of capitulars, every where display a wonderful sagacity, antici- 
pating every thing in point of duty and morality, and by a secret 
persuasive influence, leading irresistibly to the preservation of good 
order. All the parts of the empire were closely united by his mighty. 
genius. He estabhshed such an equilibrium among the orders of the 
8tate, that they counterbalanced one another, and were constantly 
'kept under his control; his own children, two of whom were deco- 
rated with the title of king, being his first subjects, the instruments of 
his authority, and perfect models of obedience. In fine, he always 
stiowed himself deeply convinced of the obligation which is incum- 
bent on every sovereign to render equal and prompt justice to his 
subjects. Besides the ordinary judicial tribunals established in every 
part of his kingdom, even in his own palace ; he wished his atten- 
dants to awake him at any hour of the night, to hear the complaints 
of injured persons, and receive the petitions of such as appealed to him 
from inferior courts of justice. Even his time of dressingwas not lost; 
he spent it in listening to the different reasons which the parties could 
adduce in their favor. Of the numbers that applied to him, none 
could ever complain of having been unreasonably denied an audience 
or put off to another day — none could remark any alteration in his 
countenance, or perceive any uneasiness in his gestures, which might 
indicate impatience and weariness; so that Charlemagne, in this 
respect, as in others, can be justly proposed as an excellent model 
not only to sovereigns, but likewise to judges, governors and magis- 
trates, in a word, to all those who have any share in the exercise of 
the sovereign authority. 

Not less just than powerful, Charlemagne never provoked the bar- 
barian tribes that bordered on his frontiers; but none of them ever 
attacked him with impunity. Never defeated, when commanding in 

* The word Charlemagne is composed of Charles and magne, m Latin 
magnus, which signifies great 

17* 




198 MODERN HISTORY. Part J V. 



person, he conquered or checked all his enemies, and by the celerity 
and precision of his movements, frequently baffled their wisest 
measures and their plans of confederacy, before they could suspect 
that he was marching against them at the head of his armies. 

This wonderful sovereign and mighty conqueror was also one ot 
the most learned men of his age. Arithmetic, astronomy, rhetoric, 
logic, even biblical criticism and theology, were sciences familiar to 
him. Besides the Celtic, his native tongue, he knew Greek and 
Latin well; and being naturally possessed of great eloquence, he 
could speak, though unprepared, with much grace and facility on 
almost every subject.* 

Nor were his moral and Christian qualities inferior to his military, 
political and literary acquirements. Except perhaps in the earlier 
part of his life, in which his private conduct does not seem to have 
been altogether blameless, he gave constant marks of the most sincere 
piety, profound respect for the Church, exact justice towards every 
one, unwearied beneficence, and unbounded charity towards the poor, 
the widow and the orphan. These and other distressed persons he 
assisted not only in his own dominions, but also in other countries, 
sending for that purpose large sums of money to Africa, Egypt and 
Syria. Hence there is no exaggeration in the remark of an ancient 
author,t that his death produced universal grief and mourning, par- 
ticularly among his subjects, and that the pagans themselves bewailed 
his loss as that of the father of mankind. 

What must increase our admiration for Charlemagne, is the amia- 
ble simplicity of manners which appeared in all his ordinary actions, 
and which was still more remarkable in him than in other great men. 
It is particularly interesting to see how he regulated his family. His 
queen attended to the furniture of the palace, paid the wages of the 
officers and servants, settled the daily expenses of the table, and pro- 
cured the necessary provisions. He watched over the education of 

* What we here say of the eloquence and learning of Charlemagne, is 
founded on the unanimous testimony of his biographers and historians, and 
is consequently of unquestionable authority. Some modern writers, how- 
ever, would fain make us believe, from a certain passage of Eginhard, his 
chief secretary, that he did not know how to write. — But Eginhard does 
not say this exactly, he merely states that Charlemagne made little progress 
in the art of writing, for want of early study and practice : moreover, we 
]earn from other sources, that this prince revised several manuscripts and 
corrected them with his own hand. (See Annales du moyen age, vol. viii, 
p. 471; — Hist, de VEglise Gallicane, vol. iv, p. 449; — Feller, art. Charle- 
magne, etc.) All that can be inferred, then, from the words of his secretary, 
is that he did not know how to write with that haste which the urgency of 
affairs frequently demands, nor with that perfection of caligraphy which 
was then required in manuscripts. 

t Monach. Engolism.; see Annates du moyen age,voL viii,p. 353, 



A.»,«W-^14. CHARLEMAGNE^ EMPEROR. 199 

his children with so great assiduity and tenderness, that he would 
never sit down at table without them, nor be separated from them 
even during his voyages. He managed the revenues of his estates 
with as much prudence as he did those of the empire itself, took care 
that all the lands should be diligently cultivated, and, whilst he spent 
in works of beneficence the immense treasures of the Lombards and 
the Avari, commanded his farmers to sell their superfluous fruits, 
vegetables, and other such things, rather than commit the least waste. 
In his ordinary dress, he wore no other coats and tunics than those 
prepared by the persons of his own household. 

Charlemagne however knew how to appear with majestic dignity, 
and could display great magnificence, whenever he was obliged to act 
as sovereign; for instance, in the reception of foreign ambassadors. 
Many splendid buildings owed to him their existence and embel- 
lishments; among others, his palace of Aix-la-Chapelle, where he 
usually resided, exhibited all that architecture and art could effect at 
that time. He created a navy, in order to oppose the first descents 
of the Normans, those famous pirates of the north. In fine, it was 
his design to unite the Atlantic with the Euxine sea by a canal that 
would have reached from the Rhine to the Danube : a project truly 
worthy of the genius of Charlemagne, but the execution of which 
exceeded the industry of his contemporaries, and failed for want of 
necessary instruments and experience** 

* A distinguished French historian has beautifully described the charac- 
ter of Charlemagne in these words, " Charlemagne rdunit dans son carac- 
tere les traits les plus maraifiques de grandeur, de sagesse et de bravoure, 
avec ce que la pidte chrdtienne a de plus solide et de plus eclatant. Aussi 
grand homme que grand prince, aussi bon pere de faraille que bon roi, aussi 
sage Idgislateur dans le cabinet que general vigilant et intr^pide a la tete 
des armies ; il fut encore un chrdtien humble et fervent, qui n'eut pas moing 
de zele pour faire servir Dieu, qu'il n'avait d'autorit^ pour se faire servir 
lui-meme. Toujours heureux a la guerre, il aima cependant toujours la 
paix. Maitre absolu de ses peuples il mit sa gloire a en etre le pere ; et il eut 
le plaisir de voir qu'il en dtait aimd, autant qu'il en 6tait craint. Restaura- 
teur des beaux-arts et des lettres en France, il fut encore le bienfaiteur le 
plus liberal aussi bien que I'enfant le plus soumis de I'^glise; ses victoires 
furent pour elle des conquetes, et le fruit le plus doux qu'il recueillit de 
tant de combats, ce fut d'dtendre le royaume de Jdsus- Christ, a proportion 
qu'il 6tendait le sien. — L'accusation d'incontinence est la seule tache qui 
pourrait obscurcir ses vertus ; mais il n'est pas difficile de le justifier de ce 
reproche. . . .. Que s'il a commis quelque faute en ce genre, il en aura fait 
penitence avant sa mort, comme nous devons le pr^sumer de la piet6 
d'un prince si religieux, et qui par mortification portait un cilice sous ses 
habits. — En un mot, Charlemagne fut le h^ros de son siecle, le protecteur 
le plus z6\6 de la religion, le plus puissant des rois qui aient gouvern^ la 
France, et I'un des plus grands princes qui aient jamais occupd aucun des 
divers trones de I'univers.—i^. J. Longueval, Hisioire de VEglise gallic, ad 
arm. 814. 



200 MODERN HISTORY. Part IV. 



LOUIS THE DEBONNAIRE AND HIS SONS.— A. d. 814— S77. 

FEUDAL SYSTEM. 

Charlemagne was succeeded by his son Louis, surnamed the Pious 
or the Debonnaire, who had shown until then much wisdom in the 
government of Aquitania, and great courage in liis expeditions 
against the Saracens of Spain. His virtues indeed accompanied him 
to the throne; but his talents were inadequate to this new and much 
more exaked station. Nearly the whole of his reign was spent in 
adopting false and impolitic measures which drew contempt upon his 
authority, and the most humiliating disasters upon his person. 
Twice he was outrageously reviled and deposed by his own sons and 
ministers, and twice also was he re-established by the exertions ol 
his affectionate subjects. These troubles and revolutions greatly 
weakened the French monarchy, and permitted the Saracens on one 
side, and the Normans on the other, to ravage with impunity the 
coasts of Italy and France. 

Louis died in 840, leaving three sons who divided the empire 
among themselves. France was allotted to Charles the Bald; Ger- 
many to another Louis; and Italy to Lothaire, with the title of em- 
peror. This last, who had been the chief promoter of the late dis- 
turbances and rebellions against his father, undertook also to deprive 
his brothers of their rights. Charles and Louis, not being able to 
produce a change in his sentiments, united their forces against him, 
and completely defeated him in the fierce battle of Fontenay near 
Auxerre, which cost the lives of a hundred thousand men. Lothaire 
fled to Aix-la-Chapelle, and shortly after was compelled to retire into 
his Italian dominions : but the conquerors not knowing how to en- 
sure the permanency of their victory, the civil war still continued for 
a time, without any important result, except a waste of their forces 
and the misery of their subjects. These circumstances, added to the 
continual piracies of the barbarians on all sides, more and more de- 
based the family of Charlemagne, and prepared its downfall. 

The want of prudence and firmness in Charles the Bald occasioned 
another evil which proved the ruin of public tranquillity, particularly 
in France. Until that time, the presidency and government of pro- 
vinces, dukedoms and counties, had been temporary and reversible 
charges; but towards the middle of the ninth century, they were per 
mitted to become hereditary dignities, transferable from father to son 
This considerably increased the power of their possessors to the det- 
riment of the royal authority, and completed the organization of the 



A. j>. 800-838. ARABIAN AND GHEEK EMPIRES. 201 

feudal system, or compact between lords and vassals^ which was foi 
several centuries the basis of the political constitution of Western 
Europe where it occasioned innumerable disturbances and civil wars. 



ARABIAN AND GREEK EMPIRES DURING THE NINTH CEN 
TURY.— A. D. 800—886. 



Not dissimilar to the empire founded by Charlemagne, was that 
of the Arabs in Asia and Africa. It reached the summit of its glory 
under Aaron Al-Raschid, and declined under his successors, none 
of whom displayed abilities equal to those of this celebrated caliph. 
He waged war against the Greeks with uninterrupted success, and 
obliged the famous empress Irene, and after her, the emperor Nicepho- 
rus, to pay him a heavy tribute. No Mussulman prince, except per- 
liaps Galiph Omar, was ever more absolute, or knew better how to 
enforce submission. It was enough for him, when he had the least 
suspicion or discontent against his generals and governors of provinces, 
to send them word to resign their offices ; the order obtained imme- 
diate and punctual obedience. 

Aaron sometimes carried his severity to excess, and whilst, on one 
hand, he exercised uncommon liberahty and beneficence, he is said 
to have, on the other, occasionally set aside the rights of equity and 
gratitude, in order to indulge his ill-grounded suspicions and capri- 
cious feelings. He is however styled the Just, probably for some re- 
markable acts of justice that he performed, or for the just protec- 
tion which he granted to literature, arts and sciences. In effect, he 
contributed more than any other caliph, to raise the eastern Mussul- 
mans from the state of ignorance and darkness in which they had 
been so long buried. He assembled in his court of Bagdad learned 
men of every class and country, to make them translate into Arab, or 
JSyriac books on philosophy and astronomy, which he had bought 
from the Christians; in return, the Arabs communicated to Europe 
their cyphers, the sciences of Algebra and Chemistry, etc. 

Aaron-Al-Raschid died in the year 809, after a prosperous reign 
of twenty-three years. The Arabian monarchy, no longer supported 
by his vigorous hand, gradually lost the strength which he had im- 
parted to it ', whereas the Greek empire, on the contrary, began to 
recover from the heavy losses which it had suffered under Nicephorus. 
This wicked emperor, during the nine years (802 — 811) that he occu- 
pied the throne, seemed to vie with foreign enemies in harrassing and 
plundering his people. The end of his reign was particularly disas- 
trous. Having, though absolutely destitute of talents, the highest 
idea of his princely abilities, he undertook against the Bulgarians an 



202 MODERN HISTORY. 



PfU-t f V. 



expedition which he thought would be decisive and sufficient to 
avenge all previous defeats. Through his own imprudence and te- 
merity, just the reverse happened. The Bulgarians shut him up 
with his numerous troops between defiles and mountains, and made 
such a slaughter of them, that nearly all perished, with the officers, 
the generals, and the emperor himself. His head was cut off, by 
command of King Crumnius, and the dried skull afterwards served 
as a cup in the solemn repasts of that fierce barbarian. After this, 
the conquerors poured into Thrace, a part of which they easily con- 
quered under the short reigns of Stauracius and Michael Curopalates, 
and even advanced so far as to threaten the capital. 

Such was the alarming state of the empire until the year 813, 
when Leo the Armenian, a man of great mihtary skill, ascended 
the throne. He had no sooner assembled an army, than he marched 
out against the Bulgarians, and meeting their victorious bands near 
Constantinople, came to a bloody engagement with them, in which 
he was on the point of being defeated. His troops, terrified by the 
multitude and fury of those barbarians, began to fl.y in great disorder, 
when the emperor, perceiving that there was as much confusion on 
the side of the conquerors as among the fugitives, suddenly rushed 
against the former with a body of reserve, and stopped them by the 
violence of the attack. This revived the courage of his own soldiers, 
who then returned to the field of battle, and enabled Leo to obtain a 
complete victory. The next campaign (a. d. 815) was still more suc- 
cessful. The emperor first deceived the Bulgarians by feigning to re- 
tire at their approach, and when he knew from his spies that they 
did not sttspect any danger, he entered their camp during the night, 
and surprising them in their sleep, put them all to the sword. After 
this, he advanced upon their territory, and laid it waste, the more 
easily, as he experienced but a slight resistance from the inhabitants, 
who had no regular troops to oppose him. So great was their loss 
on this occasion, that for the space of seventy years they were unable 
to do, or afraid to attempt any thing against the empire. 

Leo spent the remainder of his reign in persecuting the defenders 
of images with great violence, and conducting the affairs of the state 
with a rigor which otfen bordered on cruelty. He was murdered in 
the year 820 by the partisans of Michael surnamed the Stammerer, 
commander of the guard, who was then confined for rebellion, and 
whom this revolution raised from the prison to the throne. This was 
exchanging bad for worse; for Michael, besides being a cruel perse- 
cutor like Leo, was moreover an unskilful and profligate prince from 
whom nothing good could be expected. His reign of nine years, in 
stead of doing any service to the empire, beheld the loss of the rich is- 
lands of Crete and Sicily, which were conquered by the Mussulmans. 



A. D. 800-885. ARABIAN AND GREEK EMPIRES. 203 

Under Theophilus, the son and successor of Michael, war broke 
out again with fresh fury between the Greeks and the eastern Sara- 
cens. After many undecisive battles, most of which however were 
fatal to the Greeks, Theophilus undertook, in 840, to repair his losses 
by an extraordinary effort. He set out at the head of one hundred 
thousand men, and, after overrunning all Syria, laid siege to Sozo- 
petra, the birth-place of Caliph Mutasem. The Saracen prince, not 
having had time to assemble his forces, wrote to the emperor, and 
earnestly begged him to spare the town for his sake ; but, instead of 
complying with the request, Theophilus took and utterly destroyed 
Sozopetra, put many of the inhabitants to the sword, and led the 
others into captivity. 

This conduct filled the caliph with rage and an insatiable desire of 
revenge. He raised an army superior in numbers to any that had, 
for a long time, been seen among the Saracens, and caused the name 
of Amorium to be engraved on the shields of all his soldiers, to signify 
that his object was the destruction of this city, the native place of 
Theophilus. In vain did the emperor supply it with a numerous 
garrison composed of the bravest troops and officers of his army; in 
vain did they oppose so heroic a resistance, that Mutasem lost seventy 
thousand men in the short space of thirteen days ; the besiegers, 
having been informed by a traitor of the weakest part of the town, 
carried it by storm during the night, and reduced it to ashes, after 
having made a dreadful slaughter of the garrison and inhabitants. 
Still, thirty thousand soldiers or citizens, were preserved alive, to be 
led as prisoners into Persia; but many of them perished before reach 
ing that country, and forty-two officers having generously resisted all 
the efforts of the court of Bagdad to make them exchange the Chris- 
tian faith for the religion of Mahomet, were put to death after seven 
years of confinement and sufferings. 

The Emperor Theophilus had died some time before (a. d. 842), 
of a disease the progress of which was accelerated by his grief for 
the loss of Amorium. He was succeeded by his son, Michael III, a 
worthless and wretched prince, who, after enjoying some years of 
prosperity under the regency of his virtuous mother Theodora, threw 
himself into an abyss of crimes and evils, and authorized the first 
separation of the Greek from the Latin Church. The chief author 
of that fatal schism was Photius, a man of great genius and learning, 
and of still greater ambition and wickedness. By his intrigues, 
which were supported by a vicious court, he succeeded in invading 
the patriarchal see of Constantinople, after he had procured the 
uiyust expulsion of the lawful patriarch St. Ignatius (a. d. 857). 
His unparalleled talent for dissimulation and imposture enabled 
him^ likewise, to gain over to his party many of the principal per- 



204 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part IV. 



sonages in the Greek Church and State ; but all his cuuning failed 
with regard to Pope Nicolas I, in whom he found an insuperable 
barrier to all his wicked schemes. 

This great pontiff not only refused to approve of the irregular pro- 
ceedings of Photius, but even pronounced against him a solemn sen- 
tence of excommunication. Photius, who had until that time ac- 
knowledged without difEiculty the primacy of the Apostolic See, 
resolved in his anger to separate the Church of Constantinople from 
that of Rome. He took the bold step in the year 866, and endea- 
vored to support it by every means in his power, especially by im- 
postures and calumnies of the most outrageous nature. This course 
of violence lasted, it is true, but a short time, because, in consequence 
of a new revolution which happened at court, Photius was expelled 
from the patriarchal see, and solemnly condemned by the eighth gene- 
ral council held in 869 at Constantinople for the reunion of the two 
Churches ; still, there always lurked in the breasts of the oriental 
bishops a leaven of jealousy and discord, which again burst forth in 
the eleventh century, and completed the schism. 

The new revolution just mentioned took place in 867, when 
Michael III, whilst meditating the death of Basil the Macedonian, 
his associate in the empire, was himself killed in a state of intoxica- 
tion, after a despicable reign of twenty-five years. Basil was, by 
unanimous consent, acknowledged sole emperor, and showed himself, 
notwithstanding his humble birth, more worthy of this high prefer- 
ment than all his predecessors within the last two centuries. Not 
less attentive to save the citizens from oppression than to defend the 
state from foreign foes, whilst he gained considerable advantages in 
war against the Saracens, he at the same time repressed the injus- 
tice of magistrates and governors wherever he could detect it, as well in 
the nearest as in the most distant provinces ; himself taking the greatest 
care to appoint to offices of trust only upright and virtuous persons, 
men neither to be bribed by presents nor frightened by threats, and 
wholly bent on the faithful discharge of their duties in favor of justice 
and innocence. In order to banish cupidity from all tribunals, he 
strictly, forbade judges, as he allowed them a sufficient stipend from 
the state treasury, to receive any thing from either of the contending 
parties, under any pretence whatever. So far did he watch over the 
interests of poor people, when attacked before the courts of judica- 
ture by some rich and powerful person, that he even established a 
public fund to enable them to defend their cause, and support them 
until it should be decided. 

The vigilance and firmness of Basil soon restored peace, abundance 
and security, in every part of the state. Complaints against gover- 
nors and magistrates, which were very common before^ ceased so 



A D. 800—998. 



SPAIN^ ETC. 205 



completely, that the emperor, having one day gone, as usual, to re^ 
ceive and examine the petitions which might be presented to him, 
did not hear of a single grievance. Fearing lest the injured persons 
might have been, by violence or treachery, prevented from entering 
the palace, he sent confidential officers to inquire into the situation of 
his subjects. After diligent research, all returned and assured the 
emperor, that they had found no one who had expressed any dissatis- 
faction ; this news filled Basil with extraordinary joy ; he shed tears 
of exultation, and gave thanks to God for so admirable a change. On 
another occasion, having been informed that the price of flour had 
become so high that poor people were almost, dying with starvation, 
he directly caused all his granaries to be opened, and the wheat to 
be sold at one-twelfth of the ordinary price. 

This excellent emperor died in 886, of an accident that happened 
to him in the chase. A strong and stately stag, rushing by him, 
caught his cincture, and dragged him from his horse ; before assis- 
tance could arrive, the animal shook him so violently, that a fatal 
disease ensued, and in a few days brought him to the grave. He 
had reigned about nineteen years, during which, by constant and 
successful application to affairs, he infused neW life into the Greek 
empire. His glory indeed is tarnished by the share which he took in the 
murder of his predecessor, by some acts of inhumanity towards pri- 
soners taken in battle, and a certain pride which occasionally betrayed 
him into false measures; still the great number of his illustrious and 
generous actions has justly ranked him among the most remarkable 
sovereigns of Constantinople. His descendants occupied the throne 
for nearly two centuries ; but none of them was equal in talent and 
merit to the founder of their dynasty, and the empire fell again into 
the state of weakness and debasement from which it had been rescued 
by the exertions of Basil. 



SPAIN DURING THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES. 

A. D. 800—998. 



On the contrary, the increase of extent and power of the new king- 
dom formed by the Christians in Spain, became from that epoch, 
peculiarly remarkable. Ever since their first endeavors, under Pela- 
gic and Alfonso I, to struggle against the fierce invaders of their 
country, they almost constantly gained new advantages; but it is 
chiefly to the ninth age that the splendor of their heroical times ought 
to be referred. Their noble ardor and natural bravery, continually 
stimulated by obstacles, rose now to a full display of their energies, 
18 



206 MODERN HISTORY. 



Pai-t IV. 



and, whilst the Moors began to be enervated by a long possession of 
wealth and a fine climate, thirst after glory united with religious zeal 
produced among the Christians uninterrupted wonders in point of 
courage and virtue. 

In the first rank of great and conspicuous men who flourished at 
that time, must be placed Kings Alfonso II and Ramirus I, both of 
whom conquered the Saracens in many battles, and greatly enlarged 
the Christian territory. Still more brilliant were the achievements of 
Alfonso III, surnamed the Great, during his long reign of about fifty 
years, from 862 to 912. He first employed himself in vindicating 
his rights to the throne against different competitors. This being 
accomplished, he attacked, the Moors, and spreading terror among 
them by the rapidity of his marches, so often overthrew their armies 
in various campaigns, that he repeatedly compelled them to sue for 
peace. 

He was obliged to desist from war for a time, in order to suppress 
conspiracies that had been formed against him in his own family. 
Alfonso quelled them all by his activity and prudence, but dishonored 
himself on this occasion by an act savoring more of cruelty than 
of justice. Having discovered that his four brothers were at the head 
of one of these conspiracies, besides confining them to a prison, he 
caused their eyes to be plucked out: a sort of punishment which, 
although frequently inflicted at that period on state criminals, had 
in itself, especially in this circumstance, something inhuman and 
shocking. 

Alfonso, being thus delivered from all foreign and domestic ene- 
mies, devoted his time to the improvement of his kingdom of Asturias 
and Oviedo. By this means, he regained the affection of his people, 
but not that of his family. Whilst a new war with the Saracens 
was affording him an occasion of new triumphs, another conspiracy 
at home recalled him from the pursuit of his conquests, and, though 
opposed by this warlike prince, at first with some success, it finally 
obliged him to resign the sovereign power in favor of his two sons 
(a. d. 911). Still, he requested that some troops should be left to his 
command, to go and attack the Moors once more before his death. 
Having obtained his request, he made an irruption upon their terri- 
tory, and returned loaded with spoils. This was the last of his ex- 
ploits. He di^d in the following year, after a reign almost continually 
agitated both by domestic dissensions and by foreign wars. 

Alfonso the Great being no longer on the throne, the success of 
military expeditions was sometimes on the side of the Christians, 
sometimes on that of the Saracens, and, for a long period, nearly 
equal on both sides. In the year 921, the former were entirely 
defeated at Jonquera by the Arabian monarch Abderame III ; but in 



A, D. 800—998. 



SPAIN^ ETC. 207 



their turn, under the conduct of King Ramirus II, they gained a 
complete victory at Simancas, in 939; on which occasion eighty 
thousand Mussulmans are said to have lost their lives. 

This bloody defeat, and others which followed, did not prevent 
Abderame from raising his kingdom to a degree of prosperity it 
probably had never attained before. Being a skilful politician as 
well as a brave general, sometimes victorious, frequently conquered, 
but always great, whether in peace or war, he ever knew how to 
improve his success and repair his losses. Notwithstanding the 
obstinate warfare in which he was engaged, and the great expenses 
he must have incurred to support his armies, he displayed at court a 
magnificence which would appear incredible, were it not unanimously 
testified by contemporary historians. His palaces, his gardens, and 
his various monuments were splendid. Like two of his predecessors 
of the same narrie, and even more than they, he protected the arts 
and sciences; established celebrated schools, especially of medicine; 
attracted to his court the ablest physicians, architects, astronomers 
and poets of his age and nation ; and rendered Cordova, his capital, 
the centre of industry and learning. If we give credit to Arabian 
authors, this city contained two hundred and thirteen thousand houses, 
eighty-five thousand stores, six hundred mosques, nine hundred 
public baths, seventy libraries, and seventeen large institutions for the 
instruction of youth. 

Abderame, having the reputation of a great love of justice, and 
possessing those moral qualities which may absolutely be found in a 
false religion, went through a long reign, in a manner which secured 
to him the esteem and confidence of his very enemies. But nothing 
perhaps so well proves the greatness and superiority of his mind, as the 
following note found among his papers after his death: " I have been 
caliph for fifty years, and have enjoyed all that men can possibly 
desire here on earth. Being desirous to know the number of the 
days in which, during this long space of time, my heart was truly 
satisfied, I found it, upon exact enumeration, to amount to fourteen 
only. Mortals, learn from me how to appreciate worldly grandeur 
and this transitory life." 

Abderame III died in 961, at the age of seventy-two years. The 
prosperous effects of his government continued to be telt under his 
first successors, owing chiefly to the exertions of their prime-minister, 
Mahomet Almanzor, whose fidelity was equal to his courage, and 
who always remained satisfied with an inferior rank, although he 
might have occupied the first with the consent of his nation. This 
famous warrior invaded, it is said, fifty-two times the Christian ter- 
ritory, and generally returned triumphant and loaded with booty. 

At first, he met with an invincible opponent in the person of Count 



208 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part IV. 



Fernando Gonzales, the chief founder of the sovereignty of Castile, 
and one of the greatest men of an age which produced in Spain so 
many heroes. Most unfortunately for the Christians, Gonzales died 
in the year 979, twenty years before Almanzor. The undaunted 
Moor determined then, not only to repair his late defeats by new 
efforts and new invasions, but also to effect, if possible, the final 
overthrow of the Christians. Although they sometimes found him a 
generous conqueror, they never experienced a more formidable enemy. 
He ravaged their dominions, attacked their armies separately, and 
defeated them all, notwithstanding their courageous resistance. 

Of all his victories, the most splendid and glorious was that which 
he gained, in the year 995, over King Bermudes II. This prince 
had just mustered great forces, in order to stem the destructive tor- 
rent : although afflicted with the gout he put himself at their head, 
and from his litter gave the signal for battle. The Christians, ani- 
mated by the presence of their sovereign, and by the consideration of 
their religion, their liberty and their hves, for which they were going 
to fight, attacked the Saracens with irresistible fury, routed them on 
all sides, and obliged them to flee in great disorder. Almanzor did, 
on that occasion, nearly the same that is related of Julius Csesar.* 
Dismounting from his horse, he lay upon the ground, and cried out 
that he preferred to be either trodden under foot by the fugitives or 
slain by the conquerors, rather than outlive his glory. The sight of 
this great man in such imminent danger made his soldiers ashamed 
of abandoning him, and inspired them with fresh courage. Rallying- 
around their general, they rushed with him against the pursuers, 
whom the anticipation of victory had rendered too confident; the 
Christians were terrified in their turn, and fled, yielding the victory 
to their intrepid and obstinate enemies. 

After this, Almanzor, with little or no difficulty, overran the whole 
country, and taking, ransacking or burning the cities, pursued the 
vanquished as far as the mountains of Asturias, which had been their 
first asylum nearly three hundred years before. He would have pro- 
bably carried his conquests still farther, had not a dreadful plague 
broken out among his soldiers, which destroyed a considerable part 
of his army and forced him to retire in great haste. When he re- 
turned with fresh troops, he found that the Christian princes of the 
different parts of Spain had now united their forces against the com- 
mon enemy. They stopped his victorious march at Medina Cseli, or 
Calacanasor, in Castile (a. d. 998). The battle, upon which such 
great interests depended, was begun with equal animosity on both 
sides, and lasted the whole day. The following morning, the Chris- 

* In the battle of Munda (Spain), against the sons of Pompey (b. c, 45) 



A. r. 800-1016. ENGLAND^ ETC. 209 

tians prepared to recommence the attack, but soon perceived that the 
Moors had retreated; Almanzor, frightened at the greatness of his 
loss, which amounted to one hundred thousand men, dismissed his 
surviving soldiers, fled in despair to Medina, and there put an end to 
his life by starvation. 

With Mahomet Almanzor fell the splendor of the Arabian empire 
in Spain. His death viras soon followed by a series of feuds and 
civil wars among the Arabs, which distracted their monarchy^ and 
dismembered it into eight or nine petty kingdoms. This permitted 
the Christians, not only to recover entirely from their recent losses, 
but even to found and solidly establish four kingdoms in tiie north of 
the peninsula, viz., Leon including the more ancient kingdom of 
Asturias and Oviedo, Navarre, Arragon and Castile. These two, 
though the last in order of time, soon became the most powerful of 
the four, and afterwards formed by their reunion the present king- 
dom of Spain. 



ENGLAND DURING THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES 

A. D. 800—1016. 



Among the states of modern Europe, none experienced during the 
middle ages more vicissitudes and revolutions than England. Its con- 
quest by the Anglo-Saxons, and the establishment of the Heptarchy, 
have been already mentioned. As long as any district remained in the 
island, that might be easily subdued, the Saxon kings lived together 
in harmony, each one being content with his dominions, or extend- 
ing them only at the expense of their common foes. Afterwards, 
they turned their arms against one another, and, by mutually weak- 
ening themselves, gave occasion to the ruin of the Heptarchy. 

Egbert, the apparent heir to the crown of Wessex, had been first 
compelled by a strong party to leave the shores of England, and to 
take refuge at the court of Charlemagne. He served three years in 
the armies of that emperor, and spent the period of his exile in ac- 
quiring a proficiency in the science of war and of government. 
Charles spared no pams in improving the noble and promising quali- 
ties of the British prince, and in every important transaction wished 
to have him near his person. He had taken him along in his last 
journey to Rome, when Egbert was informed of the death of his 
competitor, and of other favorable circumstances, which recalled him 
to his native country. 

The royal exile lost no time, but, taking leave of the French mo- 
narch, who loaded him with marks of aflfection and esteem, he 
18* 



210 MODERN HISTORY. Part IV. 

returned to England, where his claim was unanimously acknow- 
ledged by the West-Saxon lords. Being crowned, with universal ap- 
plause, king of Wessex in the year 801, he devoted the commence- 
ment of his reign to the cultivation of peace; but, from the time 
when he first unsheathed the sword against the Britons of Wales, 
each succeeding year was marked by new victories and conquests. 
The Britons were subdued j then the feeble kingdoms of Essex, 
Kent, and others shared the same fate ; and before 830, Egbert had 
extended his authority over the greater part of the island. 

Scarcely however had he attained this superiority among the na- 
tive princes, when he saw himself attacked by a foreign and most 
dangerous enemy. At this period, Denmark was the birth-place of 
a race of men who spent the best portion of their lives on the sea, 
either because they were compelled to leave their country which 
v/as too thickly inhabited, or because they preferred the fruits of ra- 
pine to those of industry. Whilst the Normans, their countrymen, 
laid waste the coasts of France and Spain, the Danes directed their 
attempts against the British isles. Their first descents, it is true, had 
no great effect, and produced temporary alarm, rather than perma- 
nent uneasiness ; but towards the close of the reign of Egbert, the 
numbers of the pirates perpetually increased, and their visits being 
annually renewed, took a much more alarming aspect. In 833, Eg- 
bert himself had the mortification to see his West-Saxons defeated by 
the invaders. Convinced of the necessity of adopting stronger mea- 
sures, he summoned all his vassals around him, and waited in anxious 
suspense for the next descent of the enemy: success crowned his ef- 
forts, and a decisive though bloody victory compelled the Danes to 
take refuge in their ships. This was the last exploit of Egbert, who 
died in the following year (a. d. 836), after a prosperous reign ot 
about thirty-five years. 

His death, and the pacific disposition of his son Ethelwulf, em- 
boldened the barbarians to renew their invasions. Redoubled exer 
tions were made, on the one side for the attack, and on the other for 
the defence, with a continual alternation of success and misfortune 
At last, a general battle was fought at Okeley (a. d. 851), in which 
the Danes were so completely overthrown, that fheir loss is said to 
have been greater than they had ever sustained in any age or country. 
They appeared to be disheartened by so severe a defeat, and respected, 
*br a time, the shores of England. But their loss seemed only to 
urge them to make more extensive preparations for subsequent at- 
tacks. After the death of Ethelwulf, and under his four sons^ Ethel- 
bald, Ethelbert, Ethelred and Alfred, all of whom reigned succes- 
sively, those undaunted pirates renewed their efforts and inroads with 
fresh and incessant fury. In spite of many severe losses which thej^ 



iL. D. 800-1016. ENGLAND^ ETC. 211 

again suffered, they returned to the charge so often and so repeatedly, 
as finally to take possession, in a few years, of a great part of the 
island. 

Such was the state of Great Britain, when Alfred, the last of the 
four brothers just mentioned, ascended the throne in 871. No reign 
ever commenced with more unfavorable auspices. The Saxon prince 
had scarcely any troops to oppose the invaders, and saw himself com- 
pelled to enter into a treaty with them, by which he was left in pos- 
session of Wessex and a few other districts, whilst they kept the bet- 
ter part of the country for themselves. Nor even did this arrange- 
ment last long. Repeated attacks of the Danes forced Alfred to 
abandon for a time the whole of his dominions to their rapacity, and 
retire into a small island situated in a morass between two rivers. 
Here he submitted to his humble lot with piety and resignation, in 
hope of better times. Being one day buried in deep reflection on his 
misfortunes, he happened to let some cakes burn, which the wife of 
the herdsman with whom he lodged, had committed to his care. She 
reproached him severely, telling him he was more ready to eat than 
to earn his bread. On another occasion, the pious king did not hesi- 
tate to give one-half of the only loaf that remained in the place, to a 
poor and needy traveller : a truly charitable action, which the provi- 
dence of God shortly afterwards rewarded by the arrival of a large 
supply of provisions. 

In the meantime, the Danes spread terror throughout the whole 
country, which they plundered and laid waste, with almost no 
resistance. However, one of their parties was entirely defeated in 
878, by the earl of Devonshire, who killed their general Ubbo with 
twelve hundred of his followers. This revived the courage of the 
Saxons, and Alfred having now quitted his retreat, a multitude of 
brave warriors flocked to his standard, ready to shed their blood for 
his defence and the independence of the realm. The king imme- 
diately marched out with them against the main body of the Danes, 
who, on their side, advanced with hasty steps to meet him on the 
field of battle. 

As the armies approached, they uttered shouts of mutual defiance, 
and, after the first discharge of their missile weapons, came to a close 
and sanguinary engagement. The animosity of the two nations, the 
efibrts of their leaders, the fluctuations of victory, can be more easily 
imagined than expressed. The Danes displayed a valor worthy of 
their former renown; the Saxons were stimulated by honor, shame, 
and every motive that can influence the heart of man. At length, 
their intrepidity bore down all opposition; the Northmen, after suf- 
fering a tremendous slaughter, fled to their camp, where being pur- 
sued and closely surrounded, they consented to capitulate. The 



212 MODERN HISTORY. Part IV. 

terms imposed on them by the conqueror were, that they should 
either leave the island, or embrace the laws of Christianity ; and if 
they became Christians, that they should quit the kingdom of Wes- 
sex, and confine themselves to their former settlements in other parts 
of England. All this appears to have been at the time faithfully 
executed. 

Alfred being now in a state of comparative tranquillity, set him- 
self about repairing the damages occasioned by war, and providing 
against future disasters. The army, fortifications and navy claimed 
his first care. Bodies of regular troops were organized for the de- 
fence of his kingdom, especially along the coast; castles were built 
in places the best fitted to prevent the landing, or to impede the pro- 
gress of an enemy; and a considerable fleet was equipped, which, 
within a few years, obtained numerous triumphs over the pirates : so 
that Alfred may be regarded as the real founder of the naval and 
military glory of Great Britain. 

He next turned his attention to the improvement and civilization 
of his people. In order to check the spirit of disorder and anarchy 
which, during the long period of barbarian invasion, had become 
prevalent throughout the realm, the king restored and enlarged the 
salutary institutions of his predecessors, and from ancient statutes, 
composed a code of law adapted to the present circumstances. But, 
as legislative enactments are of little avail, unless well observed in 
the community, he insured their execution by his constant vigilance 
and firmness. Particularly attentive to the proceedings of the courts 
of judicature, he frequently revised them himself, and receiving the 
appeals of all injured persons, inflicted severe though proportionate 
penalties on all ignorant or iniquitous judges. This severity pro- 
duced the most beneficial result ; magistrates were taught to become 
more learned and more conscientious ; whilst murder, theft and other 
crimes, being sure to meet with due punishment, were rendered as 
rare as they had been common before. So exact was the observance 
of the laws, that, according to the unanimous assertion of English 
historians, if a traveller lost his purse on the road, he would the next 
day find it untouched; and some relate besides, that golden bracelets 
having been suspended on the high road, nobody ventured to steal so 
valuable an object. 

Alfred was also the restorer of literature and learning, which had 
considerably suffered during the late wars. With the assistance of 
distinguished scholars of his own and foreign countries, whom he 
invited to his court, he not only founded the university of Oxford, but 
likewise opened schools in many other places for the instruction of his 
subjects. He himself gave to all the example of application to study, 
in which he succeeded so well, that several good works were either 



A. D. 800—1016. 



ENGLAND, ETC. 213 



composed, or translated by him from the Latin into the Saxon tongue. 
Nor were these the only services that Alfred rendered to his people. 
He also encouraged agriculture, commerce, and all necessary and use- 
ful arts; applying himself above all to restore the salutary influence 
of religion, and to revive piety around him both by word and exam- 
ple. In fact, the domestic life of this admirable prince was as 
well regulated as his public conduct, and a proper management 
of his time enabled him perfectly to fulfil all his duties. Each day, 
he gave eight hours to the care of his kingdom, eight to study and 
works of piety or charity, and the other eight to sleep and necessary 
recreation. As the use of watches and clocks as we have them at 
present, was not yet known, he employed, for the division of the day, 
six wax candles, each one of which burnt during four hours, and his 
chaplains informed him when it was extinguished. 

After many years of peace, Alfred was . attacked by those same 
IVormaDS, who had so long and so often desolated the coasts of 
France. He opposed them with superior ability, defeated them by 
and and sea, and, more successful than the French kings, delivered 
lis kingdom from those adventurers. Shortly after, he died, full of 
^lory and all sorts of merits (a. d. 900), having Uved fifty-one, and 
•eigned twenty-nine years. 

With the name of Alfred posterity has associated the epithet of 
Great; which indeed few princes have equally deserved for courage 
n danger and wisdom in government. Whilst many other kings of 
England are chiefly known in history by their actions in the field of 
)atile, it is the praise of Alfred, that he was not merely a warrior, 
)ut also the patron of learning and the legislator of his people. The 
;elebrated Henry Spelman, filled with a sort of enthusiasm at the 
ecollection of this illustrious king, speaks of him thus : " O Alfred, 
he wonder and prodigy of all ages ! If we reflect on his piety, we 
vill be inclined to beheve that he always hved in retirement and soli- 
ude; if we recollect his warlike exploits, we will judge that he never 
leparted from the camps; if we call to mind his learning and wri- 
ings, we will imagine that he spent his whole life in a literary insti- 
ution^ if we direct our attention to his wise administration and 
wholesome laws, it will seem that these had been his only study and 
jmployment." * 

Alfred was succeeded on the throne by his son Edward. In legis- 
ation and hterary merit, Edward was much inferior to his father; 
)ut he surpassed him in the magnitude of his conquests. During 
he whole of his reign (900 — 924), there were but few intervals free 

* See, on the reign and qualifications of Alfred, besides civil historians, 
I verv learned, extensive and interesting note of Alban Butler, in his Idves 
yf the Saints, under the 28th of October. 



214 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part IV. 



from war against the Danes. He gained many victories over them, 
and, by the subjugation of rarious provinces, acquired more real 
power than had ever been possessed by his predecessors. All the 
tribes from Northumbria to the channel ov^'ned his sway; the kings, 
of the Scots and the princes of Wales acknowledged him as their 
lord, or paid him tribute ; and the other nations in the island eagerly- 
solicited his friendship. 

Athelstan, Edward's eldest son and successor (924 — ^940), pursued 
the same line of policy. By his unceasing efforts, the influence of 
the British and Danish chieftains disappeared in England during the 
remainder of his reign. All the provinces originally subdued and 
colonized by the different Saxon tribes, became united under the same 
crown; and the celebrated battle of Brunanburg in Northumbria 
(a.d. 937), confirmed the ascendency of Athelstan. He thus completed 
the work commenced by his forefathers, and to him chiefly belongs 
the glory of having established what has ever since been called the 
Kingdom of England. 

This happy state of Great Britain was however soon disturbed by 
new storms, more furious and lasting than had ever been experienced 
before. After a few short reigns, the most remarkable of which was 
that of Edgar, and after the death of King Edward the Martyr, in 
978, the Danes reappeared with fresh forces, and resumed their for- 
mer course of invasion. So furious indeed, and so persevering were 1 
their inroads and ravages, that for many years, viz. from 980 to 
1016, England presented nothing but almost uninterrupted scenes of i 
devastation, plunder, bloodshed and all kinds of misery. 



FRANCE AND GERMANY IN THE TENTH AND ELEVENTH | 
CENTURIES.— A. D. 912—1024. I 

Such had been also, for a long time the case with France, the con- 1 
quest of which was the ambition of the terrible Normans. Although i 
repelled with great loss from the walls of Paris in 886, they persevered ; 
in their course of piracy, under the conduct of Rollo, one .of the 
greatest warriors of that iron-age. At length. King Charles the Sim- 
ple consented to give up to them, on the condition of vassalage, 
the north of France, which thus became their permanent property 
about the year 912, and took from them the name of Normandy.) 
This cession proved indeed most beneficial to the kingdom, and to the 
"Kormans themselves, who, without renouncing their warlike spirit 
abandoned their predatory habits, and adopted those of a civilized 
and Chri&dan life ; but it did not stop the decline nor prevent the 
downfall of the dynasty of Charlemagne, The same year, 912, be 



A. D. 912—1024. 



FRANCE AND GERMANY. 215 



held the imperial sceptre pass from his family into the hands of the 
German lords^ whilst his successors on the French throne, for want 
either of talent or firmness, or of sufficient authority, were little re- 
spected in their own dominions and residence. The kingdom was 
shamefully parcelled out, as it were, between themselves and the 
great vassals of the crown, who, being frequently more powerful 
than the sovereign, became mere nominal subjects, and, refused to 
obey his orders when they appeared to conflict with their supposed 
interest or their caprice ; whereas they freely waged war against one 
another, with the help of their own respective subjects.* 

Such was the wretched condition of France and of its sovereigns 
during the tenth century. In fine, after the demise of Louis V, who 
died without issue, the French lords refused to acknowledge as his 
successor, his uncle Charles, duke of Lorraine, who had lately sub- 
mitted himself in the quality of a vassal, to the German emperor. 
They ofiered the sceptre to Hugh-Capet, duke of France, as being 
the most worthy of it for his royal qualities and the great power he 
already enjoyed (a. d. 987). In vain did Charles, at the head of an 
army, attempt to maintain his claims to the throne; Hugh, having 
popular favor on his side, baffled all his measures and remained in 
' possession of the sovereign power. 

His reign lasted nine years, the greater part of which he spent in 
keeping his vassals and subjects within the bounds of respect and 
'duty, as well by his prudence and moderation, as by multiplied vic- 
tories. His wisdom still more appeared in his successful efforts lo 
'establish a regular mode of succession to the throne: instead of divi- 
ding the kingdom among his sons, as had been so often and so impru- 
dently done before, he, with the consent of the nation, ordered that 
Robert, the eldest, should be his only successor. The like was done 
after him at every new accession, and this practice became one of the 
fundamental laws of the French monarchy. 

The case was just the reverse in Germany. Ever since the empire 
j'was transferred from the French to the German princes, from here- 
ditary it had become elective. The sceptre was first offered to Othn, 
duke of Saxony, who thought proper, on account of his advanced 
age, to dechne the honor, and recommended Conrad, duke of Fran- 
conia, though his personal enemy, to the choice of the electors. f 

[ * The great vassals were six in number, viz. the three dukes of Bur- 

fundy, Normandy and France properly so called ; and the three earls of 
'landers, Champaigne and Toulouse. 
' t The number of the electors did not continue always the same. By the 
liEmperor Charles IV, in 1.356, it was reduced to seven, viz., the arch- 
^bishops of Mentz, Triers and Cologne ; the king of Bohemia, the duke of 
jSaxony, the count Palatin, and the marquis of Brandeburg : to whom were 
jfubsequently added the dukes of Hanover and Bavaria. 



216 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part IV. 



Conrad therefore was appointed, and reigned seven years (912 — ^919). 
When he found himself drawing near the end of his hfe, he, with 
equal generosity, proposed for his successor, Henry, the son of Otho, 
as being the best fitted to rule the state in those turbulent times. 

Henry, surnamed the Foivler, on account of his fondness fbr hunt- 
ing, was in truth well qualified to wear a crown, and fully answered 
public expectation. He delivered Germany from the ravages of the 
surrounding tribes, especially those of the Hungarians, a fierce and 
warlike people of Scythian descent, whose only delight was in pillage 
and destruction. The emperor succeeded in uniting all the German 
forces against them, and the effect of this reunion was the entire de-' 
feat of the Hungarians in two great battles fought near Mersburg 
(a. d. 920 and 934), in one of which they lost eighty thousand, and 
in the other forty thousand men. 

Henry was endeavoring at the same time to promote, by every 
means in his power, the safety and happiness of his people. He 
organized a militia, inured the nobility to the hardships of war, for- 
tified the towns, rescued the country from banditti and robbers, and 
took proper measures to extend the wholesome influence of religion 
throughout all his dominions. The wisdom of his laws against vice 
and disorder was not less conspicuous than the multitude of his ex- 
ploits against foreign enemies. This great prince died in 936, having 
lived sixty and reigned seventeen years. 

Otho I, his eldest son, was chosen to succeed him in the empire, 
not however without much opposition and many obstacles, all of 
which he overcame by his prudence, firmness and activity. He was 
equally successful in different wars against the Bohemians, the Hun- 
garians, and the Italian princes. His reign lasted thirty-seven years, 
during which he gave such proofs of unparalleled magnificence, 
generosity, valor, wisdom, religion and justice, as to deserve, not^ 
withstanding some failings in the exercise of his power, the praisea 
of impartial posterity. 

After him the German throne was successively occupied, from 973 
to 1002, by his son and grand-son, both of the same name; and from 
1002 to 1024, by their relative Henry II, or St. Henry, under whom 
Germany again enjoyed all the advantages that can be expected from 
a good, wise and virtuous sovereign. Some years before he died, he, 
had wished to renounce all earthly grandeur, and, applying to Rich- 
ard, abbot of St. Vannes in Lorraine, begged admittance into the 
monastery. The holy abbot, not to afflict him by a stern denial, 
received his vow of obedience, but immediately commanded hira, in 
yirtue of it, to reassume the government of the empire, for the honor 
of God and the good of his people; to which the pious monarch 
humbly, though reluctantly, submitted. As he left no children, the 



a.D.96a-1040. EASTERN K-ATIONS. 217 

imperial sceptre passed a second time into the iiands of the Fran- 
conian dukes, and, after a few reigns, devolved on the princes of the 
house of Suabia. 



EASTERN NATIONS IN THE TENTH AND ELEVENTH CEN- 
TURIES.— a. D. 960—1040. 



In the meantime, the Greek empire had shone with great splen- 
dor under three successive emperors, Nicephorus Phocas, John 
Zimisces and Basil II, the first of whom began to reign in 963. He 
was born of an illustrious family in Constantinople, and from his 
youth distinguished himself ia the army. Having become a general, 
he succeeded, by his persevering efforts and vigilance united with 
I'alor, in expelling the Saracens from the important island of Crete, 
of which they had been masters one hundred and thirty-five years 
(a. d. 960). The troops, to whom he was much endeared, raised 
him to the throne, after the death of Romanus 11. He then extended 
his projects, and, attacking the Saracens of Asia with unrelenting 
vigor, wrested from them many towns and several provinces, which 
he reunited to the empire. 

To these splendid achievements, the zeal of Nicephorus for mili- 
tary discipline contributed as much as his personal bravery. He 
kept his soldiers within the strict bounds of duty by the most effica- 
cious of all means, that of example : claiming for himself no special 
exemption, he easily induced others to become equally patient and 
courageous. Unfortunately, so great a warrior, the terror of all the ene- 
mies around, was also, by his avarice and exactions, the terror of his 
own subjects. Augmenting the taxes, and altering the coins, he seemed 
obstinately resolved to make all the riches of the nation pass into his 
coffers. Hence it happened that many officers, even among those 
who had been most sincerely attached to him, being now exasperated 
by his injustice and tyranny, secretly conspired against his life. Johii 
Zimisces, their leader, and five others, were introduced during the 
night in a basket, and through a window, into the apartment in which 
Nicephorus was asleep. He awoke just to see the daggers directed 
against his breast. The conspirators dragged him from his couch^ 
and stabbed him at the feet of Zimisces, whom they proclaimed em- 
peror in his place (a. d. 969). 

If heroic fortitude and courage, if the habitual practice of mild- 
ness, justice, generosity, in a word, of all pubhc and private virtuesj 
ever could obliterate a crime, this lenity should be extended to Zimis- 
ces, a prince undoubtedly one of the greatest among the successors of 
Constantine, The Greek histbrians siefem tO vife with ea.ch Other in 
19 



218 MODERN HISTORY. Fart IV. 

bestowing upon him the highest encomiums, and even the annals of 
northern nations have praised this illustrious emperor, who stopped 
their warlike and victorious hordes. For, it was at this juncture that 
a formidable army of Rossi or Russians, having, under the conduct 
of their duke Wenceslas, crossed the Danube, made an irruption 
into Bulgaria and Thrace, which they ravaged as far as Adrianople. 
At first, Zimisces sent his ablest generals against them ; afterwards, 
marching in person, he expelled the invaders from the towns and 
fortresses that they had taken, and driving all their detachments 
before him, at length forced them to a general engeigement, near the 
city of Dorostolis, on the banks of the Danube. 

The multitude and natural bravery of the Russians on the one 
side, aiid the valor and skill of the imperial legions on the other, ren- 
dered this battle one of the most obstinate and terrible in the annals 
of war. So great was the animosity of the combatants, that the ad- 
vantage is said to have successively passed from one army to the 
other no fewer than twelve times. The contest thus raged with un- 
abated fury from morning until late in the evening, when the Rus- 
sians began to waver, and Zimisces, redoubling his efforts, gained at 
last a complete victory. Three or four more battles, fought within a 
short time, saw him equally victorious, and almost destroyed the Rus- 
sian forces. Being now deprived of all resource, the remains of their 
army came to the determination of abandoning all their designs of con- 
quest, and of retracing their steps to their own country. But, whilst 
they were retreating, another barbarous tribe surprised them in an am- 
buscade, and mercilessly put them all to the sword (a. d. 971). 

Zimisces, on the contrary, returned in triumph to Constantinople, 
where he was received with extraordinary joy and magnificence. 
Shortly after, he marched against the eastern Saracens, who had 
availed themselves of his absence, to reconquer many places in Asia. 
The arrival of Zimisces once more changed the state of affairs: 
wherever he appeared, towns and fortresses were either compelled by 
force or induced by promises to surrender. When he returned from 
this glorious expedition, as he was passing through a tract of land 
extremely rich, beautiful, and adorned with palaces, he was told that 
all these belonged to his minister Basil. *' Behold," he exclaimed,' 
*'it is then to enrich one man, that the state is exhausted, that the ar- 
mies undergo so many hardships ; that soldiers, officers, emperors, 
expose their lives and shed their blood in battles ! " These words 
were, by perfidious friends, related to the minister, who, fearing an 
inquiry into his administration, determined to avoid, by the commis-- 
sion of an atrocious crime, the disgrace with which he was threatened, 
and bribed the cup-bearer of the emperor to poison this excellent 
prince. The fatal draught being tendered and taken, Zimisces felt 



A. D. 960—1040. 



EASTERN NATIONS. 219 



aa inward fire, which soon manifested itself outwardly by carbuncles 
and a vomiting of blood. However, the sight of approaching death 
did not terrify his great soul ; he spent his last days in preparing, by 
confession and other religious exercises, to appear before the tribunal 
of God, and, after forbidding inquiries to be made about the author 
of his death, terminated, with the sentiments of an humble penitent, 
a career which, with the exception of one day, had been that of a 
Christian hero (a. d. 975). 

After him, the throne was filled by two brothers and descendants 
of Basil the Macedonian, Basil II and Constantine VIII. They 
reigned together, and equally enjoyed the honors of the purple; but 
the exercise of the supreme authority was left entirely to Basil, who 
far surpassed his brother in genius, ability, and apphcation to public 
affairs. He skilfully extricated himself from various rebelHons and 
civil wars excited in the beginning of his reign by some discontented 
generals. He then directed all his energies against the Bulgarians, 
who had been so long a match for the empire. Their courageous 
resistance protracted the war probably much longer than had been 
anticipated, and a series of continual attacks and bloody engagements 
was hardly sufficient to subdue that nation and its leaders, who de- 
fended themselves with truly heroic fortitude; but so obstinately, and, 
it may be said, so cruelly bent was Basil on the entire reduction of 
Bulgaria, that it finally passed under his sway, with all the treasures 
which the Bulgarians had amassed during three hundred years, by 
war and pillage. 

In the East also, Basil extended considerably the boundaries of 
the empire. Even age could not extinguish his martial spirit; and 
he was actually preparing for an expedition against the Saracens of 
Sicily, when a violent fever carried him off in the sixty-eighth year 
of his life, and the fifty-first of his reign (a. d. 1025). This long in- 
terval had indeed been illustrated by many successful wars and by a 
firm administration ; but unfortunately, Basil II did not know how 
to win the affection and esteem of his subjects. Whilst his armies 
were every where victorious, the people were groaning under heavy 
taxes, and religion and humanity often condemned the actions of the 
monarch. The fifty years immediately following his decease beheld 
the rapid succession of fifteen emperors, most of them unworthy of 
notice. 

In the meantime, the vast monarchy founded by the Arabs had 
been going to decay. The indolence of the caliph of Bagdad en- 
couraged the ambition of the different governors of provinces to 
withdraw their allegiance from him, and to proclaim their indepen- 
i dence. In this manner were Africa and Persia gradually severed from 
' the sway of the Abassides. Towards the end of the tenth century. 



220 MODERN HISTORY. Part IV, 

they lost also Palestine and Egypt, where the Fatimites (real or pre- 
tended descendants of Fatima, a daughter of Mahomet) established 
their domination, under the venerated title of caliphs (a. d. 972). 

Against these and other invaders, the caliphs of Bagdad called to 
their assistance some of the Turkish tribes stationed in the neighbor- 
nood of the Caspian seaj tribes famous for their exploits under their 
leader Seldjuk. At first, the caliphs had reason to applaud them- 
selves for this measure. Those warlike tribes fought with great 
valor and success against the enemies of the reigning dynasty, and 
re-established its authority in several provinces; but, towards the year 
1040, they began to make conquests for themselves. Animated by 
the favorable result of their first attempts, they spread their wander- 
ing hordes over Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine and Asia Minor, and, 
defeating the Greek emperor Romanus Diogenes in a great battle, 
took possession of those rich countries, which formed the renowned 
though short-lived empire of the Seljukian Turks. In a few years. 
Iconium, Jerusalem, Antioch, Tarsus and Nicea were subdued by 
them, and remained in their power until the time of the Crusades. 



IRELAND, PARTICULARLY DURING THE TENTH AND 
ELEVENTH CENTURIES.— a. d. 965—1014. 



Returning to the history of western Europe, we shall here speak 
exclusively of Ireland, and by retracing for a moment our steps to 
more remote ages, we will place together before the eyes of our 
readers, the chief events which then distinguished this interesting 
portion of the world. 

The origin of the Irish as a distinct nation is generally referred to 
a very high antiquity. During a long lapse of centuries, both before 
and after the coming of Christ, they were governed by kings, one of 
whom, called the king of Tara, was considered as the supreme ruler 
of the island. The subordinate princes who reigned in the four great 
provinces of Ulster, Leinster, Munster and Connaught, were obliged 
to pay a tribute to that monarch, as a sign of inferiority ; but, in seve- 
ral cases, they endeavored to render it a merely nominal subjection, 
whilst, in other respects, they were by right absolutely independent 
in their own respective kingdoms. Thus the government was really 
pentarchical ; a government which, though possessing several advan- 
tages, was calculated to create and foster a spirit of disunion, as ex- 
perience too often fatally showed in the course of ages. 

In the fifth century after the coming of our Lord, Ireland was con- 
verted to Christianity by the great St. Patrick. This truly apostolic 



^ D, 96o— 1014. 



IRELAND. 221 



man had the satisfaction of baptizing an incredible multitude of pagans, 
who hastened, at his call, to exchange their heathenish superstitions 
for the pure precepts of the Gospel. " While, in other countries," 
says Moore, "the introduction of Christianity has been the slow work 
of time ... in Ireland, on the contrary, by the influence of one hum 
ble but zealous missionary, and with but little previous preparation 
of the soil by other hands, Christianity burst forth at the first ray of 
apostolic light, and, with the sudden ripeness of a northern summer, 
at once covered the whole land."* Churches arose every where ; 
sciiools and monasteries were founded, in which science and exalted 
virtue continued long to flourish. Such was indeed the renown of 
Ireland for sanctity and learning, that, by common consent, she received 
the glorious title of **^the island of saints;" foreigners flocked to her 
shores to be instructed in religion and letters, and a residence in Ire- 
land was considered as almost essential to establish a hterary character. 
Not content with affording an asylum to those strangers at home, the 
sons of Hibernia crossed the seas to diff"use the same blessings abroad ; 
all the neighboring nations, England, Prance, Germany and Switz- 
erland, profited by the zeal and learning of Irish missionaries, and 
the most celebrated nurseries of science in those remote ages were 
founded or improved by Irish scholars. 

At the close of the eighth century, Ireland began to be infested by 
the Danes, those terrible Northmen, who, for above two hundred 
years, proved so formidable to several nations of Europe. Here, as 
elsewhere, ruin and desolation marked the progress of these invaders : 
the country was ravaged; churches, monasteries and universities 
were plundered and destroyed. From time to time, it is true, the 
Danes were boldly attacked and defeated; but fresh swarms succeeded, 
and committed new outrages and depredations throughout the island. 
Thus fortune was alternately propitious, till the reign of Brian Boru, 
who came to the throne of Munster in 965. This gallant hero soon, 
compelled the enemies of his country to flee before him. In 970, he 
attacked Limerick, of which they had become masters, drove them 
from this post, and pursuing his advantage, gained over them from 
twenty-five to thirty pitched battles. 

Success so brilliant and uninterrupted, united with truly royal 
qualities, prudence, valor, magnanimity and patriotism, elevated the 
king of Munster to the higher station of monarch of Tara. Some 
years after his elevation, he was again summoned to the field by a 
new and formidable attack of the Danes. Regardless of his advanced 
age, he resolutely marched at the head of thirty thousand warriors 
against his undaunted foes, and attacked them in the plains of Clon- 

* History of Ireland, p. 110. 
■ 19* . 



222 MODERN HISTORY. Pan IV 

tarf, on the 23d of April (a. d. 1014). The battle lasted from eight 
in the morning till four in the afternoon, with a display of almost 
superhuman courage on both sides. It raged most fiercely around 
the chiefs of either party, numbers of whom perished in this memo- 
rable action, among others, Brian's heroic son, Morrough, who, 
during the whole conflict, had performed prodigies of valor ; Brian 
himself was slain in his tent after the battle, by a fugitive Dane. 
Notwithstanding these losses of the Irish, their victory was complete, 
and the Danes were driven from the field with immense slaughter. 

The battle of Clontarf gave the deathblow to the power of the 
Northmen in Ireland. Of the survivors, some bade an eternal fare- 
well to the country j others submitted to the government which they 
had in vain endeavored to subvert, and the remainder, few in number, 
mingling with the mass of the population, gradually disappeared as 
a distinct people. Thus was Ireland, through her own persevering 
ejSbrts, entirely freed from those terrible and obstinate invaders; an 
event so much the more glorious, as this very period witnessed their 
success in England, of which they made themselves masters, and 
over which, during three successive reigns, they ruled with absolute 
sway. 



DANISH KINGS IN ENGLAND— SAXON LINE RESTORED 

A. D. 1016—1066. 



The bloody struggle of the Anglo-Baxons against the Danes, their 
obstinate enemies, had now lasted two hundred years, when Edmund, 
surnamed Ironside (from his great bodily strength), came to the 
throne of England in 1016. This prince seemed destined to restore 
the independence of his country, having, within the short space of 
six months, fought no fewer than five battles, and gained nearly as 
many victories over the Danish King Canute. But having been, 
through the perfidy or cowardice of a certain Count Edric, entirely 
defeated in the fifth battle, the noblemen of both parties, equally tired 
of this sanguinary warfare, obliged their sovereigns to come to a com- 
promise, and divide the kingdom among themselves. Edmund died 
within a month after this treaty of pacification, and left Canute in 
possession of all England. 

The Saxons had no reason to repent for submitting to this foreign 
prince. No sooner did Canute see himself secure on the throne, 
than he became, from a turbulent warrior, a just and beneficent 
monarch. He often lamented the bloodshed and misery which the 
Danish war had inflicted on the natives, and considered it his bounden 



A. D. 1016-1066. DANISH KINGS IN ENGLAND^ ETC. 223 

duty to compensate their sufferings by a mild and equitable adminis- 
tration. He always treated them with kindness, and, placing the two 
nations on a footing of equahty, admitted them alike to offices of trust 
and emolument. By this means, he won the affection of all, even 
of his English subjects ; whilst he also gained their admiration and 
esteem by his Christian virtues and sincere piety, of which he gave 
a striking proof on the following occasion : 

Being one day near the sea-shore, his courtiers, to flatter him, said 
that he was the king of kings, the master of both earth and sea. 
Canute took this opportunity to show how much he despised theii 
foolish flattery. Sitting down, and addressing himself to the tide 
which was advancing: "I am thy master," he exclaimed; "mine 
also is the earth : I command thee, therefore, to stay where thou art, 
and not to move farther and wet my feet." All present thought the 
king mad, to imagine that the sea was going to obey his orders : it 
continued to advance, and at length came to the feet of the monarch. 
Turning to his flatterers, he said : "You see how far I am from being 
the master of aU things. Learn hence that the power of kings is 
very inconsiderable. There is indeed no other king than Almighty 
God, by whom alone the heavens, the earth and the sea are 
governed." He rose at these words, went to the church of Win- 
chester, and taking the crown from his head, placed it on the great 
crucifix in the cathedral, and never more wore it even at public 
ceremonies. 

Canute was king not only of England, but of Denmark also, and 
moreover acquired and exercised a sort of of jurisdiction over the 
Norwegians, the Swedes, the Welsh and the Scots. This vast extent 
of dominion rendered him one of the mightiest monarchs in Europe, 
whilst his truly royal qualities gained him universal respect from fo- 
reign princes. He died after a glorious reign of eighteen years 
(a. d. 1035). His kingdoms were divided among his three sons, two 
of whom successively reigned in England, namely, Harold and Har.- 
dicanute. After their death, the English having determined to restore 
the Saxon line of their monarchs, Edward, a brother to Edmund 
Ironside, was recalled from Normandy where he had spent many 
years in exile, and with general applause, ascended the throne of his 
fathers (a. d. 1040). 

If we estimate, as D. Lingard observes, the character of a sove- 
reign by the test of popular affection, we must rank Edward among 
the best of princes. Whilst alive, the goodness of his heart, which 
he had improved in the time of banishment, was adored by his sub- 
jects ; and, after death, his memory was bequeathed as an object of 
veneration to posterity. The blessings of his reign are the constant 
theme of ancient Enghsh writers ; not that he displayed any of those 



224 MODERN HISTORY. 



PartrV 



brilliant qualities which attract the admiration of the world, while 
they inflict misery on the human race: but he exhibited the interest- 
ing spectacle of a king negligent of his private interests, and totally 
devoted to the welfare of his people. To ward off foreign agression 
and restore the dominion of laws, to preserve peace and promote 
religion, were the constant objects of his solicitude. He was pious, 
kind and compassionate, the protector of the weak, and the father of 
the poor j more willing to give than to receive; more inclined to pardon 
than to punish, and better pleased to bestow his own revenues in acts 
of charity, than profit by the labors of his subjects. 

Edward published a new compilation of the statutes of his Saxon 
predecessors, among which those favorable to the people held the 
first rank. Hence they were ever since called the laws and customs 
of the good king Edward. This truly good and excellent monarch died 
m the beginning of the year 1066, and was canonized, about a cen- 
tury after, by Pope Alexander III. 



NORMANS IN ENGLAND.— WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 
A. D. 1066—1087. 



By the death of King Edward, England was replunged into the 
miseries of war. As he had died without issue, the British sceptre 
was claimed by several competitors, among whom Harold, the chief 
of the English nobility, and William, duke of Normandy, were the 
most powerful. Setting aside the question which of the two was 
more entitled to the throne, both of them were worthy of it by their 
uncommon qualifications of body and mind, and, what was very sin- 
gular, each one claimed it in virtue of the late king's will and - ap- 
pointment. 

Whilst Wilham prepared to prosecute, by arms, his claims or his 
pretensions, Harold, being already present in the kingdom, was the 
first proclaimed and acknowledged as its sovereign. But he had the 
misfortune to be opposed at the same time, not only by a foreign 
rival, but also by his own brother Tostig, in whom he experienced, 
for having been accessary to his exile during the preceding reign, a 
bitter and deadly enemy. Tostig visited Normandy, and arranged a ■ 
plan of co-operation with the duka : having moreover sent deputies 
to the northern princes, he succeeded in obtaining the assistance of 
Hardrada, king of Norway. A gallant army in a fleet of three hun- 
dred sail, unexpectedly appeared, landed without opposition, and sub- 
dued the province of Northumberland with York its capital. Harold, 
who was at that time awaiting the threatened descent of the duke of 



A. D. 1066-1087. NORMANS IN ENGLAND^ ETC. 225 

Normandy, lost no time in marching against the Norwegians. He 
overtook them at Stamford Bridge, and complete! y defeated them in a 
bloody battle, in which both his perfidious brother and the Norwe- 
gian monarch were slain. The remnant of the vanquished were 
compelled to re-embark. 

Almost simultaneously with this great victory, intelligence arrived 
that the Normans had just landed on the coast of Sussex. Wilham, 
having at length completed his vast preparations for the invasion of 
England, crossed the channel with a fleet of at least nine hundred 
vessels, which carried an army still more formidable for the valor 
than for the number of the combatants. The duke set them an ex- 
ample of wonderful daring. At the very moment of the landing of his 
troops, happening to fall on the shore, and being afraid lest this should 
appear to weak minds a bad omen for the success of his enterprise, 
he cried out with admirable presence of mind : " I take possession 
of England; it belongs to me; I lay hold of it with both hands." 

At the receipt of the fatal news, Harold mustered his forces, and 
led them straight forward against the enemy. He had defeated 
the Norwegians on the 25th of September; on the 14th of the fol- 
lowing month, he arrived in sight of the Normans, at a place called 
Senlac, nine miles from Hastings. 

The next day both armies prepared for battle. Harold posted his 
troops on the declivity of a hill in one compact body; William mar- 
shalled his host on the opposite eminence, and arranged with par- 
ticular care the squadrons of his numerous cavalry, on which he 
principally rested his hope of success. After the usual discharge of 
arrows, the Norman knights fiercely advanced against their motion- 
less opponents. The shock was dreadful; but the English at every 
point opposed a vigorous and successful resistance, and their battle 
axe was so powerfully wielded, that the aggressors could not prevent 
their left wing from being thrown into confusion. Even a report was 
spread that William himself had fallen ; and the whole army was be- 
ginning to waver, when the duke, riding along the line, exclaimed: 
** I am Still alive, and, with the help of God, I shall gain the victory.'* 
This revived the courage of the Normans, and those among the 
English who had incautiously pursued the left wing too far, were in- 
tercepted and cut to pieces. 

The combat having now recommenced with fresh animosity, Wil- 
liam had recourse to a stratagem suggested to his mind by his pre- 
vious success: he ordered a division of his cavalry to feign flight; 
a considerable number of their opponents pursued them, and were 
instantly destroyed. This however, did not suffice to decide the 
bloody contest: the main body of the English obstinately maintained 
their position, and, by always opposmg to the Normans a solid and 



226 ^ MODERN HISTORY. 



Part IV. 



impenetrable mass, bade defiance to all their efforts. The battle con- 
tinued in this manner, with doubtful success, from nine in the morn- 
ing till about sun-set, when Harold, who had, like WiUiam, con- 
stantly animated his troops by word and example, was shot by an 
arrow which penetrated to the brain. He instantly fell among heaps 
of the dead, and the knowledge of his fall broke the spirit of the sur- 
viving English : at dusk they fled in utter confusion, dispersed through 
the woods, and were pursued, with great slaughter, by their victorious 
enemy. 

Such was the ever memorable battle of Hastings, which put an 
end to the Saxon line of monarchs, and placed the Norman dynasty 
on the throne of England. On the side of the conquerors, more than 
one-fourth of their army, which amounted to almost sixty thousand 
men, were left on the field j the number of the slain among the van- 
quished, although justly supposed to have been much greater, is un- 
known: all agree at least in pronouncing the victory of William com- 
plete and decisive. After refreshing his army by a few days repose, 
and taking the castle of Dover, he marched straight to London. His 
unexpected presence spread terror and dismay among the people, the 
nobility and the clergy, who were there assembled ; they however re- 
ceived him with expressions of congratulation, and made him a ten- 
der of the crown, which after a short pause he accepted. 

From the best and most impartial historians, it appears that the 
plan of William was that of a mild and moderate goverment. The 
first measures of his reign tended to sooth the feehngs and to acquire 
the esteem of the English. Having, shordy after his coronation, 
made a tour through the kingdom, he every where scattered benefits 
around him, and graciously received the submission of his new sub- 
jects. The privileges of the citizens were rather increased, nor was 
any change attempted in their laws and customs, unless imperiously 
required by existing circumstances. It is true that, in order to secure 
their obedience, he built and garrisoned castles in various parts of the 
country, and granted valuable rewards to his Norman followers ; but 
the former step was a precautionary measure which it would be un- 
reasonable to blame in a conqueror; and the latter transaction ap- 
pears to have been so far conducted according to the strict rules of 
justice, as to give to no Enghshman any just cause of complaint. 

These proceedings however displeased the natives, and William 
soon perceived that he had gained neither their favor nor confidence. 
As he had set out in the spring of 1067, to visit his continental do- 
minions, the Enghsh, no longer awed by his presence, thought it a 
happy opportunity to obtain their freedom. Their feelings of aver- 
sion for a foreign yoke were now highly excited by the imprudence 
of the governors, whom the Conqueror had left, and who, instead of 



D. 1016—1089. 



NORMANS IN ITALY. 227 



adopting his system of conciliation, arrogantly oppressed the people; 
national animosity increased, discontent became general, and rebellion 
seemed every where inevitable. 

William, being informed of all this, returned to England with a 
secret determination to crush by severity, a people whom he could 
not gain by mildness. In fact, from this time forward, he laid a 
heavy hand upon his English subjects, and treated them with that 
rigor which he thought the right of conquest justified. He obliged 
them to extinguish their fires and candles at an early hour (eight 
O'clock) in the evening, the signal for which was given by a bell 
called the curfew (cmwre-feu) ', nor were they permitted to rekindle 
their fires till the morning bell, which rang at four o'clock. His policy 
suffered no Englishman to hold any place of trust. By means of 
fines,- land taxes, banishment, and sometimes capital executions for 
crimes of state, William had the disposal both of property and honors, 
and secured in his own hands the whole strength of the nation. 

If these measures terrified some of the natives, others raised the 
standard of insurrection in different parts of the kingdom. But nothing 
could surprise William. His vigilance, firmness and activity discon- 
certed all the plans, or baffled all the measures of the insurgents 3 and 
his good fortune so constantly prevailed, that every attempt to ruin 
his power, served only to establish it more firmly. He maintained it 
with equal success against foreign enemies, the Scots, the Danes and 
the French. In fine, after having gloriously reigned during forty one 
years in Normandy, and twenty-one in England, he died in 1087; 
odious indeed to many, on account of his severity, but still in point of 
natural talents, of enterprising spirit, of political and military achieve- 
ments, undoubtedly one of the first princes, and perhaps the most 
conspicuous sovereign of his age. His posterity, either in the right, 
or in the female line, has ever since occupied the throne of Great 
Britain. 



NORMANS IN ITALY.— a. d. 1016-1089. 

The subjugation of England was not the only conquest made by 
the Normans in the eleventh century ; during the same period, other 
warriors of the same nation equally astonished Europe by their 
exploits in Italy. A little before the year 1016, forty Normans, 
returning from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, happened to stop at 
Salernum, a maritime town of Campania, at the very time when it 
was closely besieged by the Saracens. These pilgrims v/ere men of 
remarkable size, warlike appearance and still greater courage. Hav- 



228 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part IV. 



ing penetrated into the town, they asked for arms and horses, and, 
making a sudden sally against the besiegers, slew many of them, put 
the rest to flight, and by a signal victory obliged them to abandon the 
siege. Both the prince and the inhabitants of Salernum exceedingly i 
admired their valor, loaded them with presents, and endeavored to j 
retain such useful warriors in their country. But they refused, 
alleging that they had fought for no other end than the glory of God 
and the honor of his religion. However, the Italians prevailed upon j 
them to carry to their countrymen different kinds of excellent fruit, i 
as proofs of the fertility of the land, and an inducement to come to I 
Italy. ! 

To a warhke and enterprising people, proposals so flattering could 
not fail to be acceptable. Normans after Normans flocked to the ! 
peninsula, and, by defending it against its enemies and invaders, I 
began to acquire in that delightful country rich and honorable settle- j 
ments. Among these fortunate adventurers, there was a whole 
family of heroes, consisting of the twelve sons of a certain Norman \ 
lord, called Tancrede, who, with the help of some hundreds of their 
countrymen, performed most surprising exploits. Sometimes united 
with the Lombards and Italians against the Greeks, sometimes with 
the Greeks against the Saracens, they became a match for all, de- 
feated numerous armies, took well defended and fortified towns, 
and subdued extensive provinces. 

Of these heroic brothers, the most illustrious were : WiUiam Iron- 
arm, who, by incredible exertions of courage, solidly established 
the Normans in Apuha (a.d. 1043); Robert Guiscard, who stripped 
the Greeks of their last possessions in the same province (1080); 
and Roger, who expelled the Saracens for ever from Sicily (1089). 
All these conquered territories formed, when united, a powerful and 
flourishing state, which lasted upwards of one hundred years. 
During that interval, the Norman princes who ruled over it, con- 
tinued to inflict severe losses on the emperors of Constantinople, but 
were themselves, in the end, obliged to yield to the emperors of 
Germany. 



CHIVALRY, PARTICULARLY IN SPAIN.— RISE OF THE 
KINGDOM OF PORTUGAL.— a. d. 1045—1095. 



The age which immediately preceded the Crusades, seemed to 
have been eminently the age of chivalry properly so called. The 
order of chivalry was composed of Knights-Errant, who rode through 
all parts of Llie country, in complete armor, ibr the purpose of redress- 



D. 104S-1095. 



CHIVALRY^ ETC. 229 



ing grievances, and of protecting innocent, weak and afflicted persons, 
against tyranny and oppression. Their origin may be traced to the 
reign of Charlemagne, or thereabouts; their decline must be referred 
to the twelfth century, which gave rise to many Military Orders, of 
far greater merit and celebrity than private knighthood ; however, 
during the epoch of which we are now speaking, chivalry, notwith- 
standing the abuses that occasionally attended it, proved truly benefi- 
cial to humanity and social order in Europe, especially when there 
was question of defending Christians against infidels. 

Owing to its peculiar state of constant warfare against the Moors, 
Christian Spain possessed numbers of those generous knights ever 
ready to shed their blood in the cause of national glory, religion and 
justice. Among them, the foremost in heroic valor and fortitude 
was the illustrious Rodriguez Diaz of Bivar, who, during the fifty 
last years of the eleventh century, did not cease to fight with wonder- 
ful success the enemies of his country. All Europe continually 
resounded with the fame of his prowess and repeated triumphs, of 
the battles he had fought, the victories he had won, the princes he 
had conquered, the towns he had subdued ; exploits so much the 
more astonishing, as they were effected entirely by his personal exer- 
tions, and frequently performed without any assistance from his 
sovereign. His fame extended even to Asia; and the Mahometan 
king of Persia sent deputies to the Christian knight of Spain, to con- 
gratulate him upon his glorious achievements. The name of Cid, 
or Seid (lord), under which he is known in history as well as poetry, 
was given him for the first time by the ambassadors of five Moorish 
chieftains whom he had just defeated in a great battle. 

It was chiefly with the help of this great warrior that King Al- 
fonso VI succeeded in the most important and diflScult expedition as 
yet attempted by the Christians against the Moors. This prince 
cherished an ardent desire to reconquer Toled;o, the ancient capital 
of the Goths, which had been in the power of their enemies for three 
hundred and seventy-two years, and which contained nearly three 
hundred thousand inhabitants. No sooner was his intention made 
known, than, from all parts of Spain and other states of Christendom, 
multitudes of warriors and knights flocked to the standards of the 
Spanish monarch, to share with him in this glorious enterprise. The 
siege was long and perilous, and the defence was not less vigorous 
than the attack. At length the bravery of the Saracens yielded to 
the valor of the Christians, and, in the spring of 1085, Toledo, with 
many other towns, surrendered to Alfonso, who directly made it the 
capital of his kingdom and the seat of his residence, instead of Bur- 
gos, the chief city of old Castile. 

Among the foreign knights who had come to unite ttiefr efforts 
20 



23Cr MODERN HISTORY. Part IV. 

with those of the Spaniards for the achievement of this great con- 
quest, the most distinguished were Counts Raymond and Henry of 
Burgundy, of the royal family of the Capetians in France. In every 
battle, they displayed a valor worthy of their rank, and on every 
occasion evinced such noble feelings, as to attract general esteem, 
and particularly that of the Spanish king. In order to secure their 
subsequent services, Alfonso gave them his daughters in marriage, 
and loaded them with honors which time rather increased. The 
posterity of Raymond inherited the throne of Castile, and occupied 
it until it passed, by alliance, to the house of Austria, in the begin- 
ning of the sixteenth century. Henry was invested with extensive 
power over the more western provinces which had been taken from 
the Moors, and thus laid the foundation of the Portuguese monarchy, 
so called from Porto, its first capital (a. d. 1095). This new state, 
however, did not acquire the title of kingdom, until forty-four years 
later, when Alphonso Henriquez, the worthy son of Count Henry, 
having gloriously defeated five Saracen kings on the same day, was 
himself proclaimed king by his troops on the field of battle. 



AFFAIR OF INVESTITURES. 

During these civil revolutions in many parts of Christendom, 
transactions of a different nature engaged the public mind in Ger- 
many and northern Italy. The custom had been introduced in 
various places, and particularly throughout the German empire, of 
putting the newly elected bishops and abbots in possession of their 
benefices, by giving them the ring and the crosier, the symbols of 
pastoral authority. As this ceremony, called investiture, seemed to 
imply the conferring of spiritual jurisdiction by temporal princes, it 
was, after due examination, justly considered as an encroachment on 
the rights of the Church. Not content, however, with exercising it, 
the emperor Henry IV carried on a shameful and most scandalous 
traffic in ecclesiastical dignities, bestowing them, not on worthy can- 
didates, but on those who- offered him the largest sums of money. 
Pope Gregory VII inveighed agamst these crying abuses with ardent 
zeal and unabated constancy. But both his entreaties and expostu- 
lations were disregarded; and the wicked emperor, instead of amend- 
ing his conduct, convened an assembly at Worms, in which, with a 
body of schismatical associates, he presumed to pass sentence of 
deposition against the pontiff (a. d. 1076). 

This outrageous act served only to increase the zeal of Gregory. 
He not only continued to govern the Church with npostoHc vigor. 



AFFAIR OF INVESTITURES. 231 

but even thought that his duty required more than he had hitherto 
done. With the adWce of a nunaerous council, and taking into con- 
sideration both the incorrigibleness of Henrj^ and the repeated com- 
plaints of his oppressed subjects, he excommunicated him, and pro- 
nounced him fallen from his ro\'al dignit}^; at the same time declaring 
the Grermans no longer bound by their former oath of allegiance to 
him. Singular as the power may appear which Gregory then exer- 
cised, the general opinion of his contemporaries admitted that such 
power lay within the sphere of papal jurisdiction, and it was sup- 
ported by the civil and common jurisprudence of the times.* 

At the news of the sentence pronounced by the pope, the lords and 
princes of Germany assembled in great numbers, in order to appoint 
another emperor in the place of Henry. The distressed monarch 
perceived the gathering storm, and saw no means of averting it bat 
by a reconcihation with the See of Rome ; he therefore departed in 
great haste for Italy, ftilly determined to effect this desired reconciha- 
tion on any terms. Gregory had left Rome and advanced as far as 
Canosse, a castle of Lombardy, on his way to Germany where he 
was expected by the princes. Henry, in a penitential garb, presented 
hinoseh" before the gates of the castle, humbly begging to be admitted 
into the presence of the pontiff, acknowledging his guilt, and with 
ever)^ mark of true repentance, expressing his readiness to make all 
the satisfaction in his power. 

Gregory, who had more than once experienced the insincerity and 
inconstancy of the emperor, kept him, by way of trial, in suspense 
for three days : on the fourth day, he gave him an audience, received 
his submission, and absolved him on certain conditions. But the 
repentance of Henry did not last more than fifteen days; having 
assembled a numerous army, he refused to comply with the terms which 
he had accepted, and resumed his former course of violence against 
Church and State. At length the German lords, disgusted wiih this 
faithless and wicked monarch, proceeded to the election of another, 
and chose Rudolph, Duke of Suabia, for their sovereign. Still, 
Hemj remained master of the empire, his competitor having perished 

* This point has been, fit)m a variety of public and authentic documents, 
set in the clearest hght by the learned and judicious author of a work recently 
published in Paris. "entiled : " Pouvoir du Pape au inoyen age." It is like- 
wise sohdly proved by Count de Maistre {Du Pape. Uvre ii, ch. x.) ; by 
Abbe Jager. (in his Introduction to the life of Gregory VII, translated from 
the German), etc. Nay, it is admitted by man}- celebrated Protestant 
writers, such as Leibnitz, De Jure Supreinaius, Pseifel, etc. and even by the 
infidels Bohngbroke and Toltaire. This alone must appear sufficient to 
rindicate the conduct of Pope Gregory with regard to die emperor Henry 
lY, and of some of his successor towards other sovereigns of the same 
stamp See, moreover, Note H. 



232 MODERN HISTORY. Part IV. 

in a battle near Mersburg, after three years of a disputed succession 
(a. d. 1080). 

Elated with success, the conqueror marched at the head of his 
troops into Italy, and besieged Rome, which he took after a long 
siege, more however by bribery than by force of arms. He entered 
the Lateran palace, and endeavored to cause the excommunicated 
bishop of Ravenna, Guibert, to be declared pope, under the name of 
Clement III. In the meantime, Gregory had retreated into the strong 
castle of St. Angelo, where he remained secure till the arrival of 
Robert Guiscard, the vahant leader of the Normans, who compelled 
the emperor to retire with his anti-pope. The lawful pontiff was 
thus left master of Ahe city; but, as party violence rendered it either 
unsafe or unpleasant for him to re"&ain there, he removed first to 
Mount Cassino, and thence to Salerno, where he was taken danger- 
ously ill. In his last moments, he uttered these words : " I have 
loved justice, and hated iniquity; wherefore I die in a strange land;" 
after which, amidst the prayers and tears of the cardinals and bishops 
who had gathered around him, he calmly expired, on the 25th of 
May, 1085. 

Far dijQTerent was the end of his violent persecutor. The obstinate 
perseverance of Henry in the schism kept up a strong opposition 
against him in Germany; so much so, that his own sons openly 
revolted, and obliged him to abdicate the crown. The dethroned 
monarch retired to Liege, where he died shortly after, like the ancient 
persecutors of the Church, a prey to excessive grief and misery, and 
an object of indignation to the whole world. He had reigned about 
fifty years, and during that time, had been present in sixty-two battles, 
in most of which he was victorious. His exploits, his bravery, and 
his talents might have ranked him among the greatest emperors of 
Germany, had he not disgraced himself by his perfidy, and by yield- 
ing to detestable and unruly passions. The question of investitures 
was settled after his death; in the year 1122, the emperor Henry V 
agreed to resign the custom of giving the ring and the crosier, and 
this transaction was solemnly confirmed by the first general council 
of Lateran, in 1123. 



REMARKS ON THE MIDDLE AGES. 

TRUCE OF GOD. 

The nmth, tenth and eleventh centuries, are commonly called the 
middle, and, by a numerous class of writers, the dark ages. To 
know whether or how far this second appellation is correct, deserves 



REMARKS ON THE MIDDLE AGES. 233 

IB particular investigation,, and will be the object of the following 
retnarks. 

In the first place, it must be confessed that, a short time after the 
reign of Charlemagne, ignorance began anew to make great progress 
in Europe, especially among nobles, many of whom, being exclu- 
sively given to the profession of arms, even boasted of their want of 
instruction and literary knowledge.* But never perhaps were more 
strenuous efforts made to keep alive the sacred flame of science, and 
promote the instruction of youth, than were made by the Church at 
the period of which we are speaking.f Besides smaller schools for 
children in country parishes, there were in large cities, in monaste- 
ries, and in episcopal houses, various institutions in which a relish 
for study and learning was carefully preserved. In these, besides the 
Holy Scriptures and Christian doctrine, the students could learn what 
was then termed the seven liberal arts ; Grammar, Logic, Rhetoric, 
Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy and Music. Many schools of this 
kind are known to have existed in Italy, England, France, Germany, 
etc. such as those of Rome, Lyons, Paris, York, Oxford, Fuld, 
Ratisbon, Paderborn,:}: etc. They did not, it is true, possess men like 

* Many deeds and legal instruments of those ages are found, which ter- 
-inate thus : " And the aforesaid lord has declared that he did not know 
how to sign his name, owing to his being a nobleman." 

t See the decrees of Popes Eugenius II, Leo IV, etc. in the councils of 
Rome, A. D. 826, 853, etc.; — the canons of the councils of Mentz and Cha- 
lons, A. D. 813; of Paris, 829; of Valence, 855; of Toul, 859, etc: — and 
the statutes of Herard, Archbishop of Tours ; of Riculfus bishop of Sois- 
sons ; etc. Merely to quote one or two of these decrees ; the council of 
Toul, in the tenth canon, earnestly entreats princes and recommends to 
bishops to establish every where public schools, for the teaching of both 
sacred science and polite literature : and Herard, archbishop of Tours, in 
his T)ook of synodical regulations, commands his priests to have, as far 
as they can, schools in their parishes. Not long before, Theodulphe, bishop 
of Orleans, had expressed himself thus, in the 20th Art. of his 1st Capitular : 
" Let the priests establish schools in towns and villages for the instruction 
of children, and not refuse to receive and teach those who are personally 
addressed to them. But in so doing, let them require no salary, nor accept 
any thing but what may be voluntarily and charitably offered by the 
parents." 

X In Paderbornensi ecclesia publica floruerunt studia, quandb ibi musici 
fuerunt, et dialectici enituerunt, rhetoric!, clarique grammatici. Ubi mathe- 
matici claruerunt, et astronomic! habebantur, physici atque geometric!. 
Viguit Horatius, magnusque Virgilius, Sallustius et Statius. i^pud Tho- 
massin, Discipl. de VEgl. Part, ir, I. i, ch. 99, n. 2 ; — vol. ii, col. 638. 

In the same chapter and in other chapters of the same work, the learned 
Oratorian shows that studies were also very flourishing in the schools of 
Worms," Paris, Lyons, and still more so in that of Rome, of which he speaks 
at length, and then says : " Let us conclude that the pontifical palace of 
Rome was the palace of polite literature, and the sanctuary of ecclesias- 
tical learning." ch. 100, n. 3. See also on this subject, Digby's Jges of 
Faith, vol. ii, part iii, ch. 5 and 6. 
20* 



284 MOBEKH HISTORY. 



Part IV. 



St. Basil and St. John Chrysostom^ Fenelon and Bossuet, Newton 
and Leibnitz ; yet it cannot be denied that they produced many learned 
writers and eminent scholars, who might have become models for 
posterity in point of literature and learning, had they enjoyed the 
numl)er of books and other advantages which we now possess. 

Whatever may be the diffusion of superficial knowledge at the pre- 
sent day, it may certainly be doubted whether in point of solid, pro- 
found and extensive learning, many persons could be found superior to 
such men as Lupus, abbot of Ferrieres, a writer of the nintb 
century, in whose treatises and letters all impartial critics acknow 
ledge an immense funcW of erudition; or St. Brunon, archbishop oi 
Cologne in the tenth century, whose biographers relate that there 
was no part of Latin and Greek literature, no branch of sacred and 
profane learning, with which he was not famiUar.* The same, or 
nearly the same, may be said of the following authors, as their own 
writings testify : Agobardus, archbishop of Lyons, who died in 840; — 
Rabanus, archbishop of Mentz, 856 ; Paschasius Radbertus, a monk, 
865; — St. Ado, archbishop of Vienna, in France, 875; — Anastasius, 
the Roman librarian, 880; — Hincmar, archbishop of Rheims, 882; — 
Remigius of Auxerre, a monk, 908;— Notker, a monk of St. Gal, 
912; — Atto, bishop of Vercelli, 960; — Flodoardus, a canon in the 
church of Rheims, 966 ;— Sylvester II, pope, 1003 ;— Abbo, a monk 
and abbot of Fleury, 1004;— Fulbert, bishop of Chartres, 1029;— 
St. Peter Damian, cardinal, 1072;— St. Gregory VII, pope, 1085;— 
Lanfrancus, archbishop of Canterbury, 1089; — St. Bruno, founder 
of the Carthusian order, 1101 ; — St. Anselm, archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 1108; — and many others, equally belonging to the clergy or to 
religious orders. 

To speak now of laymen ; although generally less fond of study and 
-less instructed, it ought not to be imagined that they were plunged 
in a state of barbarism and complete darkness — far from it; an atten- 
tive perusal of the history of the middle ages will rather lead to the 
conclusion, that, without knowing how to display much elegance in 
their manners, and to appreciate the flowing periods of Demosthenes 
and Cicero, they had, in their noble simplicity, as much good sense 
and judgment with regard to affahrs of real importance, as we have 
in this our age of light, and frequently more than we manifest. 
They knew how to set a higher value on rehgion than on temporal 
concerns, even their own lives ; they knew how to refer their best 

* Pr(Bter Sacras Utteras, quidquid historic!, oratoreg, poetse atque philoso- 
phi, novum et graiide perstrepunt, diligentissirae cum doctoribus cujus- 
cumque hnguae perscrutatus est. Nullum penitus erat studiorum liberalium 
genus, in omni Graeca vel Latina eloquentia, qnod ingenii sui vivacitat^in 
aufugeret. — Jlpud Thomass. lib. cit. c. 99, n. 3. 



REMARKS Ol?r THE BUBBLE AGES. 235 

achievements in the arts to the honor and service of the Almighty, 
rather than to the petty motives of selfish gratification and human 
applause ; they knew, too, how to examine attentively difficult mat- 
ters, to reason with accuracy, to act with prudence, to succeed in 
complicated negotiations, and adopt the best course in perplexing cir- 
cumstances: witness,' among others, the emperor Otho I in Ger- 
many; Kings Alfred, Edgar and Canute in England; Hugh Capet 
in France; Alfonso III in Spain, and John of Gortz and Luitprand, 
the ambassadors of Otho I to the courts of Cordova and Constan- 
tinople, 

Nor did our ancestors want sagacity and genius for useful discove- 
ries and improvements, since many of this kind were made during 
the middle ages. It was at the end of the tenth century, that Gerbert, 
a monk, afterwards archbishop of Ravenna, and at length pope under 
the name of Sylvester II, invented clocks with a balance, which con- 
tinued in use till pendulums began to be employed in 1650. To him 
also arithmetic was greatly indebted for its progress. About the same 
time, lanterns, and paper made of cotton rags, commenced to be 
used. Towards the year 1022, Guy, a monk of Arezzo in Italy, 
invented and introduced into the Church singing the gamut, or scale 
of musical notes, by which a child can learn in a few months, what 
no person before could learn without several years of study. With 
regard to mechanical arts, it is enough to read the history of the 
siege of Jerusalem in 1099, to know what wonderful and complicated 
machines of every description were constructed by the first crusaders^ 
men consequently of the middle ages. 

Still, if credit were to be given to certain authors, the inhabitants 
of western Europe, at the time of which we are speaking, were 
mere barbarians, compared with the Arabs, to whom alone, we are 
told, belonged the honor of cultivating letters and the arts and sciences. 
This notion is altogether false and unjust. The Arabs indeed, 
whether in the empire of Bagdad or in the kingdom of Cordova, dis- 
tinguished themselves by a great show of politeness and magnifi- 
cence, by some happy discoveries, and the brilliant dreams of their 
imagination ; but that they were superior, in point of solid acquire- 
ments, to the Christian nations of Europe, it would be difficult to 
prove, and may be jusdy doubted.* Their metaphysical science 

* Even at the time when arts and sciences were in their most flourishing 
state ara,ong the eastern Arabs, namely., under Al-Mamon, the son and 
second successor of Aaron-Al-Raschid ; that caliph was himself oblij^ed to 
acknowledge the superiority of Christian scholars ov^er his subjects. In his 
own palace, a-Greek slave, who had formerly studied mathematics in Con 
stantinople, confounded all the doctors and masters of the court. Whilsi 
all present stood astonished, the slave said that there were many persons 
among his countrymen more skilful than himself, above all, a certain phi 



236 MODERN HISTORY. Part IV. 

instead of being a source of true learning, was filled up with subtilties 
taken from the categories of Aristotle; their astronomical observa- 
tions were blended with the ridiculous theories of astrology, and their 
prejudices against anatomy and surgery greatly impeded the progress 
of the art of medicine. They did not improve any better in historical 
composition, which was characterized among them by strange re- 
marks, a bombastic style, and exaggerated accounts. Hence, the 
learned author of a recent history of the crusades, does not hesitate 
to prefer the plain and unaffected narratives of the first crusade, left 
by some Christian writers of the eleventh century, to the Arabian 
records of the same epoch. * 

Another, and a still more striking vindication of the middle ages 
against the charge of complete darkness, is to be found in the great 
number of splendid churches that were then built throughout Chris- 
tendom, many of which still exist ; for, as several learned men have 
justly remarked, the state of architecture has always been in every 
country a sure proof of the degree of perfection in which the other 
arts flourished. Not only was tliis advantage possessed by England 
during the reign of the great Alfred, but also by other countries 
under less favorable circumstances, particularly on the following 
occasion. A little before the close of the tenth century, an opinion 
had been entertained by many simple persons, that the world would 
end with the year 1000, nor had the writings of learned men been 
able to remove that imaginary fear. But when all saw the eleventh 
century begin without accident, joy took the place of terror, and the 
gratitude of the people towards Almighty God prompted them to 
repair churches, or build new ones still more worthy, by their splen- 
dor, of being consecrated to his honor. 

Then, indeed, arose in different parts of Christendom, those Gothic 
temples, the appearance of which, at once grand, majestic and im- 
posing, will never be eclipsed by the flimsy elegance of most of our 
modern edifices. Then were laid in many European cities the foun- 
dations of those splendid cathedrals, in which we still admire the 
symmetrical rows of beautiful pillars supporting immense arched 
roofs, the towering steeples, and a thousand other ornaments : monu- 
ments the more astonishing and worthy of admiration, as they are 
found even in many inconsiderable cities, and bear testimony to the 
grand ideas, as well as to the zeal and piety of our European ancestors. 

losopher, called Leo, from whom he had received lessons. In fact, as a 
geometer and an astronomer, Leo had not his equal in the whole empire. 
The caliph endeavored, but in vain, by the most flattering letters and pro- 
mises, to bring him over to Bagdad : the Emperor Theophilus would never 
let him go, nor consent to deprive his own capital of so distinguished a 
scholar, — See Lebeau, Hist, du Baa. Emp. vol. xvi, pp. 441, 446. 
* Michaut, Hist, des Croisades, vol. i, p, 519. 



REMARKS 0:Nr THE MIDDLE AGES. 237 

In fine^ it was also during the middle ages that, through missiona- 
ries from Italy, Germany, Prance, England, etc. northern Europe 
received the light of the gospel ; that the Normans, the Hungarians, 
the Danes, the Swedes, the Russians, the Lithuanians, the Poles, 
etc. began at the same time to become Christian and civilized nations. 
But how could this, we may ask, have been effected by any of their 
contemporaries, had those contemporaries been themselves mere bar- 
barians ? How could so arduous a task ever have been undertaken 
and performed, except by men equally zealous and learned, equally 
possessed of heroic virtues and great mental acquirements? And 
indeed, that such were the qualifications of the missionaries who 
subjected these nations to the laws of Christianity, we learn from all 
the documents of that period. 

From this variety of evidence and facts, we are certainly author- 
ized to conclude, in the first place, that the opinion commonly enterv 
tained about the middle ages is egregiously wrong, their pretended 
state of stupidity and barbarism never having had any existence, 
except in the theories of modern invention : and secondly, that it is 
to the Catholic Church, to her popes, bishops and monks, that we> 
stand indebted for the preservation of civilization, literature, arts and 
sciences in Europe. The complete revival of letters came from the 
same source, and the progress of ignorance, after having been vigor- 
ously opposed even in the most diflacult times, was at length effec- 
tually checked (a. d. 1179 — 1215), by the decrees of Popes Alexander 
III and Innocent III, in the third and fourth councils of Lateran, 
conformably to which decrees, colleges and universities began to 
spring up in every part of Christendom. 

Another excellent institution that owed its exis'ence to the mid- 
dle ages, and for which humanity was also indebted to the happy 
influence of religion, was the sacred compact usually termed the 
Tt'uce of God. From the ninth to the eleventh century, the feudal 
system, however beautiful in many of its principles, had been a con- 
stant source of contentions and wars. Each petty chieftain arrogated 
to himself an almost unlimited use of force and violence to avenge 
his wrongs, and pursue his rights whether real or pretended. As, 
moreover, vassals were obliged to espouse the quarrels of their imme- 
diate lords, rapine, bloodshed and their attendant miseries were to be 
seen every where; nor could the most pacific citizens depend on one 
moment of perfect security, either for their properties or their lives. 

Religion, by her divine and universally revered authority, was 
alone capable of raising an efficacious barrier against this torrent of 
evils. Experience having already shown the impossibility of stem- 
ming it at once, prudent measures were taken gradually to diminish 
its violence. Several bishops ordered under penalty of excoraiauni- 



238 MODERN HISTORY. Part IV. 

cation that, every week, during the four days consecrated to the 
memory of our Saviour's passion, death, burial and resurrection, viz 
from the afternoon of Wednesday till the morning of the following 
Monday, whatever might be the cause of strife and quarrel, all 
private hostilities should cease. Shortly after, the same prohibition 
was extended to the whole time of Advent and Lent, including seve- 
ral weeks both after Christmas and after Easter-Sunday. This bene- 
ficial institution, which originated in France towards the year 1040, 
was adopted in England, Spain, etc. and was confirmed by several 
popes and councils: nor must it be thought that it remained a dead 
letter; its success^ on the contrary, was so remarkable, that the pious 
age in which the experiment was made, hesitated not to attribute it 
to the interposition of heaven. 

Thus, by the exertions of ecclesiastical authority, the horrors and 
calamities of feudal war began to be considerably lessened and 
abridged. Its ravages were restrained to three days in the week and 
to certain seasons of the year; during the intervals of peace, there 
was leisure for passion to cool, for the mind to sicken at a languishing 
warfare, and for social habits to become more and more deeply rooted. 
A considerable number of days and weeks afforded security to all, 
and all, being now shielded by the religious sanction of this sacred 
compact, could travel abroad, or attend to their domestic affairs, 
without danger of molestation. Such was the splendid victory 
which the religion of Christ won over the natural fierceness of the 
ancient tribes of the north; a victory whose completion was also 
due to her influence, when the crusades obliged those restless war- 
riors to turn against the invading hordes of the Saracens and Turks, 
those weapons which they had hitherto so frequently used against 
their fellow-Christians. 



PART V. 



r&OM THE BEGINNING OF THE CRUSADES (A. D. 1095), TO THEIB SICD 

(A. D. 1272). 



ORIGIN AND CAUSES OF THE CRUSADES. 

We have now reached the eventful period in w^hich a violent strug- 
gle took place between two great divisions of the globe, for the pos- 
session of Jerusalem and Palestine ; when Europe, shaken, as it 
were, to its foundation, seemed repeatedly to precipitate itself against 
Asia. The better to fix our attention on so grand and interesting a 
subject, we will be more than ever careful to say little about contem- 
porary transactions of merely secondary importance. 

By Crusades are meant those mihtary expeditions which were set 
on foot under the banner of the cross, for the purpose of delivering 
the Holy Land from the oppressive yoke of the Mahometans. Nu- 
merous and forcible were the motives that urged the nations of Eu- 
rope to engage in these expeditions. New hordes of barbarians were 
threatening to invade all Christendom, and required a powerful bar- 
rier to check their destructive course. The Seljukian Turks had 
conquered, within a few years, the fairest portions of western Asia; 
the extent of the Greek empire was more and more reduced by their 
usurpations; and the emperor Alexius Comnenus, harassed and dis- 
tressed on every side, eagerly solicited the assistance of the Latins 
against the common enemy of Christianity. 

On the other hand, public indignation was roused throughout Eu- 
rope by the daily recital of the enormities which the Arabs and 
Turks committed in the Holy Land, and of the cruel treatment which 
they inflicted on the Christians, whether inhabitants of the country, 
or travellers and pilgrims who went to Jerusalem. At this period, 
a lively faith and fervent piety induced multitudes of Christians from 
all countries to visit the places consecrated by the sufferings of our 
Redeemer. When, after a thousand dangers and hardships, they ar- 
rived in Palestine, the gates of Jerusalem were opened only to those 
who could pay a piece of gold; and, as most of them were poor, or 



240 MODERN HISTORY. - Part V. 

had been plundered on the way, they were obL'ged to hnger in 
wretchedness around the city for which they had left their native land 
and every domestic comfort. Many died with hunger^ or fell by the 
sword of the barbarians. In the city itself^ they who had been al- 
lowed to enter it, were exposed, like its Christian inhabitants, to all 
sorts of torments and outrages, some being loaded with chains, some 
forced to draw a car or a plough, and others condemned to an igno- 
minious death. Such as could escape and return to Europe, did not 
fail to relate what they had seen and suffered ; and these reports, be- 
ing widely circulated, excited universal commiseration among the 
faithful, and prepared their minds for some extraordinary exertion. 



FIRST CRUSADE.— A. d. 1095—1099. 

Such were the feehngs of Christian Europe when a French priest, 
called Peter, and surnamed the Hermit on account of his retired life, 
undertook a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Seeing the cruel oppression 
which weighed down his brethren in Asia, his sensible heart was 
deeply afflicted j and, after a moving interview with Simeon, the 
pious patriarch of Jerusalem, he prevailed upon him to write to the 
pope, and to the princes of Europe, for the purpose of imploring 
their assistance, offering himself to be his deputy and the bearer of 
his letters. This measure being readily adopted, Peter set out from 
Palestine, crossed the seas, and, landing on the Italian coast, hastened 
to the pope. Urban II. The pontiff received him with kindness, lis- 
tened to him with emotion, praised his devotedness and zeal; and, 
as he himself was convinced of the necessity of opposing the alarm- 
ing progress of the infidels, and of rescuing the eastern Christians 
from oppression, he commissioned Peter to go forward and preach 
every where in favor of the speedy deliverance of Jerusalem. 

The generous hermit was eminently quahfied for this noble office. 
Under a poor garb and mean appearance, he possessed an elevated 
mind, great energy of soul, and heroic sentiments; his pathetic and 
glowing eloquence readily found its way to the hearts of his hearers. 
He travelled through Italy, France, and other countries, communi- 
cating to all by his preaching and his exhortations, the zeal with 
which he himself was animated. The pope soon followed him, and, 
after a first council held at Placentia in Italy, appointed, for the final 
decision, another to be celebrated at Clermont in France, towards the 
close of the year 1095. 

The assembly met at the time and place which had been assigned, 
and, from the great number of bishops, princes, dukes, and other 



A» D. 1095—1099. 



FIRST CRUSADE. 241 



distinguished persons who composed it, together with an immense 
crowd of spectators, it might be considered a general^ convention of 
Christendom. Peter the hermit having first spoken with his usual 
ardor in favor of the holy war. Pope Urban also delivered an eloquent 
and animated discourse, at the end of which the whole assembly spon- 
taneously exclaimed: God wills it; God wills it. Most of those 
who were present, hastened to be enrolled for the sacred expedition. 
They wore, as a mark of their engagement, a cross made of red stuff, 
and commonly fastened on the right shoulder; whence, originated 
the name of Crusaders and Crusade. 

The same enthusiasm spread rapidly through the other cities and 
the various states of Christendom. Those who, in the council of 
Clermont, had listened to the animating voice of the pontiff, on their 
return to their homes diffused a similar fervor among their country 
men. Thousands and thousands flocked to the banner of the cross 
from every part of Europe, particularly from France and Italy 
where all ranks manifested the greatest eagerness to share in the cru- 
sade, and, forgetting their private quarrels, began to prepare for their 
departure into the East. 

Among the princes who engaged themselves in the holy war at the 
head of their vassals and subjects, the most illustrious were : Raymond, 
count of Toulouse ; Robert, duke of Normandy, and brother of the 
king of England ; Hugh-the- Great, count of Vermandois, and brother 
of the French king; Stephen, count of Blois ; Robert, earl of Flanders ; 
Godfrey of Bouillon, duke of Lorraine, with his two brothers Eus- 
tace and Baldwin ; in fine, Bohemond, prince of Tarentum, with 
his heroic nephew, Tancred, the very personification of ancient chi- 
valry. Warriors like these might have conquered the world, had 
there been stricter discipline and order among their troops, and better 
understanding among themselves; but this could hardly be expected 
from so many different nations, and from so many princes indepen- 
dent of each other, and all worthy of the chief command. 

One of them, however, Godfrey of Bouillon, without being in- 
vested with the title of commander-in-chief, generally held the first 
rank in the army, this privilege being the natural consequence of his 
reputation for unblemished virtue and extraordinary valor. Although 
he was not, by birth, either the most conspicuous or the most power- 
ful of the lords who headed the crusade, he brought to the field no 
fewer than ninety thousand chosen troops, whom the reputation of 
his uncommon merit had gathered to his standard. The whole num- 
ber of the crusaders may have amounted, in the beginning, to seven 
\ or eight hundred thousand, having among them, as legate of the 
I pope, the celebrated bishop of Puy, Adhemar de Monteil, a prelate 
equally renowned for his consummate prudence and tender piety. 
21 



242 MODERN HISTORY. Pan V» 

At the close of winler, they set out from various points, and ad- 
vanced towards the East in different directions. The first bodies that 
marched forward, being destitute of disciphne, met, with few excep- 
tions, a disastrous fate. Some of them, as soon as they entered 
Asia, fell by the swords of the Turks ; others could not even reach the 
capital of the Greek empire, but were slain, in their march through 
Hungary and Bulgaria, by the inhabitants, whose attacks they had 
provoked by their own excesses (a. d. 1096). 

The principal leaders of the expedition acted with more prudence, 
and arrived in safety at Constantinople, which had been selected for 
their general rendezvous. Here they met with an unforeseen obsta- 
cle. The Greek emperor, who had expected only some bodies of 
troops to assist him in repelling the Turks, could not see such a mul- 
titude of warriors covering his empire, and so formidable a force 
encamped under the very walls of his capital, without apprehending 
an attack against himself. In his perplexity, he resolved to adopt 
towards the crusaders a course of dissimulation and craftiness, which 
it is not easy to reconcile with the usual courage, generosity and 
other noble qualities of Alexius. He loaded the chiefs with pre- 
sents, used every means in his power to attach them to his interest, 
and making them fair promises of powerful aid, gave directions that 
vessels should be prepared, with the utmost despatch, to convey them 
across the Bosphorus to the Asiatic coast. 

The Christian army, consisting of about six hundred thousand 
men, about one sixth cavalry, directed their march to Nice, the chief 
city of Bithynia. This town, famous for the reception it formerly 
gave to the Fathers of two general councils, was now in the power 
of the Turkish Sultan Kihdgi Arsland, or Soliraan the younger ; a 
prince highly commendable for the inexhaustible resources of his 
genius and the unshaken firmness of his character. At the head of 
a numerous body of cavalry, he moved forward to protect his capital. 
Furious and repeated attacks were made against the Christian camp ; 
but, after prodigious efforts, the crusaders remained masters of the 
field, and bore off the spoils. Soliman himself could not forbear 
admiring the lion-like courage of the Christian leaders, who, with a 
thousand lances, would often break and put to flight twenty times 
that number of Turkish troops. Thus repulsed with great loss, he 
retired to a distance in order to collect new forces, and attack the 
Christians at their departure with greater advantage. 

The siege was now carried on with unabated vigor, the besiegers 
and the besieged making use of all the resources that military science. 
had hitherto devised for the attack and defence of fortified places. 
Besides a double wall and a numerous garrison, the city was pro- 
tected on one side by large ditches, and on the other, by the lake 



A. D. 109S-10^. FIRST CRUSADE, 243 

Ascanius ; but the Christian warriors were not to be stopped or dis- 
pirited by these obstacles. They at length succeeded in preventing 
all access to the town^ even by the lake; and Count Raymond under- 
mined one of the principal towers. Nice, reduced to the last extremi- 
ty, was on the point of being- stormed, when the flags of the Greek 
emperor suddenly appeared on the walls, Alexius, by private embas- 
sies, having prevailed upon the inhabitants to surrender to him rather 
than to the Franks. This artful conduct highly displeased the cru- 
saders : still, not to break their treaty with the Greeks, nor be diverted 
from the main object of their enterprise, they consented to leave the 
town in the hands of Alexius ; for, they had previously promised him 
to conquer in his name, and to restore the cities which had formerly 
belonged to the empire of Constantinople, on condition that he should 
aid them in the conquest of the Holy Land. 

As, however, the Greek monarch soon evinced little inclination to 
fulfil his own promises, the Latin lords thought themselves no longer 
bound by the treaty. Shortly after the reduction of Nice, they began 
to occupy the cities of Asia-Minor and Syria, to leave garrisons in 
tiiem, and appoint governors in their own name<. Tarsus and the rest 
of Cilicia were already in their possession, when Baldwin, the brother 
of Godfrey led off a detached body of crusaders towards the north, 
and traversed a long tract of country inhabited entirely by Christians, 
till he came to the Euphrates. The citizens of Edessa, in Mesopo- 
tamia, as soon as they heard of his arrival, invited him to take them 
under his protection. He cheerfully acceded to their request, took 
possession of the sovereign power among them, and established a 
principality, which stood until the year 1 144, when it was subdued 
by the famous chieftains Zenghi and Nouradin. 

A little before the departure of Baldwin, the crusaders were exposed 
to a greater danger than they had yet encountered. As they were 
marching in two great divisions, the less numerous body, commanded 
by Robert of Normandy, Bohemond and Tancred, was suddenly 
attacked near Dorylaeum in Phrygia, by a countless multitude of 
Turks, Persians and Arabs, who covered all the hills and plains as 
far as the sight could extend.* Bohemond instantly sent messengers 
to Godfrey of Bouillon and to the other princes, whom he knew to 
be near, to inform them of the danger with which he was threatened. 
In the interim, he drew up his forces as well as the spot permitted, and, 
at their head, together with Duke Robert and Tancred, exerted all his 
courage, to resist the shock of the enemy. The battle lasted for many 

* The number of the Turks and Persians is believed to have amounted 
to nearly two hundred thousand men, all on horseback ; as to the Arabs, 
says a contemporary historian who was present at the battle, so great was 
their multitude, that God alone could count them. 



244 MODERN HISTOHY. Part V. 

hours; but about noon, the Christians, forced back by the muhitude 
that pressed upon them, and exhausted with heat, thirst and fatigue 
began to give way before the Saracens, and their defeat seemed inevi- 
table, when repeated shouts and a cloud of dust rising from behind 
the hills, announced the arrival of the main body of the crusaders. 

Godfrey, Hugh-the-Great, and Robert of Flanders, had taken the 
lead with fifty thousand cavalry ; Raymond of Toulouse and Adhe- 
mar of Puy were following as rapidly as possible with the rest of 
the army. Each one arrayed his troops, as they came up ; and, after 
the usual cry, "God wills it," all, with levelled lances, advanced 
against the Turks, who vainly endeavored to maintain the superiority 
which they had acquired. Unable to bear the charge of the Latin 
chivalry, the infidels fled in disorder, and abandoned to the Christians 
their camp with all their provisions and treasures (a. d. 1097). 

The loss of the crusaders, after so long and severe a battle, was 
less than might have been anticipated; only four thousand of them 
are said to have fallen, and nearly all in the earher part of the day. 
The loss of the Turks was far more considerable, as it amounted to 
upwards of twenty thousand soldiers and three thousand ofiicers, 
with several af their generals. Those who escaped, spread them- 
selves, by the orders of Soliman, in large bands over the country, and 
despairing to defend it any longer, began to waste and destroy every 
thing in their way. When the crusading armies, after some days of 
repose, resumed their march, they found themselves obliged to go 
across large tracts which had been completely ravaged by the enemy. 
There, in barren plains or narrow defiles, under a scorching sun, and 
without water to quench their thirst, thousands sunk under the accu- 
mulated weight of fatigue and sickness, and most of the horses per- 
ished. Still, the survivors marched on with unshaken resolution, 
and at length reached a better country. After subduing many towns, 
and defeating many parties of Turks, they saw themselves in the 
midst of delightful plains, near the great and well fortified city of 
Antioch, the capital of Syria. 

In a council of war held by the leaders, it was thought unsafe to 
leave so important a place behind them. Accordingly, they resolved 
to besiege it; an undertaking, which the strength of the ramparts, 
the valor of the garrison, and the imprudence of the crusaders, ren- 
dered both tedious and difficult. At first, many of the Christians, 
delighted with the beauty of the land, spread themselves without 
precaution through the neighboring plains, where they were sur- 
prised and slaughtered by the Turks. Others, forgetting their duty 
and the laws of the Gospel, gave themselves up to many disorders, 
which God did not delay to punish, want of food during winter, 
continual rains and other calamities having soon caused the death of 



A. ». 1095—1099. 



FIRST CRUSADE. 245 



many, and made others repent of their excesses. At length, the 
united exertions of the princes and clergy put an end to those evils. 
Abundance returned with the spring; the courage of the troops was 
revived with the restoration of good order and discipline; and the 
Moslems were repulsed, whenever they attempted to attack the 
Christian camp, whether from the town or from the neighboring 
country. On one occasion, particularly, they were entirely defeated, 
and, by the vigorous efforts of the Christian knights, experienced 
such slaughter, as to lose twelve of their generals called emirs, and 
fifteen hundred of their most distinguished warriors, besides a multi- 
tude of others who were drowned in the river Orontes. 

Still, Aotioch continued to resist with undaunted obstinacy. Every 
means employed by the crusaders to batter its mighty bulwarks, 
proved ineffectual; and all their efforts might ultimately have failed, 
but for the following circumstance. The prince of Tarentum had of 
late opened a secret correspondence with a Mussulman officer named 
Phirouz, formerly a Christian, who was invested with the chief com- 
mand in three of the principal towers that defended Antioch. By splen- 
did promises, Bohemond succeeded in inducing this officer to deliver 
them into the hands of the Christians. The plan was concerted be- 
tween them; the darkness of a stormy night facilitated its execution; 
and in a few hours the whole army, being introduced into the city, 
took possession of it on the third of June, 1098. At the break of 
day, Bohemond planted his banner on one of the highest towers, and 
was, by common assent, acknowledged sovereign of Antioch and 
its dependencies, under the title of prince. 

The joy of the crusaders at this valuable conquest, was in a very 
short time damped, and changed into distress. They had not yet 
subdued the citadel, into which a great part of the garrison had re- 
tired, nor taken measures to procure the necessary supplies of provi- 
sions, when they saw themselves besieged by an army much more 
numerous than their own. It consisted of three hundred and sixty 
thousand men, whom the Persian sultan sent to the relief of Antioch, 
under the command of Kerboga, prince of Mosul. This general 
manifested on every occasion the greatest contempt for the crusa- 
ders; and, having arrived too late to preserve the city from their 
invasion, he considered them as so many victims reserved for his 
vengeance. 

Every thing, at first, seemed to favor his design. After a few 
days, the crusaders, having consumed all the provisions in Antioch, 
were exposed to a most dreadful famine, so far as to eat the flesh of 
horses and camels, afterwards leaves of trees, and boiled leather 
Such was the excess of their misery, that many of these renowned 
warriors, even among the barons and knights, after having resolutely 
21* 



246 MODERN HISTORY. Part V. 

endured a thousand other hardships, now lost courage^ abandoned 
their colors, and fled from Antioch. Both the strength and resources 
of those who remained, were exhausted. Several of the chief lords 
themselves were reduced to absolute beggary, and became completely 
dependent on the bounty of Godfrey even for their food, till he him- 
self, having killed his last horse, had nothing more to give. Mourn- 
ing, consternation and death reigned throughout Antioch, and the 
whole city seemed destined to become the sepulchre of the Christian 
soldiers; nor could the princes, either by exertions or entreaties, 
stimulate them to new combats. 

In this desperate state of things, the evil suggested its remedy. 
The crusaders, deprived of all human assistance, placed their hopes 
in heaven j and, in the abyss of misery to which they were reduced, 
they received with the greatest alacrity every token and mark of the 
return of God's special protection, their warlike enthusiasm being 
particularly excited, as many authors relate, by the discovery of the 
lance which had pierced the side of our Saviour. In the meanwhile, 
Tancred, ever foremost in heroic feelings and actions, pledged him- 
self with an oath not to turn back from the road to Jerusalem, so long 
as he should be followed by sixty knights ; and the whole army, imi- 
tating his example, took the same oath. In fine, the unexpected 
discovery of some provisions in the city increased the confidence and 
restored the strength of the soldiers "of the cross. Their activity, reso- 
lution, and energy reappeared ; they felt in themselves the same intre- 
pid ardor which they had displayed in former battles, and loudly 
asked to be led against the enemy. 

The princes lost not a moment. The gates of Antioch were thrown 
open, and early on the morning of the twenty -ninth of June, one 
hundred thousand emaciated but brave warriors were seen marchmg 
out with noble assurance, whilst the banks of the Orontes and the 
neighboring hills resounded with their usual battle cry, *' God wills 
it J God wills it." Kerboga did not imagine, at first, that the crusaders 
could entertain the thought of fighting, and beheved they were coming 
to implore his clemency. His illusion having soon vanished, he 
hastened to draw up his numberless squadrons in battle array, and 
made several skilful movements for the purpose of surroundmg the 
comparatively small host of the crusaders. The Christians, on their 
side, with little attention to the ordinary arts of warfare, continued to 
march on, their courage increasing rather than diminishing; till, 
having come within bowshot of the Persians, after the clarions and 
trumpets had sounded, both generals and soldiers rushed against the 
enemy. 

Then only did Kerboga and his troops perceive what sort of heroes 
were Tancred, Godfrey, Hugh-the-Great, the duke of Normandy and 



A. D. 1095-1099. FIRST CRUSADE. 247 

the earl of Flanders, whose swords flashed with the rapidity of 
lightning. In proportion as the other chiefs arrived, they also threw 
themselves into the thickest of the battle; and the fight had scarcely 
lasted one hour, when the infidels began to waver. They endea- 
vored, but in vain to stop the Christian soldiers by setting the weeds 
on fire; nothing could damp the enthusiasm of the crusaders: the 
Persian columns were driven forward, broken and routed with dread- 
ful slaughter. In vain too did their most courageous warriors attempt 
to rally upon a hill behind a deep raviiie; the Christian knights, hur- 
ried on by almost superhuman valor, lollowed them across the pre- 
cipice, and their victorious swords destroyed all who dared wait their 
approach. The Persians were scattered in every direction through 
the woods and hoUows ; and the banks of the Orontes, the mountains, 
the plains, appeared covered with fugitives abandoning their colors 
and throwing aside their arms. The haughty Kerboga himself, who 
had promised the sultan the entire defeat of the Christians, and who 
had, in anticipation of that event, prepared a great quantity of fetters 
for his prisoners, fled towards the Euphrates with a few horsemen, 
leaving a hundred thousand of his bravest soldiers on the field of 
battle. The loss of the conquerors was ten, or, according to several 
historians, only four thousand. 

Immense Avas the booty in gold, arms, rich vestments, horses, cat- 
tle and provisions, which the crusaders found in the Persian camp. 
The whole army, loaded with wealth and rejoicing in their abun- 
dance, entered once more within the walls of Antioch, and made the 
air resound with their thanksgivings for the triumph which they had 
obtained. To the Saracens themselves this victory of the Christians 
seemed so wonderful, that many were induced, on that account, to 
abandon the religion of Mahomet. They who defended the citadel 
of Antioch, struck with astonishment and terror, surrendered, in the 
very evening of the battle, to Count Raymond who had been left to 
guard the town; three hundred of them embraced Christianity; and 
several went through the cities of Syria, every where pubhshing that 
the God of the Christians was the only true God. 

The way towards Jerusalem was now left free; the princes, how- 
ever, for the sake of granting to their troops a necessary repose, 
thought proper to postpone their further advance till the next spring. 
In that interval, a pestilence broke out among the crusaders, sweep- 
ing off" not only thousands of the less cautious multitudes, but also 
many illustrious knights, and the venerable bishop of Puy, whose 
noble qualities of mind and heart had given much dignity and strength 
to the enterprise. Another sad effect of the delay just mentioned, 
was that it enabled the Egyptian caliph to turn the losses of the 
Turks to his own profit: driving them from Jerusalem, wh 



248 MODERN HISTORY. Part V 

amused the leaders of the crusading host with proposals of alliance, 
he took possession of the Holy City. It was therefore against this 
new enemy that the Christians had to fight during the last period of 
the crusade (a. d. 1099). 

The time appointed for their departure from Antioch at length 
arrived. They advanced along the fertile coasts of Phoenicia, and 
then through the desolate lands of Palestine, without finding much 
resistance 3 at length, on the seventh of June, Jerusalem lay before 
their eyes. No one can sufficiently describe the pious transports 
which, on the appearance of the Holy City, the remembrance of our 
Saviour's passion and death excited in every bosom, and their feelings 
of indignation at beholding Jerusalem in the hands of the infidels. 
The army marched on in haste, driving back some parties of Sara- 
cens, and almost immediately made so vigorous an assault, that the 
town would probably have been taken at the first onset, but for want 
of ladders and other necessary instruments. After many had fallen 
on each side to no effect, the attack was suspended, and all the ener- 
gies of the crusaders were employed in constructing wooden towers, 
catapults, battering rams and other warlike engines. 

During the fabrication of these machines, a deadly drought afflicted 
the ^my. For many days, the soldiers of the cross again experi- 
enced all the inconveniences of heat and thirst; and their number, 
already so much diminished by previous plagues, diseases, desertions, 
battles, and garrisons left in various places, became reduced to about 
forty thousand, one fourth of whom were unable to fight. The gar- 
rison alone of Jerusalem was more numerous than the whole army 
of the crusade; the town too was defended by strong fortifications, 
and supplied with all things requisite for a long resistance. 

So many obstacles, instead of abating, seemed rather to increase 
the ardor of the Christians; and, as soon as the engines were com- 
pleted, the attack was renewed. Early in the morning of the foui- 
teenth of July, towers, mangonels and battering rams moved all at 
once against three different parts of the wall, and began to cast a 
shower of arrows and stones, and to make a breach. Language 
cannot describe the violence of this first shock. Like the princes, 
who fought all that day from the platform of their wooden towers, 
the multitude of the assailants fearlessly braved all kinds of perils; 
but, in return, the Saracens obstinately opposed them at every point, 
and, being abundantly furnished with darts, boiling oil, and Grecian 
fire, spread ruin and dismay among the Christians. Thus passed 
that whole day in one of the most tremendous encounters that the 
crusaders had ever sustained; night came on, and the besiegers re-en- 
tered their camp, burning with indignation because the city was noi 
taken. 



A. D. 1095—1099. 



FIRST CRUSADE. 249 



On the following day, a new attempt was made to storm tne city. 
During the whole morning, thousands of darts were heard continually 
whizzing through the air ; beams and rocks, thrown by the engines, 
dashed against one another, and fell with a frightful crash upon the 
assailants. Many of them had already been killed, or received deep 
wounds at the foot of the ramparts ; the others were almost exhausted ; 
whilst the Saracens, on. the contrary, seemed to fight with renewed 
vigor. At that moment, Raymond and Godfrey, though placed at a 
great distance from each other, suddenly exclaimed that they saw a 
celestial warrior coming to their assistance, and giving a signal to 
enter the town. This instantly revived the fainting hopes of the 
Christians; prodigious efforts were made on all sides; the tower 
of Godfrey, in spite of a shower of darts and Grecian fire, was rolled 
forward till it touched the wall ; and, a moveable bridge being let 
down, two illustrious brothers, Letold and Engelbert of Tournai, 
immediately sprang upon the battlements. They were followed by 
the intrepid duke and other knights, who bore down upon the Sara- 
cens with irresistible force, and rushed after them into the very streets 
of Jerusalem. Tancred, with the earl of Flanders and the duke of 
Normandy, imitated their example in another quarter; while Raymond 
of Toulouse, almost at the same instant, forced his way into the town 
by scaling the walls. Thus was the Holy City, after exertions of the 
most heroic fortitude, at length taken by the Christians, on a Friday, 
at three o'clock in the afternoon; a circumstance which has been 
carefully noticed, as coinciding with the day and hour in which our 
Saviour expired on the cross. 

Most terrible were the first moments of victory. The crusaders, 
exasperated by their long sufferings and by the obstinate resistance 
of the Saracens, and being also probably afraid of new dangers, put 
to the sword nearly all the garrison and inhabitants of Jerusalem. 
The streets, the mosques and the citadel were filled with blood, and the 
number of the slain is estimated by many to have been at least seventy 
thousand. 

After this bloody scene, the conquerors exhibited a spectacle more 
consonant to the mild spirit of Christianity. Assuming the robe of 
penitents, and going up to the holy sepulchre, they bedewed with 
their tears the spot consecrated by the sufferings and death of our 
Blessed Redeemer. The princes afterwards directed their attention 
to the appointment of a king, for the defence and preservation of 
Jerusalem ; and the brave, the generous, the virtuous duke of Lor- 
raine, Godfrey, was chosen by unanimous consent. For the sake 
of the public good, he modestly accepted the distinguished task 
intrusted to him; but constantly refused the diadem and other insignia 



250 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part V 



of royalty, saying that he would never consent to wear a golden 
crown, where the Saviour of the world had been crowned with thorns. 
Scarcely was Godfrey proclaimed king, when certain information 
arrived of the approach of a powerful army sent by the caliph of 
Egypt against the crusaders. The new sovereign and his undaunted 
knights instantly took the determination to meet the foe half-way, 
which they did with as much alacrity as if they had been going to a 
feast. After a few days, they met the enemy in the vast plains of 
Ascalon, near the sea. Notwithstanding the great disparity between 
the opposite forces, the host of the crusade having been reduced to 
twenty thousand men, whilst the Egyptians and their allies amounted 
to about four hundred thousand, the Christians gained, with less dif- 
ficulty than on any former occasion, a complete victory. In a few 
moments, and with the loss of but a few soldiers, they strewed the 
plain with ninety thousand dead bodies of the Egyptian army, and 
dispersed the rest. The enemy, says a contemporary historian, fell 
under their swords, as the grass falls in the harvest before the 
mower;* or, to use the words of a great poet, fled at their approach, 
as clouds are seen flying through the air, when driven before the 
northern blast.f The victorious army, after gathering an immense 
quantity of spoils, returned in triumph to Jerusalem. 



GENERAL VIEW OF THE FIRST CRUSADE.— RETURN OF 
THE CRUSADERS. 



Such was the result of the first crusade, one of the most heroic 
enterprises and most brilliant expeditions of all ancient and modern 
history; one which, notwithstanding the accidental interference of 
human passions, was sustained by the loftiest and noblest motives 
that ever animated an army, and was at length brought to a happy 
issue by prodigies of valor and feats worthy of eternal remembrance. 
We behold in it a multitude of warriors, knights and princes leaving 
their country and their homes, their estates and their dignities, for 
the sake of religion and of humanity. We see them cheerfully ex- 
posing themselves to all the dangers of a long and distant expedition j 

* Jlpvd Michaut, Hist, des Croisades, vol. i, pp. 475-76. 
t La Palestine enfin, apres tant de ravages, 
Vit fuir ses ennemis, comme on voit les nuages 
Dans le vague des airs fuir devant I'Aquilon ; 
Et des vents du midi la d^vorante haleine 

N'a consume qu' a peine 
Leurs ossemens blanchis dans les champs d'Ascalon. 

J. B. Rousseau, Ode against the Turks. 



GENERAL VIEW OF TPIE FIRST CRUSADE. 251 

undergoing the fatigues of a painful march, the severity of the wea- 
ther or the excessive heat of the climate, famine, thirst and conta 
gious distempers; and still, almost continually fighting against the 
Turks, the Persians and other foes; frequently too against their own 
imprudence, and the dangers occasioned by the quarrels of the lea- 
ders or the want of discipline among the troops. We see them, 
through the various vicissitudes of the crusade, surmounting all these 
obstacles, conquering all their enemies, and, at last, bringing their 
enterprise to a fortunate conclusion. What warlike achievement is 
more deserving of the admiration of posterity ? 

Nor can it he objected, that the success of the crusaders was 
owing to their overwhelming numbers ; this circumstance proved 
rather a disadvantage, on account of the difficulty they had to 
procure a sufficient quantity of provisions in an unknown country. 
Moreover, their number was soon greatly diminished by desertion, 
famine, disease and battles; so that, in the end, they were far less 
numerous than their enemies. It is true, many bodies of fresh troops 
were successively sent from Europe to their assistance ; but none of 
them arrived, having all been destroyed before reaching Syria, either 
by starvation, or by the swords of the Turks. Hence, the success 
of the first crusade could be attributed to no other cause than the he- 
roic patience, constancy and intrepidity which the crusaders evinced, 
during three years, not only in a great number of particular combats, 
but chiefly during the sieges of Nice, Antioch and Jerusalem, and 
in the great battles at Dorylseum, at the Orontes and at Ascalon, 
against all the forces of Asia and Africa. 

After this last victory, which secured their conquests and crowned 
all their exploits, most of the crusaders thought of returning to Eu- 
rope. Count Raymond, however, did not proceed farther than Con- 
stantinople; but being invested by the emperor Alexius with princely 
jurisdiction over the territory of Laodicea, he retraced his steps into 
Syria, to take possession of this new state. Baldwin and Bohemond 
were already settled in their principalities of Edessa and Antioch. 
Robert of Flanders and Robert of Normandy reached their European 
dominions, and were received with great joy by their vassals and sub- 
jects; but the latter, having imprudently undertaken to dethrone his 
brother Henry I, king of England, was taken prisoner, and, being 
unable to recover his liberty, died after many years of severe confine- 
ment. Peter the Hermit also re-visited his native country, and, retir- 
ing to a monastery founded by himself, lived sixteen years in the 
practice of the most edifying virtues. As to Hugh-the-Great and 
Stephen of Blois, having departed from the East before the end of 
the crusade, shame and public discontent compelled them to go back 
to Asia, where they both fell whilst fighting against the infidels. 



252 MODERN HISTORY. Part V. 

Among the other knights who returned to France^ history has not 
forgotten two noble twin-brothers, Stephen and Peter of Salviac, 
whom their own age admired as models of fraternal affection. Peter 
having taken the cross in the council of Clermont, Stephen, though 
authorized by many just reasons to remain at home, determined to 
follow his brother, and to share with him all the perils of the crusade. 
In battles, they always stood side by side ; and they fought together 
at the sieges of Nice, Antioch and Jerusalem. A short time after 
their return from the East, they both died in the same week, and the 
same sepulchre received their mortal remains j their tomb bears an 
inscription transmitting to posterity the remembrance of their exploits 
and of their admirable friendship. 



KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM.— a. d. 1095—1144. 

By the death or departure of most of the crusaders, the new king 
dom of Jerusalem was left to be supported by the wisdom of Godfrey 
and the sword of Tancred, with an army of less than three thousand 
men. Fortunately, this want of forces did not last long; fresh bands 
of crusaders daily arrived from Europe, and the new sovereign was 
enabled, not only to defend, but also to enlarge his conquests. He 
at the same time compiled and published, for the improvement of his 
rising state, an admirable code of laws, under the title of ''Assises de 
Mi'usalem,''^ and promoted or patronised many establishments equally 
beneficial to religion and social order, above all, the Hospitallers of 
St. John of Jerusalem, who afterwards became so much renowned 
as the Knights of Malta.* 

* Their first origin dated from the year 1048, when certain merchants of 
the city of Amalpni in the kingdom of Naples, trading in the Levant, ob- 
tained leave from the Saracen caliph to build a house at Jerusalem for pil- 
grims, on the condition of paying an annual tribute. Shortly after, they 
founded in honor of St. John the Baptist, a church and an hospital, from 
which they took their name ; and being exceedingly favored by Godfrey 
and his successors, they enlarged their benevolent projects, and, besides at- 
tending the sick and pilgrims with the utmost care and assiduity, bound 
themselves by a vow to defend all Christians in the Holy Land against the 
attacks and insults of infidels. By this noble determination, the Hos- 
pitallers, without ceasing to be a religious, became a military order, and a 
permanent body of sacred soldiery, which conferred innumerable services 
on the kings of Jerusalem and on all Christendom. 

The Knights Templars were instituted in 1118, also at Jerusalem, by 
some French and Flemish noblemen, for nearly the same purposes as the 
Knights Hospitallers, but under a plan and rule somewhat different. They 
derived their name from the first house which they possessed in the holy 
city, it being situated near the site of the temple of Solomon. The Teu- 



A. ». 1095-1144. KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM. 253 

These numerous achievements were performed by Godfrey within 
the short space of one year. On his return from a distant expedition, 
he was seized with a severe ilhiess, and died on the eighteenth of July 
of the year 1100, leaving beiiind him so unblemished a reputation 
of wisdom, courage and virtue, that his name, equally extolled by 
history and poetry, will ever live in the memory of men, as the 
brightest ornament of the first crusade. From his earliest years,, his 
father, one of the greatest warriors of that age, taught him, by theory 
and practice, how to excel in the profession of arms. His mother, a 
very pious lady, impressed on his tender mind the maxims of our 
holy faith, which he ever afterwards observed, even at the head of 
armies, with as much regularity as if he had been in a religious 
house, always commencing and concluding his enterprises with acts 
of religion. Free from ambition and other human weaknesses, his 
views were always perfectly disinterested, his feelings always gene- 
rous, his morals always pure 3 and not only did he thus constantly 
present a perfect model of honor and virtue, but the troops also 
which he commanded, were, during the whole crusade, distin- 
guished above all others for their excellent order and discipline- 
Never was there indeed a more admirable model of Christian chi- 
valry ; nor did fabulous antiquity ever picture to itself so accomplished 
a hero as Godfrey of Bouillon. He prepared for death with the same 
piety and fortitude of mind that he had evinced during life; and, in 
his last moments, recommended to his knights the promotion of the 
divine glory and the defence of the Holy' Land. The Christians, 
overwhelmed with grief, buried him near the holy sepulchre, the pre- 
servation of which was so dear to his heart ; and the Saracens them- 
selves shed tears over the tomb of a prince, whom they were obliged 
to acknowledge, notwithstanding the difference of religion, to have 
been at once the mildest and the greatest of their sovereigns,* 

tonic order owed its establishment to some nobles from the cities of Bremen 
and Lubec, who assisted at the siege of Ptolemais in 1190, and was in- 
tended for the relief of German pilgrims. There were also three military 
orders founded in Spain alone, viz. the orders of St. James, Alcantara and 
Calatrava; and one, that of Avis, in Portugal. 

* To enable the reader more fully to appreciate the incomparable merit 
of Godfrey of Bouillon, we may be allowed to adduce, from authentic 
sources, some particular instances of his wonderful strength, generosity 
and piety. 

During the siege of Nice, a certain Turk of gigantic stature signalized 
himself by the immense slaughter he made of the Christians, throwing 
upon them large fragments of rocks from the wall. Godfrey adv^anced, 
and shooting an arrow with a vigorous hand, sent the weapon directly tc 
his heart, and left him dead on the battlement. — During the stay of the 
army in Asia Minor, riding out on horseback in a wood, he saw a huge 
bear about to kill a poor soldier who was gathering sticks. Regardless of 

22 



254 MODERN HISTORY. PartV. 

The first successors of Godfrey in the kingdom of Jerusalem, were 
Baldwin I, his brother, and Baldwin II, his cousin. Both of them 
prosecuted, with great vigor, the glorious work which he had 
commenced; and, notwithstanding some defeats, they gained consi- 
derable advantages over the Saracens. Strong and important cities 
were successively conquered, and the Christians now possessed in 
Asia four extensive princedoms, Jerusalem, Antioch, Edessa and Tri- 
poli. The Greeks too strove continually to recover some of their former 
possessions in Asia Minor and Syria; and, on many occasions, under 
their warlike and skilful emperors Alexius and his son, John Com- 
nenus, success accompanied their efforts. Had the forces of the 
empire been at that time united with those of the Latins, the Turks 
might have been totally expelled from those envied regions. Unfor- 
tunately, mutual diffidence always kept the two powers at a distance 
from each other; and, what was more unfortunate still, after the 
death of Baldwin II in 1131, jealousy, animosity and violent dissen- 
sions began to arise among the Latin princes themselves. 

From this time, therefore, the prosperity of the Christian states 

his own danger, the generous duke rode up, and seizing one of the paw3 
of the ferocious beast with his left hand, with the right plunged his sword 
into its hody to the very hilt. — In the field, nothing could resist the edge of 
his sword ; helmets and cuirasses were broken by it to pieces. In one of 
the battles which preceded the capture of Antioch, a Saracen officer of ex- 
traordinary iize and bravery singled him out as the object of attack. God- 
frey, indignant at such boldness, raised himself in his stirrup, and rushing 
against his opponent, aimed a blow which cut the Saracen in twain. The 
upper part of the body fell to the earth ; but the headless trunk, being tied 
to the saddle, remained on the horse, and was thus carried into Antioch, 
where the awful sight spread terror and consternation among the Turks. In 
fine, such was the strength of the duke of Lorraine, that, being once re- 
quested by some Saracen emirs to display it in their presence, he with one 
blow, severed the head of a camel from the body. 

On the other hand, such was his moderation, that he never undertook 
to vindicate by force mere private rights, or to avenge personal injuries, 
his sword, he used to remark, being destined to spill the blood, not of Chris- 
tians, but of infidels, and that, only in unavoidable battles. At the taking 
of Jerusalem, a success owing chiefly to his intrepid valor, he no sooner 
saw victory declare in favor of the Christians, than he ceased fighting, laid 
aside his armor, and hastened to visit the holy sepulchre with the most edi- 
fying piety; an example which was soon imitated by all the crusaders. 
Mild and innocent as a lamb in the ordinary course of life, he was like a 
lion on the field of battle. Whilst the other princes respected him as a 
perfect model of Christian chivalry, the multitude loved him as the best of 
fathers ; and his servants being asked, before the election of a king of Je- 
rusalem, about his private character, could say nothing against him, except 
that he remained too long in church after the divine offices; in consequence 
of which, they complained, his dinner frequently grew cold, and became 
almost good for nothing. This was the only fault that could be found in 
the whole conduct of Godfrey. 



A. 0. 114&-1149. 



SECOND CRUSADE. 255 



began to decline in the East. Tiie Moslems scattered through the 
country took advantage of every new dispute among the conquerors, 
to harass them with a desultory warfare. At length, Zenghi, sultan 
of Aleppo and Mosul, attacked, stormed and took Edessa in 1144; 
after which his son Nouradin, pursuing the same line of policy 
against the Christians, began to threaten their other possessions in 
the East. The news of these calamitous events being spread abroad, 
gave occasion to the 



SECOND CRUSADE.— A. d. 1145—1149. 

Deputies had been sent in haste from Syria to Europe, for the 
purpose of obtaining necessary auxiliaries. Immediately after their 
arrival, the crusade was preached under the direction of Pope Euge- 
nius III, by the celebrated abbot of Clairvaux, St. Bernard, whose 
eloquent exhortations, supported by great miracles, had exactly the 
same effect which the exertions of Peter the Hermit had produced 
fifty years before. Such was the excitement produced in France and 
Germany, that King Louis the Younger and the emperor Conrad 
III took the cross, with all the choicest men of both nations, so as to 
form in a very short time two powerful armies. The Germans alone 
brought to the field seventy thousand horsemen with coats of mail, 
besides light cavalry and the infantry. The French host consisted 
of a hundred thousand warriors. These forces were more than suf- 
ficient to repair the losses suffered by the Christians in the East, and 
to foil all the attempts of their enemies ; but, such was the perfidy 
of the Greeks, and the want of discipline among the Latins, that no 
great enterprise ever failed so completely as the second crusade. 

Both armies started in the year 1147. The Germans, being the 
first to reach the neighborhood of Constantinople, began to experi- 
ence the ill-will of the Greeks, which, it must be confessed, they 
sometimes provoked by their predatory and disorderly acts. The 
emperor himself, Manuel Comnenus, is generally charged with 
having, under the veil of friendship, contrived against them a variety 
of perfidious practices. This at least is certain, that the crusaders, 
without experience against cunning, were deprived by the Greek 
population of their money and of the means of procuring necessary 
provisions; whilst, on the other hand bodies of soldiers attacked 
them when marching through narrow defiles. In fine, treacherous 
or unskilful guides led them through the wild paths of Cappadocia, 
where they had to endure all the horrors of a cruel famine, and at 
last saw themselves surrounded by the Turks. The heavy-armed 



256 MODERN HISTORY. Part V. 

Germans in vain endeavored to reach the Turkish cavalry. All their 
courage could not protect them against numberless foes, who fled 
and rallied with surprising quickness, attacked their exhausted squad- 
rons from the tops of the mountains, and harassed them by continual 
skirmishes. It became absolutely necessary to retreat towards Bithy- 
nia, under an incessant shower of arrows, every day adding thou- 
sands to the number of the slain. Conrad himself received two 
wounds ; and when, at length, he reached the city of Nice, he could 
scarcely gather around him a tenth part of the knights and soldiers 
who had followed him from Europe. 

The French, under the conduct of Louis, had less perhaps to suf- 
fer from the Greeks, and yet were not less unfortunate than the 
Germans. Victorious at first on the banks of the Meander, which 
was crossed in spite of all the efforts of the Turks, they experienced, 
after a few days, a signal overthrow near the town of Laodicea in 
Phrygia. This disaster was brought upon the Christian array by 
the imprudence of a single general. On coming near a steep moun- 
tain, the commander of the van-guard had received orders from the 
king to halt on the summit, and there wait for the rest of the army. 
Disregarding this just command, the incautious man, after accom- 
plishing the ascent, advanced into the plain on the other side, two or 
three miles beyond the spot specified : in the mean time, the Turks, 
who had remarked the terrible mistake, occupied the hill, and thus 
totally intercepted the two divisions of the crusaders. 

Such was the perilous position of the French army, when the rear, 
commanded by the king in person, and as yet unaware of its danger, 
began to climb the mountain in full security and without any pre- 
caution against an attack. On a sudden, as they Were toiling up the 
steep acclivity, a shower of arrows from the top of the hill fell upoii 
them, spreading indescribable confusion and dismay. Numbers were 
precipitated headlong down the precipice, or killed by the masses of 
rocks hurled against them; others, who had nearly reached the sum- 
mit, were forced back by the victorious enemy upon those in the 
rear. It was in vain that Louis, at the head of his cavalry, endea- 
vored to protect the infantry, and repel the Turks : the steepness of 
the ascent, and the fierceness of the foes rendered the contest too un- 
equal ; men and horses fell together, and the king himself was in 
imminent danger of being killed; but springing upon a rock and 
leaning against a tree, he defended himself with his trusty sword 
against several Turks, till, at the approach of night, they withdrew 
and thus permitted him to rejoin his surviving troops. 

After these losses, and others which the Greeks and the Turks 
continued to inflict on them, both Louis and Conrad put to sea, in 
order to reach Palestine. Being arrived at Jerusalem, all the princess 



A. D. 1153-1189. GERMANY^ ETC. 267 

there present were summoned to assemble in council ; and it was 
agreed that, instead of attempting to reconquer Edessa, which had 
been the original object of the crusade, the Christian forces of Syria, 
united with the crusaders, should undertake the siege of Damascus 
(a. d. 1148). The monarchs immediately took the field, approached 
the town, drove before them the advanced bodies of Saracens, and 
began the siege with so great a vigor, that all entertained a moral 
certainty of success. All at once, jealousies and quarrels among the 
lords disturbed the Christian camp; former animosities were revived, 
and treason being added to all these evils, the siege was finally aban- 
doned. At length, Conrad and Louis, full of regret and indignation, 
left the Latin princes of Asia to their own wretched dissensions, 
and departed for Europe. 

The ill success of the second crusade spread mourning over all the 
West, and was felt particularly in France, where loud complaints 
were lodged against St. Bernard, as the chief promoter of this fatal 
enterprise. The holy abbot, in a written apology, triumphantly vin- 
dicated his conduct, showing, with equal modesty and strength of 
reasoning, that, exactly as the Hebrews of old more than once failed, 
through their own fault, even in designs approved by God, so also, 
in the present instance, the blame was to be laid, not on the promo- 
ter of the crusade, but on the crusaders themselves, on their disorders 
and want of disciphne, which had drawn upon them the avenging 
justice of the Almighty.* Shortly after (a. d. 1153), St. Bernard 
departed this life, at the age of sixty-three, having deserved, by his 
eloquence, sanctity, immense labors for religion, and the excellency 
of his writings, to be numbered among the most illustrious Fathers 
of the Church. 



GERMANY AND ITALY UNDER FREDERIC I (BARBAROS- 
SA).— ENGLAND AND IRELAND UNDER HENRY II (PLAN- 
TAGENET).— A. d. 1153—1189. 



Conrad lived three years after his return from Palestine; at his 
death in 1152, he left the crown to Frederic Barbarossa, his nephew, 
a prince of great learning, ability and courage, but proud, haughty 
and ambitious. Wishing, like the first Roman emperors, to be con- 
sidered sovereign of the whole world, he made powerful efforts, 

• See St. Bernard himself, De Consider atione. lib. it, c. i, nos. 2, 3 ; 
where he adduces the example of the Israelites who died in the desert, and 
especially that of the eleven tribes defeated by the tribe of Benjamin. — 
Jvdg XX, 18 — 27. 
22* 



258 MODERN HISTORY. Part V. 

during twenty years (1157 — 1177), to oppress both the See of Rome 
and the small states of Italy. His wicked attempts to raise a general 
schism in tlie Church and to place popes of his own creation in St. 
Peter's chair, were defeated by the vigor of the lawful pontiff, Alex- 
ander III, united with the zeal evinced by the other sovereigns of 
Europe, particularly the kings of England and France (Henry II, 
Louis VII), in acknowledging Alexander as the only true pope. 
The exertions of the emperor towards the subjugation of the Italian 
republics were in the beginning more successful; but the Milanese, 
whose city he had destroyed, having entered with the neighboring 
states into a common league to rebuild Milan, and repel the violent 
usurper, he experienced from them a signal overthrow, which en- 
tirely reduced his power, and blasted his hopes with regard to the 
possession of Italy. 

This stale of things induced Frederic to come to a reconciliation 
with the pope and the Italians, on the conditions which they re- 
quired, especially that of renouncing the schism and abandoning his 
hostile demonstrations against the peninsula. The treaty was finally 
settled at Venice (a. d. 1177), to the satisfaction of all parties, the 
emperor being now as eager to testify his sincere and perfect submis- 
sion to the sovereign pontiff, as he had before been in manifesting 
his opposition. It is not true, that, the pope, as some historians 
relate, set his foot on the neck of Frederic, and insulted him with 
these words of the Psalmist : 21iou shalt walk upon the asp and the 
basilisk : and thou shalt trample underfoot the lion and the dragon* The 
story, as has been remarked by many Catholic critics,f and acknow- 
ledged by impartial Protestant historians,:|: is not in keeping with the 
well known meekness and moderation of Alexander III, nor founded 
on any credible testimony. This pretended humiliation of Frederic 
is indeed represented in some modern pictures; but who does not 
know that the liberty of fictions and symbohcal representations is 
allowed "to painters as well as to poets?'' 

England, during the same period, was not less agitated than Ger- 
many and Italy. King Henry I, the last son of William the Con- 
queror, having died in 1135, the crown had been subsequently dis- 
puted by his daughter Matilda and his nephew Stephen of Blois,- 
earl of Boulogne. At last, in order to reconcile the jarring interests 
of the two parties, it was agreed that, upon the demise of Stephen, 

* Psalm, xc. 13. 

t Feller, Diet. Histor., art Alex. iii. — Natalis Alexander, Hist. Eccl , 
Sceailo XII, c. ii, art. 9. de Alex, in, — Baronius, and Hist, de VEgl. Gall 
ad ann. 1177. 

X The English authors of Univers. Hist., Paris edit. 1787, book xxv, c 
IV, reign of Fred. I; — or vol. xcvri, p. 190 of the historical part, and p 
191, note. 



*. D. 1153-1189. GERMANY^ ETC. 259 

the crown should devolve to Henry, the son of Matilda and of Geof- 
frey Plantagenet, earl of Anjou, whom she had married after the 
death of the German emperor Henry V, her first husband. This 
agreement received its execution in 1154, and Henry Plantagenet 
ascended the throne of England under the most favorable auspices. 
He inherited from his father Touraine and Anjou, and from his 
mother Maine and Normandy. He had also received with his wife 
Eleanor the provinces of Poitou, Saintonge and Guienne; so that, 
besides England, a third part of France acknowledged his authority, 
and though he did homage for his continental territories as a vassal 
to the French king, he was more powerful than that monarch. 

The reign of Henry II, like most long reigns, was marked by 
several important events j among others, by the martyrdom of St. 
Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, and by the conquest of Ireland. 
The invincible courage with which the archbishop defended the 
rights and immunities of the Church against the encroachments of 
the civil power, excited the animosity of the king, and so provoked 
the fury of four of his courtiers, that, repairing to Canterbury, they 
stabbed him in his own cathedral (a. d. 1170). So atrocious a deed 
raised a general outcry of horror and indignation, not only against 
the murderers, but also against the king; nor could he otherwise 
avert the imminent dangers to which he now found himself exposed 
on all sides, than by submitting to an exemplary penance for the mur- 
der lately occasioned by his passionate words. 

Having extricated himself from these difficulties, Henry prosecuted 
the design which he had long since formed of adding Ireland to his 
dominions. Until then, this celebrated island, as we said before, had 
never been conquered, not even by the Danes, although their multi- 
plied ravages had inflicted a deep wound on religion, morality and 
civilization. Under the plea of rescuing the Irish from the evils that 
pervaded their several provinces, the English monarch obtained leave 
from P&pe Adrian IV to enter their country, and skilfully availed him- 
self of the intestine feuds which divided their sovereigns, to make 
conquests in Ireland.* The natives, it is true, struggled long and 
desperately, even sometimes successfully, against the English ; but 
their disunion and domestic broils prevented them from obtaining 
any permanent advantage, and Henry succeeded in obtaining a 
solid footing and extensive settlements upon their territory. From 
that period, the British monarchs were called "Lords of Ireland," 
until 1542, when Henry VIII took the title of king, and Ireland was 
made a kingdom. 

The remainder of Henry's reign was spent in improving the juris- 
prudence of his kingdom, and in various political and military trans- 

* See note I. 



260 MODERN HISTORY. Part V. 

actions with foreign princes, during the course of which he generally 
showed himself an able monarch, a skilful general, and a courageous 
soldier. His greatest trouble was the disobedient and rebellious con- 
duct of his sons, whose ingratitude he frequently experienced. So 
bitter was his grief in consequence of their last revolt, that it is sup- 
posed to have accelerated his death, which happened in the year 
1189. 



FALL OF THE KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM.— a. d. 1187. 

Since the departure of -Louis and Conrad from the East, Nouradin, 
without much difficulty, pursued his conquests in Syria. Even 
Egypt, which had long been an independent sovereignty, was sub- 
dued by his generals; and the Christian colonies were more and 
more closely surrounded by their indefatigable foes. Their danger 
still increased under Saladin, a Mussulman emir, who succeeded 
Nouradin in 1176, and who, to the possession of extensive do-- 
minions and an alarming power, joined all the qualifications ne- 
cessary to complete the ruin of a contiguous and decaying state. 
Talents, ambition, activity, valor; sometimes an inflexible severity 
and rigor; sometimes a wonderful generosity and kindness; every 
thing, in fine, contributed to make him the greatest hero of Islamism 
and the most formidable enemy of the Christians. 

It was in the year 1187, that he wrested from them the possession 
of Jerusalem and of nearly all Palestine. He first entered the pro- 
vince of Galilee with eighty thousand horsemen, and cutting in 
pieces a body of knights who defended that part of the country, 
stormed and captured Tiberias, its capital, but was stopped before the 
citadel. In the meantime the Christian princes held a great council 
in Jerusalem, to deliberate on the measures to be taken for the preser- 
vation of the kingdom. Contrary to the advice of the most prudent, 
it was resolved to march out against Saladin. Accordingly, the 
troops of the difierent princes, as well as those of Guy de Lusignan, 
king of Jerusalem; the knights Hospitallers and Templars; the gar- 
risons of the towns; in a word, all who could bear arms, were col- 
lected, and formed an army of fifty thousand men, who immediately 
marched towards Tiberias. 

The two opposite hosts were soon in sight of each other, and 
without delay prepared for battle. The whole advantage of position 
was on the side of the Saracens, who, occupying the summit of the 
hills, commanded the valleys and defiles through which the Chris 
tians had to pass before coming to close contest. These, however. 



A. B. 1187. FALL OF JERUSALEM. 261 

continued to advance amidst a shower of darts and stones. Although 
the Mussulman cavalry rushed from the hills to oppose their passage, 
they still preserved their ranks j and, animated by the exhortations 
of the chiefs and the consciousness of their own danger, withstood 
unmoved the impetuous attack of the enemy. Saladin himself could 
not forbear admiring their intrepidity, and confessed, in one of his 
letters, that the Franks had fought that day with extraordinary valor. 
But they had more courage than strength ; destitute as they were of 
food and water, and debilitated by the heat of the day, even the 
most vigorous amoDg them seemed prostrated by excessive weariness. 
Night suspended the still dubious conflict. 

The next day, the Saracens and Franks again mingled in the com- 
bat 3 but Saladin, as a skilful general, did not give the signal for bat- 
tle, till the Christian army began to languish under the rays of the 
meridian sun. He moreover caused the dry herbs which covered 
the plain, to be set on fire, so that the Christians were soon encirled 
by the smoke and flames which reached them on every side. In this 
extremity, confusion in their ranks became unavoidable; yet they con- 
tinued intrepid and formidable to their opponents, several of them 
rushing from among the clouds of smoke into the thickest ranks of 
the Mussulman forces. The Templars, above all, and the Knights 
of St. John, by their almost supernatural efforts, would have saved 
the army, could it possibly have been saved 3 but the combined exer- 
tions of courage and despair every where found an insuperable ob- 
stacle in the multitude of their opponents, and the repeated charges 
of the Christian warriors served only to diminish their own numbers. 
At length, entirely overcome with thirst and fatigue, both their char- 
gers and themselves fell before the Saracens, who either butchered 
them on the spot or took them prisoners, together with the king of 
Jerusalem. A few only escaped, by cutting a passage for themselves 
through the enemy. 

Saladin did not neglect to improve the signal victory which he had 
gained. He directly advanced into the heart of Palestine, took pos- 
session of many cities and fortresses, and at last laid siege to Jerusa- 
lem. As this capital was now stript of its defenders, who had just pe- 
rished in the fatal battle of Tiberias, it could not resist the victorious 
arms of Saladin. Moreover, the Syriac inhabitants of the city had 
conspired among themselves to deliver it into the hands of the con- 
queror. This fact being made known, increased the well-grounded 
alarms of the Latins, and they hesitated no longer to propose in their 
own name the surrender of the place, provided honorable conditions 
should be granted. After some difficulty, Saladin complied with a 
part of their request; permitting them to retire unmolested, after 
having required from each person the payment of a certain sun], he 



262 MODERN HISTORY. 



PartV. 



entered Jerusalem in October, 1187, eighty-eight years after it had 
been conquered by the heroes of the first crusade. There now re- 
mained ill the possession of the Latins only three considerable towns 
ia Syria, namely, Antioch, Tyre and Tripoli. 



THIRD CRUSADE.— A. d. 1188—1194. 

The news of the fall of Jerusalem spread consternation through 
all Christendom. Pope Urban III was so much afflicted, that he died 
of a broken heart 5 the western princes, who had seemed before to 
disregard the danger of the Christian colonies in Asia, now condemned 
their apathy, and determined to forget their private quarrels for the 
common interest of Christianity, (a, d. 1188). 

Three famous potentates were at that time reigning in Europe: 
Frederic I, emperor of Germany, Henry II, king of England, both 
of whom have been already mentioned in a preceding section; and 
Philip II, surnamed Augustus, king of France, whose abilities raised 
that nation to a degree of splendor and power which it had not pos- 
sessed since Charlemagne. Those three illustrious monarchs, toge- 
ther with the chief lords of their respective states, received the cross 
from the hands of William, the celebrated historian, and archbishop 
of Tyre. Statutes were enacted, to maintain good order and discipline 
among the crusaders more successfully than during the foregoing 
crusadesj and, to raise money for the expedition, a council of princes 
and bishops ordered that every man who did not take the cross, should 
give the tenth part of his revenue and personal property. This tax, 
called Saladin^s tithe, from the terror which the alarming progress 
of Saladin inspired, was levied in England and France by royal 
commissaries. 

The first who set out for Asia was the emperor Frederic, at the 
head of one hundred and fifty thousand men. How much might be 
expected for the success of the crusade from such an army, under a 
high-spirited prince of consummate skill and valor, may be easily 
conceived. In fact, the career of the Germans, until the death of 
Frederic, was but one series of victories. The Greek emperor, Isaac 
Angelo, who dared to attack them, when they entered his territory, 
had the mortification to see his troops routed, his capital in great danger, 
and himself compelled to supply the conqueror with provisions for 
several months, and with a sufficient number of vessels to convey the 
crusaders to the opposite shore in Asia. 

The Germans continued to advance with uninterrupted success. 
Although many of them died before reaching Syria, the progress of their 



i 



A. D 1188-1194. THIRD CRUSADE. 263 

army spread terror abroad. They cut to pieces or drove before them aJJ 
the Turkish forces in their way^ defeated twice the army of the sultan 
of Iconium, which consisted of two or three hundred thousand com- 
batants; andj taking the city itseJf at the first onset, forced the sultan 
humbly to sue for peace. Their discipline was equal to their bravery, 
and from all sides information was conveyed to Saladin of the heroic 
patience of the Germans in a painful and harassing march, and of 
their indomitable valor. If we give credit to some historians, the 
Mussulman prince was already preparing to retire towards Egypt, 
when a fatal circumstance unexpectedly delivered him from his most 
formidable enemy. 

After crossing Asia Minor and passing the defiles of Mount Tau- 
rus, Frederic, with his array, was going along a small river, which 
many believe to be the very same (the Cydnus) in which Alexander- 
the-Great had well nigh to have perished. The heat of the day was 
excessive. The emperor, enticed by the coolness and clearness of the 
water, threw himself into it; but, being suddenly benumbed by the 
cold, he was taken out of the river in the agonies of death, or, as 
others say, was carried down by the rapidity of the current, and 
drowned. 

His death was more fatal to his army than the loss of a great battle 
could have been. Many soldiers abandoned the army of the crusade; 
whilst the others, proceeding towards Palestine in spite of a thousand 
obstacles, saw their numbers so far diminished by famine, fatigue, 
distempers and repeated battles, that they were no longer able to con- 
tend with the hardy troops of Saladin. They therefore went to join 
the army of King Guy of Lusignan, who, after his deliverance from 
captivity, had undertaken to besiege the strong town of Acre or Ptole- 
mais, on the Syrian coast (a. d. 1 190). 

Various incidents had retarded the departure of the French and Eng- 
lish raonarchs. In the interval, Henry II died, and left his place to 
be filled both on the throne and in the crusade by his son Richard I, 
surnamed Cceur de Lion. The new sovereign quickly made his last 
arrangements for the holy war; and, in order to avoid the dangers 
of a march by land, both he and Philip resolved to convey their armies 
to Palestine by sea. These two princes were then in the flower of 
their age, ardent, ambitious, brave and intrepid ; but Phihp was the 
greater king, Richard the greater warrior; Philip had, in a greater 
degree than Richard, qualities which entitle a prince to affection and 
esteem ; but he was inferior to him in those qualities which excite 
surprise and admiration. Moreover, the haughtiness and violence of 
Richard often procured him enemies and led him into unpleasant 
adventures. 

Although the tw^o monarchs had sworn inviolable friendship and 



264 MODERN HISTORY. P^^t V 

fidelity to each, other, contrariety of views and difference of charactei 
soon introduced jealousies and quarrels between them, which gieatly 
impaired the cause of the crusade. Philip arrived first in Palestine, 
where the siege of Acre, owing to the obstinate resistance of the gar- 
rison, had already lasted nearly two years, the besiegers being them- 
selves besieged in their camp by the innumerable troops of Saladin, 
who, from the neighboring mountains, constantly watched all their 
motions. Bloody and frequent were the conflicts, and incalculable 
the losses of both armies on the field of battle; many also were car- 
ried off" by pestilence and famine; but the arrivals of each day sup- 
plied the losses of the preceding. The landing of Philip diffused 
new vigor among the crusaders; military engines were erected, th& 
walls were battered and undermined ; all the preparations were made 
for the assault; nothing was wanted but the presence of Richard, who 
had not yet arrived to share in the danger and glory of the attempt. 

This monarch had sailed from Sicily about three weeks later than 
Philip, and had moreover been detained in chastising the perfidy of a 
Greek prince, and in subduing the rich island of Cyprus. He at last 
reached the Christian camp, and the siege of Acre received from his 
presence a new impulse. Assaults were repeatedly made; and, 
although the 'town held out for some time, it was easy to perceive 
that the resistance could not last much longer. The garrison, seeing 
their defences ruined, and all the efforts of Saladin insufficient to stop 
the progress of the siege, consented at last to capitulate, and the 
Christians took immediate possession of the city (a. d. 1191). 

Thus ended the siege of Ptolemais, one of the most famous in his- 
tory; one, during which such exploits were performed by the cru- 
saders, as might, if well directed, have sufficed for the conquest of all 
Asia. Although it gave rise to some acts of cruelty and bloody 
retaliation, it also presented the sight of many acts of politeness and 
courtesy interchanged by the Latins and the Saracens. In times of 
truce, the contending nations mingled together in friendship; and at 
one moment they reciprocated good offices, while at another they 
met in impetuous and bloody conflict. Saladin was accustomed to 
send presents of excellent fruit to Kings Richard and Philip, who, in 
return, sent him jewels and productions of Europe. 

The joy which the conquest of Ptolemais spread among Christian 
nations, was soon damped by the news that Philip intended to 
withdraw from the crusade. No doubt can exist that the health of 
this monarch had been considerably impaired by a dangerous illness; 
but his chief motive in returning to Europe, was the disgust he had 
conceived at the overbearing conduct and passionate temper of Rich- 
ard, which ever prevented them from cordially co-operating. Under 
such circumstances, the French king seemed justifiable in retiring 



A. D. 1188-1194. THIRD CRUSADE 265 

from the army, on the plausible plea that he would, by so doing, 
rather advance the cause of the crusade. Accordingly, he took his 
final determination, and embarked for France, leaving behind him 
ten thousand men with the duke of Burgundy, to support the kino- 
of England. 

By this retreat of Philip, the chief command devolved solely on 
Richard. After repairing the fortifications of Acre, he marched out 
with a considerable force, and, taking the road along the sea-shore, 
proceeded towards Ascalon, while vessels laden with provisions fol- 
lowed along the coast. The Saracens pursued the army as it 
marched, and harassed it by continual skirmishes, which led, how- 
ever, to no serious consequences. But near Antipatris, at the pas- 
sage of a river called Arsur, the Christians were suddenly attacked 
by two or three hundred thousand Moslems, whom Saladin, in order 
to impede the progress of the crusade, and to avenge the loss of 
Ptolemais, had assembled from all parts of his empire. 

Richard^ seeing that the battle was unavoidable, desired to make it 
a decisive one, and forbade his troops to commence fighting until the 
signal should be given. The crusaders waited for it with impatience; 
they could bear any thing but the shame of remaining idle in the pre- 
sence of an enemy who was vigorously pressing upon them. At 
length, some of the most intrepid knights, forgetting the king's 
orders, rushed against the Saracens; and, as others followed their 
example, in a few moments the engagement became general. So 
furious was the shock, and so thick the dust which enveloped both 
armies, that several fell by the swords of their own companions, who 
mistook them for antagonists. Richard seemed to multiply himself, 
and to be in every part of the field in which the danger was greatest ; 
and every where the enemy fled at his presence. The other chiefs 
under hinrseconded his efforts; and the Mussulmans, unable to stand 
so impetuous a charge, fled to the mountains, calling the crusaders 
a nation made of iron, and that could not be broken, 

In the mean time, the Christians could scarcely believe that they 
were so soon victorious ; nor were their doubts entirely groundless. 
Whilst they still occupied the spot on which they had just fought, 
attending to their wounded companions, the engagement was renewed 
by a body of twenty thousand Saracens, whom their commander, a 
nephew of Saladin, had rallied and led back to the charge, but witl^ 
as little success as before. In fine, just as the conquerors were 
resuming their march, the enemy, hurried on by fury and despair, 
again attacked them in the rear. Richard, with only fifteen knights^ 
ran to the spot and again routed the Moslems. Their army, thus 
defeated three times on the same day, at last abandoned the field with 
l^e loss of thirty two emirs, j^i^d seveVfil thousand of their chojcjesl 
83 ■ 



266 MODERN HISTORY. FaitV. 

men. Many more yet might have fallen, had they not found a 
timely refuge in the neighboring forests. 

Still, this victory, splendid as it was, procured more glory than real 
advantage to the crusaders. Yielding to the same sort of remissness 
which is supposed to have proved fatal to Annibal after the battle of 
Cannse, Richard, instead of leading his victorious troops without 
delay to Jerusalem, wasted his time in repairing the town of Jaffa 
and the castles of the neighborhood. The Saracens recovered from, 
{heir terror, and Saladin had sufficient respite to fortify the Holy City 
in such a manner as to threaten a most vigorous resistance. When 
afterwards Richard, on two different occasions, approached Jerusa- 
lem with the intention of besieging it, the difficulty of the attempt, 
the inconveniences of the climate, the disunion and jealousy of the 
chief crusaders, and the fears which he entertained for his European 
dominions, induced him on both occasions to retire. This was a 
source of much regret and sorrow both to the army and to the king. 
Whilst many persons loudly murmured against him, and withdrew 
from his standard, he shared in the common grief, and was indignant 
at himself. One day, whilst pursuing a party of Saracens as far as 
the hills tliat surround Jerusalem, and from which he could see 
the towers and steeples of the town, he burst into tears, and covered 
his face with his shield, thinking himself unworthy to contemplate 
the Holy City which his arms could not rescue from the hands of 
infidels. 

Notwithstanding these uncertainties and obstacles, Richard con- 
tinued to wage a terrible war against the Moslems, and, by splendid 
feats, to secure the just reputation he already enjoyed of being the 
greatest warrior of his age. Immediately after the second retreat of 
the Christians from the neighborhood of Jerusalem, Saladin burst 
into the city of Jaffa, and, putting to the sword many of the inha- 
bitants, drove the rest into the citadel, which he besieged. The Eng- 
lish king had now returned to Acre. At the first intelligence of the 
event, he sent the bulk of the army by land, while he, taking advan- 
tage of a favorable wind, set sail with seven gallies, and arrived in 
time to save the besieged garrison by clearing the town of its invaders. 

This, however, was not enough for the impetuous courage of 
Richard. Disdaining to be confined within the walls of the Hberated 
city, he marched out to challenge the Moslems, and was soon attacked 
by an army three times as numerous as his own ; but inferiority of 
numbers was of little consequence, when Richard commanded in 
person. He repelled all the charges of the Mussulman cavalry, put 
it to flight, and vanquished every champion who dared to wait his 
approach, among others a valiant emir, whose head, right shoulder 
and right arm he cut off at one blow. Seeing the brave earl of Essex 



A. D. 118S-1194. THIRD CRUSADE. 267 

and his companions on the point of being slain or captured, he rushed 
with his usual courage, scattered the enemy like a wliirlwind, and 
delivered his friends from their peril.* In fine, he threw himself with 
such ardor among the Mussulman squadrons; that for some moments, 
he disappeared from the sight of his own troops. When he returned, 
^is horse was covered with dust and blood ; and he himself bristling 
with darts fastened in his shield and dre^s, resembled, according to 
an ocular witness, a cushion covered with needles. 

It was thought that Richard, on this occasion, surpassed his for- 
mer renown. His conduct drew upon him the admiration of the 
infidels themselves, particularly of Saphadin, the sultan's brother, 
who, during the very conflict, seat him a present of two Arabian 
horses. His sight alone filled the Moslems with terror, and made 
their hair stand erect. When Saladin, after the battle, reproached 
the Saracen officers for having fled before a single man: ^^Nobod}''," 
answered one of them, '^^can withstand him; his approach is frightful, 
his shock is irresistible, his feats oi' arms are superhuman.'' In fact, 
Richard, to a mind incapable of fear, added an extraordinary degree 
of musculaj strength, and such was the impression of terror produced 
by his exploits in Palestine, that, for a century after, his name was 
used to check the impetuosity of the Saracen horse, and quiet the 
restlessness of the Saracen child. 

Still, all these glorious achievements were lost for the crusade. 
The disunion of the crusaders, which the haughtiness of the English 

* The readiness of the king to succor his fellow-crusaders in every 
danger to which they might be exposed, was repaid by their devotedness ia 
defending his life and liberty at the expense of their own. This appeared 
chiefly during the first sojourn of the Christian troops in the neighborhood 
of Jaffa. Richard, having one day gone to the chase in a forest, stopped 
to sleep under a tree, but was suddenly awakened by the cries of those wh® 
accompanied him, and who saw a troop of Saracens rapidly advancing to 
take him prisoner. He quickly mounted his horse, and began to fight with 
his usual valor; but, being surrounded on all sides, he would certainly have 
been captured or slain, had not one of his followers, named William of Pra- 
telies, drawn the attention of the foes to himself, by exclaiming " I am the 
king; save my life." The king, being thus enabled to make hi« escape,, 
retired to Jaffa; whilst William, having delivered himself into the hands of 
the Mussulmans, was conducted to Saladin, who knew how to appreciate 
so noble an action, and, instead of punishing his deceit, praised his fidelity. 
■ Nor was Richard ungrateful towards the generous knight; in order to res- 
cue him from captivity, he willingl)^ returned ten of the principal emirs 
who had been made prisoners in the battle of Antipatris. 

This interesting event is not mentioned by Lingard; still, it cannot be 
well doubted, being taken from authentic documents of that epoch, and 
related by many excellent historians, viz. Michaut, Hist, des Croisades, vol. 
II, p. 473— Maimbourg, Hist, des Crois. vol. ii, p. 418; — and F. D^Orl^ans, 
liist. des Revol. D'Anglet.y vol. i, p. 230: who all refer the fact to the end 
of the year 1191. 



268 MODERN HISTORY. Part V. 

monarch contributed much to increase, the jealousy of the other 
chiefs against him, and, above all, the repeated information which 
he received of great disturbances taking place in England, made him 
earnestly desire the conclusion of a treaty of peace, and he repeated- 
ly proposed it to Saladin. At last, a truce was agreed upon between 
them for three years and eight months. By it, the Christians were, 
left in possession of the cities of Palestine situated along the coast, 
and the Saracens kept the other towns with Jerusalem, under con- 
dition of granting, to the pilgrims free access to the holy sepulchre. 

Such was the result of the third crusade, which had seen the most 
powerful monarchs, and, as it were, all the forces of Europe fighting 
against those of Asia during three years in succession. It led, 
indeed, to the surrender of Acre, a town of considerable importance for 
the Christians : and to the conquest of the island of Cyprus, which 
Richard gave to Guy of Lusignan, the disappointed king of Jerusa- 
lem, but it did not recover the Holy City, the real and professed 
object of the crusade. Splendid and glorious were the personal 
exploits of Richard j still his vacillating conduct showed that he 
possessed neither all the talents of a great general, nor that constancy 
of mind so necessary for the success of any arduous enterprise. The 
superiority in both these particulars ought certainly to be given to 
Saladin, who, notwithstanding some defeats, finally remained master 
of Jerusalem and of the far greater portion of the Holy Land. 

The English monarch, having nothing more to do in Palestine, 
sailed from Acre in October, (1192)j the inhabitants wept at his 
departure, nor could he suppress his own emotion. Many and dis- 
astrous were the adventures that attended his voyage. The vessel 
in which he sailed being wrecked on the coast of the Adriatic sea, 
the king resolved to cross Germany incognito and in the guise of a 
pilgrim, to avoid the snares of his numerous enemies ; but even this 
precaution could not save him from the disasters which he feared. 
Being recognized at Vienna in Austria, Duke Leopold, whom he 
had cruelly oflfended during the siege of Ptolemais, arrested him, and 
confined him as his prisoner in a strong castle. The royal captive 
was afterwards delivered into the hands of the German emperor, 
Henry VI, also his enemy, who kept him in prison, till a large sum 
of money was sent from England for his ransom. At length, Rich- 
ard was allowed to pursue his journey without further molestation. 
At Antwerp, he found his fleet; and, after a few days navigation, 
landed on the shores of England. The recollection of his recent 
exploits and misfortunes having obliterated the remembrance of his 
former faults, he was received whh universal joy, after an absence 
of more than four years (a. d. 1194). 



A. ». 1195-1198. FOURTH CRUSADE. 2&J 



FOURTH CRUSADE.—A. r. 1195—1198. 

Saladtn did not long enjoy the satisfaction of having maintained 
his superiority in Asia, and particularly in the Holy Land, against 
the combined efforts of the European princes. One year had scarce- 
ly elapsed since the conclusion of his treaty with Richard, when 
death terminated his career. Finding his end approaching, he com- 
manded the shroud in which his body was to be enveloped, to be 
carried through the streets, and an emir to cry out with a loud voice: 
*' Behold what Saladin, the mighty conqueror of the East, will carry 
away with him of all his vast dominions." He died at Damascus 
(a. d. 1194) — ^a monarch in whose character, although not altogether 
blameless, humanity and justice were more conspicuous than in any^ 
other Mussulman conqueror. 

The death of this great sultan was followed by civil dissensions 
among the Moslems, which might have become very detrimental to 
their power, had the Christians been more united among themselves. 
The sons of Saladin seized * upon such portions of their father's 
empire as they could obtain; bat his brother Saphadin, otherwise 
called Malek-Adel, finding himself equally beloved and respected by 
the soldiers, waged war against these young princes, and took pos- 
session of the greater part of Syria. 

This was a favorable opportunity for another crusade. Pope Ce- 
lestine III exhorted all Christendom to improve it by a generous 
effort, and to take up arms again in favor of Jerusalem. In England 
and France, his exhortation failed, as Richard and Philip were now 
too actively engaged in war against each other, to quit their do- 
minions; but in Germany, so many persons offered themselves, 
after the example of the emperor Henry VI, that three armies were 
quickly assembled for this new expedition. Henry, however, with 
the most numerous of the three, did not proceed farther than Sicily, 
where he put an end to the power and race of the Norman sove- 
reigns. The other two armies reached Palestine, and gained a*, 
first great advantages over Saphadin. Unfortunately, new quarrels 
among the leaders impeded their progress, and the news of the em- 
peror's death induced them to return to Europe, for the election of 
his successor (a. d. 1198). Thus the hope which had been enter- 
tained with regard to the recovery of the Holy Land, was again dis- 
appointed. 



23* 



270 MODERN HISTORY. Part V. 



FIFTH CRUSADE. 

FOUNDATION OF THE LATIN EMPIRE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 
A. D. 1199—1204. 

Another crusade soon followed, productive of the most singular 
and unexpected effects. Although the ill success of the foregoing 
expeditions had greatly abated the enthusiasm for the holy war, still 
the letters of Pope Innocent III and the eloquent exhortations of a 
zealous priest, called Foulques de Neuilly, soon revived in many 
generous hearts an ardent desire of reconquering Jerusalem. None, 
it is true, of the crowned heads, owing to their fear of each other, 
engaged in this new attempt to hberate Palestine ; but it was vigor- 
ously pursued by several Italian and French lords, under the com- 
mand of Boniface, marquis of Montferrat, and Baldwin, earl of 
Flanders. 

These new crusaders determined, as Kings Richard and Phihp 
had formerly done, to convey their armament to Palestine by sea. 
A treaty was entered into with the republic of Venice, by w^hich the 
Venetians agreed, not only to supply the crusading army with ves- 
sels at a stipulated price, but even to share in the enterprise. The 
fleet was soon ready ; but the unexpected departure of several among 
the barons and knights by a different way, greatly perplexed the 
others, who, although they melted down their plate, could not make 
up the sum required. In this distress, the famous doge Henry Dan- 
dolo opened a new negotiation, and offered, not only to unite with 
the French in the crusade, but also to wait for the entire payment of 
their debt till the end of the expedition, provided they would first aid 
the Venetians in reconquering the city of Zara, in Dalmatia, which 
had been taken from the republic some time before by the king of 
Hungary. The offer was accepted, and Zara being vigorously at 
tacked both by land and sea, surrendered at discretion (a. d. 1202).- Pt 
now seemed that nothing more could retard the voyage of the crusa- 
ders ; but just at this juncture, there came from another quarter a re- 
quest of an extraordinary nature, and promising the happiest results ; 
this request again diverted them from their former design, and gave 
a new direction to the operations of the crusade. 

Isaac, the emperor of Constantinople, had lately been expelled 
from the throne by his brother Alexius, who moreover deprived him 
of his sight, and confined him in a prison. Another Alexius, the 
son of the dethroned monarch, having made his escape from the 
hands of the usurper, went through the various countries and courts 



A. ». 1199—1204. 



FIFTH CRUSADE. 271 



of Europe, to excite compassion and obtain assistance for his unfor- 
tunate father. The French and the Venetians had not yet sailed 
from Zara, when the deputies of that young prince, who were soon 
followed by himself, arrived in their camp. He promised with an 
oath, if they would expel the usurper and replace Isaac on the 
throne, to give two hundred thousand marks of silver, to facilitate 
the conquest of the Holy Land, to maintain there, during his life, 
five hundred knights for its defence, and to reestablish among the 
Greeks the authority of the Roman Pontiff. Notwithstanding the 
tempting promises and engaging manners of young Alexius, his 
proposal did not meet the unanimous approbation of the crusaders, 
many rejecting at once the idea of being again diverted from the main 
object of their enterprise. Still, the offers were so advantageous in 
themselves, and seemed moreover so well calculated to further the 
ultimate result which they wished to obtain, that mosf ©f the barons 
readily accepted them on the terms proposed. Accordingly, the 
fleet, having on board Prince Alexius, set sail from Zaraj and, after 
a short and prosperous passage, came within sight of Constantinople 
(a. d. 1203). 

A siege of ten days was sufficient to reduce that celebrated capital. 
After many skirmishes, a general attack was agreed upon by the La- 
tins, and took place on the seventeenth of July, both by land and sea, 
the French on the one side, and the Venetians on the other, seeming 
to rival each other on that day for the prize of undaunted courage. 
Still, they would perhaps have been overcome by numbers, had not 
Henry Dandolo set them an example of heroic boldness and intre- 
pidity. Although at the age of more than eighty years, and almost 
blind, he ordered, with terrific threats in case of disobedience, that he 
should be landed, with the great standard of St. Mark before him. 
In compliance with the command, his vessel was immediately pushed 
to the shore, close under the walls; the rest of the fleet followed; 
and, in spite of darts, stones and Grecian fire thrown by the besieged, 
twenty-five towers were soon in the power of the assailants. After 
this, Dandolo, without loss of time, flew to the assistance of the 
French who were opposed by innumerable forces. The Greeks re- 
treated; consternation spread through Constantinople; and the usur- 
per, more terrified than any of the citizens, fled during the night 
from the town, carrying along with him his treasures and the insig- 
nia of the imperial dignity. 

The inhabitants opened their gates to the conquerors. The old 
emperor was delivered from his prison,, reascended the throne w^ith 
universal applause, and ratified the promises made by his son to the 
Latins. But it was an easier task to confirm them by word and 
writing, than to carry them into execution. The heavy tribute 



272 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part V. 



which Isaac and Alexius, in order to pay their debt, were obliged to 
impose on the citizens; a dreadful conflagration, which raged during 
eight days in the capital; and a variety of other incidents, excited 
public hatred and contempt against the two emperors ; whilst the 
crusaders also were indignant at their delay in carrying out the treaty. 
The most dangerous of their enemies was a young lord of the court, 
known under the surname of Murzuphlis, who secretly aspired to 
the supreme power. Whilst he deceived the sovereigns by an exte- 
rior show of zeal for their interest, he left nothing untried to incense 
the multitude both against them and against the Latins. In fine, the 
unwary princes having fallen victims to his intrigues and perfidy, he 
was acknowledged emperor in their place, and immediately prepared 
to oppose the eJSbrts which, he foresaw, the crusaders would make, 
to punish his crime and avenge the death of those whom they had 
taken under* their protection. 

In fact, the intelligence of the murder of the young Alexius had 
no sooner reached their camp, than they determined to proclaim again 
an open war, and attack the imperial city a second time. They knew 
well the danger of the attempt, much greater indeed theii^ from the 
fury of the Greeks, than it was before; but so little effect had this 
knowledge on the minds of those intrepid warriors, and so much did 
they rely on their valor and their swords, and on the protection of 
heaven, that, even before going to the assault, they agreed among 
themselves upon the measures to be taken for the preservation and 
government of their conquest. 

Not to divide their forces, they conducted the whole expedition by 
sea, and directed it against one single part of the city. The galleys 
approached the wall, and made a furious attack, which lasted until 
three o'clook in the afternoon, with more courage however than suc- 
cess on the part of the assailants ; for they every where met so deter- 
mined a resistance, that the multitude of their opponents and the 
ravages of the Grecian fire compelled those who had landed, to re- 
turn to their vessels and withdraw to a distance. Still, instead of lo- 
sing courage, they seemed inspired with redoubled ardor. Three days 
were spent in repairing the injured machines, and in consulting about 
a new attempt. The leaders of the army judging that a single ves- 
sel did not contain a sufficient number of troops to effect a successful 
assault on any particular spot, it was resolved to join two vessels for 
each point of attack. 

On the fourth day (12th of April 1204), the assault was recom- 
menced, and the conflict carried on during the whole morning with 
the same animosity as before, and also with some advantage on the 
side of the Greeks. In an instant, however, the fortune of the day 
was changed. About noon^ a wind arising from the north, made the 



A. D. 1199—1204. 



FIFTH CRUSADE. 273 



vessels approach nearer to the wall; two of them lashed together, 
called the Pilgrim and the Paradise, were brought close to one of the 
towers, and by means of a moveable bridge, two intrepid warriors, 
Peter Alberti, a Venetian, and Andrew d'Urboise, a French knight, 
sprang upon the battlement. The others followed in multitudes; 
three gates were at the same time broken by the battering rams, and 
the whole host of the crusaders entered the town, driving before them 
innumerable troops of soldiers and inhabitants, who fled at their ap- 
proach like so many flocks of sheep. One Latia put to flight a hun- 
dred, or even a thousand Greeks; and such was *he terror which 
seized the vanquished, that they imagined a French cavaher whom 
they saw advancing at the head of his troop, to be fifty feet high. 
The principal contriver of so many evils, Murzuphlis, after some 
faint efforts to rally his citizens, made his escape from the city during 
the night. 

The following day, Constantinople was pillaged; and, although 
the Greeks had time to conceal a great part of their most valuable 
effects, the conquerors collected an immense booty in gold, silver, 
jewels and other precious articles. Undoubtedly, several acts of vio- 
lence, notwithstanding the strict prohibitions of the chiefs, were com- 
mitted by a victorious soldiery; still, impHcit credit ought not to be 
given to the partial and virulent testimony of exasperated Greeks. 
From other and more impartial accounts, it appears that there was 
much less actual bloodshed than either the particular circumstances 
of the victory or the dangerous position of the conquerors might 
naturally have occasioned; and that many noble and generous ac- 
tions were witnessed on that occasion, notwithstanding the cupidity 
and licentiousness which ever accompany the sacking of a great 
city. 

Thus was Constantinople, that proud capital, well fortified and 
well defended on every side, containing one million of inhabitants 
and upwards of two hundred thousand fighting men, taken twice, 
within a short interval, by a handful of warriors whose whole num- 
ber was at most twenty thousand. In consequence of the agree- 
ment entered into previously to the first assault, twelve commissaries, 
six French and six Venetian, proceeded to the election of an emperor. 
After mature deliberation, their unanimous votes proclaimed for that 
high dignity, Baldwin, earl of Flanders, who possessed it only one 
year, and thus completed that resemblance with Godfrey of Bouillon, 
which he had in every other respect, in valor, ability and virtue. 
Dandolo, Boniface, and other leaders of the crusade, received pro- 
portionate and splendid preferments in the newly conquered empire, 
as a just recompense for their glorious exploits and services; whilst 
the survivors of the late reigning families fled to Asia, and founded^ 



274 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part V. 



there two new states, which they called the empires of Nice and 
Trebisonde. 

It is but natural to presume that such extraordinary and compli- 
cated events, did not permit the heroes of the fifth crusade to pursue 
their former project of delivering Jerusalem. They were now too 
much occupied in defending their new possessions, to think of any 
other conquest; nor was it even without great difficulty that the 
Latin empire of Constantinople could subsist for some time. Suc- 
cessively deprived, by death, of its magnanimous deferrders, and 
surrounded by ^emies, it possessed but a precarious existence, and, 
after a short duration of fifty-seven years, again fell into the power 
of the Greeks. 



WARS THROUGHOUT EUROPE.— a. d. 1200—1226. 

Whilst some French and Italian nobles were dividing among 
themselves the spoils and the provinces of the Greek empire, the 
flames of war were kindled throughout the various parts of western 
Europe. The Christian inhabitants of Spain had, it is true, very 
little share in the crusades undertaken by the other nations of Chris- 
tendom ; but they were themselves engaged in a permanent crusade 
against the Moors, and the whole peninsula was a theatre of almost 
uninterrupted warfare. During the course of the twelfth century, as 
well as in the preceding ages, both parties had alternately gained vic- 
tories and suffered defeats, the loss, however, being more frequently 
on the side of the Moors. In the beginning of the thirteenth century, 
the conflict between the two nations assumed a more threatening and 
formidable aspect than it had done for a long time. The Miramolin 
(commander-in-chief) of the Spanish and African Moslems was now 
making immense preparations, to crush at once all the Christian 
kingdoms of Spain. The king of Castile, Alfonso IX, who was par- 
ticularly exposed to the gathering storm, called to his assistance the 
knights of France and Portugal, together with the kings of Arragon 
and Navarre (D. Pedro II — Sanchez VII), to oppose the common 
enemy; and Pope Innocent III willingly extended to their army the 
privileges usually granted to tlie crusaders. Their combined forces 
consisted of about one hundred thousand warriors; those of the 
Miramolin, the most numerous that Spain had ever beheld, amounted 
to four hundred and fifty thousand combatants, one-third of whom 
were cavalry. 

The confederates came in sight of the Moors near a ridge of 
mountains called Sierra-Moreiia, which separates Andalusia from 



A. 0. 1200-1226. WARS THROUGHOUT EUROPE. 275 

Castile. It was just behind these mountains that Mohammed, the 
Saracen prince, had encamped his army in a strong ppsition, at the 
entrance of a vast plain called JVavas de Tolosa. When the Chris- 
tians arrived at the ridge, they found no other way to pass it than a 
narrow defile occupied by the Moors, in which, according to an 
expression of the king of Castile, one thousand men could have 
stopped all the warriors of the world j fortunately, a peasant of the 
country discovered to the leaders a safer and easier road, which con- 
ducted them to the top of the mountain. Mohammed, quite surprised 
at their sudden appearance, first sent bodies of troops to dispute the 
spot with them, and aftewards endeavored to bring on a general bat- 
tle^whilst he justly supposed they had not yet recovered fropi the 
fatigues of a long and difficult march. The Christians defeated both 
his attempts, repelled the skirmishers, and took, during two days, the 
rest which they needed. 

On the third day, the sixteenth of July (a. d. 1212), they advanced 
in good order against the enemy. The Miramolin appeared on a 
height, surrounded by his bravest troops, and even by a large iron 
chain, which was to be broken before the assailants could reach his 
person. The onset and 'the resistance were equally furious and ob- 
stinate; and, notwithstanding the prodigies of valor performed by the 
kings of Castile, Arragon and Navarre, the victory remained uncer- 
tain nearly the whole day. A last and desperate effort made by the 
Christian knights spread confusion and terror among the infidels: 
the intrepid king of Navarre first of all broke the iron chain ; the 
whole army rushed in, and the Saracens were either cut in pieces or 
dispersed in. every direction. Their haughty sovereign, who had 
anticipated an easy victory and the conquest of all Christendom, fled 
in despair, having lost from one to two hundred -thousand men ; 
whereas the Christians did not lose more than one hundred and 
twenty -five in all, and even, according to several grave historians, not 
more than twenty-five or thirty soldiers.* For this amazing success 
. the conquerors acknowledged themselves indebted to a special inter- 
ference of God in their favor, and returned Him their solemn thanks 
on the field of battle. 

If this great victory did not entirely prostrate, it at least considera- 
bly weakened the power of the Saracens in Spain. Nearly the 
whole of this century was for them an uninterrupted series of disas- 
ters. On one side, the brave and pious king Ferdinand III, of Cas- 

* See Roderic Tolet. lib. viii;— King Alf. Epist. ad Inn. iii ; — Hurler, 
Hist, du Pape Innocent III, vol. iii, pp. 192 — 204; — F. D'Orl^ans, IlisL 
dcs Revol. d'Esp. ad ann. 1212; — Fleury, Hist. Eccles. h. Lxxvii, n. 11 ; — 
Ddsormeaux, Ahrege Chronol. de VHisi. d'Esp. vol. ii, p. 112; — in fine, 
Univers. Hist. vol. lxx, pp. 493 and 656. 



276 MODERN HISTORY. Part V 

tile, look from them Cordova, Seville, and many other important 
cities; on the other, James I, king of Arragon, subdued the Balearic 
Isles, with the two kingdoms of Murcia and Valentia, and added 
ihem to his own dominions. 

Not less important were the military transactions which the same 
period witnessed in Germany, France and England. The death of 
the German emperor Henry VI, at the age of thirty-two years, had 
left the imperial crown to be disputed by two mighty competitors, 
Philip, duke of Suabia, and Otho, duke of Saxony. The latter, 
seemed to prevail for a time, but was himself finally obliged to yield 
the sceptre to young Frederie II, son of the late emperor Henry, and 
grand-son of Frederic Barbarossa, whom he afterwards imitated and 
even surpassed in his reputation for ability, his ambition, his pride, 
his success, and his subsequent disasters. 

France also and England had been engaged, ever since the third 
crusade, in a vigorous war against each other. By Richard and 
Philip Augustus, formerly intimate friends, and now obstinate rivals, 
the contest was carried on for several years with alternate success ; 
but the death of the lion-hearted king gave the French monarch great 
advantage. He then conquered Normandy and several other conti- 
nental provinces of the British crown. John, surnamed Lack-land, 
the successor of Richard, not having been able to preserve, seemed 
determined at least to recover his transmarine possessions. For this 
purpose, and for other causes, a powerful confederacy was formed 
by him, the emperor of Germany, the count of Boulogne, and the 
earl of Flanders, against France alone, which was obliged to divide 
its forces, in order to oppose so many enemies. Part of the troops 
were sent to the western provinces, where John had effected a land- 
ing ; his progress, rapid in the beginning, was suddenly arrested by 
the arrival of Louis, the son of Philip, who even compelled him to 
retire, with a great loss both of men and baggage. But the final 
result of the campaign was to be decided in the North. There, after 
gaining a naval victory against the French fleet, the English forces 
. having landed under the command of the earl of Salisbury, were 
joined by their allies, and formed with them an army of more than 
one hundred and fifty thousand men, who hastened to invade the 
French territory. To this overwhelming multitude Phihp could 
oppose only fifty thousand combatants; but inferiority of numbers 
was compensated by the devotedness and bravery of his knights, the 
choicest men of the nation. 

The two armies met at Bou vines, an obscure village between Lille and 
Tourney. The French took a position which obliged the 
enemy to face, during the whole engagement, the dust, tlie wind, 
and the rays of the sun; which disadvantage greatly contributed to 



A. D. 1200-1226. WARS THROUGHOUT EUROPE, 277 

his entire defeat: The conflict, however, was long and obstinate; 
and so furious were the efforts of the combatants, that the chief lead- 
ers themselves, Philip and Otho, ran great risk of their lives. At 
last, the army of the confederates was broken, routed on all sides, 
and pursued with dreadful slaughter. The emperor made his escape; 
the other generals were taken prisoners; and the French king had 
thus the happiness, not only to save his kingdom from impending 
ruin, but also to obtain a lasting superiority -over all his enemies* 
(a. d. 1214). 

The battle of Bouvines having annihilated all the hopes of King 
John with regard to France, he set sail for England, where a still 
more disgraceful trial awaited him at his vei-y arrival. The excesses 
of his passionate temper and dissolute life had previously excited 
much indignation against him, he now became, in consequence of 
his late disasters, an object of contempt to his own subjects. The 
English barons took secret measures to form a powerful league 
against him, and having succeeded in assembling a large body of 
men, asked of the king, with threats of a civil war, the revival of 
those privileges which Edward the Confessor had granted to the 
nation, but which had been more or less disregarded by the generality 
of his successors. John at first positively refused; afterwards, seeing 
the numerous forces of the barons, he yielded to their request, and 
even granted more than had been originally asked, by subscribing an 
authentic act which comprised all his grants, and which, under the 
name of Magna Charta, was for centuries looked upon as the basis 
of the Britisli constitution. 

The king, however, soon appeared dissatisfied with regulations 
that had been extorted from his fears, and he availed himself of the 
first opportunity to declare that he would not suffer himself to be led 
by them in the government of his kingdom. This produced a second 
civil war, in which the English lords applied to the French monarch 
for assistance, and offered the crown to his eldest son. Accordingly, 
Louis crossed the sea, and, with the help of his partisans, was 
acknowledged king both in London and in many provinces, with 
hopes of subduing in a short time the other parts of the realm. But 
the unexpected death of John, whom a violent fever carried off after 
an illness of a few days, totally changed the face of affairs ; patriot- 
ism was revived in the hearts of the Enghsh lords ; many of them 
gradually abandoned Louis, and rallied around young Henry, son of 
the deceased monarch. He was crowned at Gloucester, and the care 
of his person, together with the title of guardian of the kingdom, was 
intrusted to the valor and fidelity of the earl of Pembroke, otherwise 
called earl-marshal (a. d. 1216). 

This faithful and able minister immediately took the best measures 
24 



278 MODERN HISTORY. Pan v. 

to secure the crown on the head of his royal ward. To discredit the 
French party^ reports of depredations committed by the foreigners and 
of their contempt for the natives, were industriously circulated j all 
Englishmen who should return to the allegiance of their lawful soYe- 
reign, were promised the restoration of their former liberties j a 
numerous host of brave warriors was quickly assembled, and a reli- 
gious character was given to the expedition. As soon as Pembroke 
saw his followers animated with his own ardor, he marched to Lin- 
coln, and, surprising the main body of the hostile forces, gained a 
complete victory. Shortly after, a French fleet, carrying auxiliary 
troops, was also defeated between Dover and Calais. By this sudden 
destruction of his resources, Louis,, who had until then kept London 
and several of the barons on his side, was conipelled to give up all 
hope of success. A negotiation was instantly opened, and the terms 
having been settled without much difficulty, Louis immediately 
returned to France, leaving the quiet possession of the British crown 
to his young competitor. He himself succeeded his father Phihp 
on the French throne (a, d. 1223). Having occupied it three years, 
during which he showed himself well worthy of it by his lion-like 
courage and exemplary virtue, he died in 1226, whilst returning 
from an expedition against the Albigenses. 

These Albigenses, so called from the city of Alby in the south of 
France, where their numbers appeared greater than in any other 
place, were sectarians, whose principles, taken from the ancieat 
Manicheans and Gnostics, aimed equally at the destruction of reli- 
gion, social order, and humanity. Shocking and frightful were the 
ravages, depredations and cruelties which they committed during a 
part of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, pillaging, burning and 
killing, wherever they found -- any resistance to their abominable 
tenets. The lives of their fellow-mortals, as well as the most sacred 
objects of religion, were a mere sport for them ; and, during a long 
time, every attempt to check the growing evil proved ineffectual.* 

After many years spent to little purpose by holy missionaries, such 
as St. Bernard, St. Dominic, and others, in endeavoring to convert 
these wretched and infuriated people by means of patience, meek- 

* These facts are incontestably proved by the Hist. Alhig. of Peter 
des Vaux de Cernay, a contemporary author; — by the letters of Pope 
Innocent III ; — the 27th Canon of the third general council of Lateran, ia 
1179;— the 20tli Can. of the council of Avignon, in 1209 ;— etc. etc. 

On the errors, crimes, and the whole history of these sectarians, see 
Natalis Alexander, Disseriationes in Hist. Eccles. scbcuI. xii, cap. in. art. 
I, vol. VII, p. 65; — B^rault-Bercastel, Hist, de I'Egl. I. xxxix; — F. Fon- 
tenay. Hist, de VEglise Gallic. I. xxix, xxx ; — Bergier, Diction, de Theolog. 
art. Mbigeois', — Butler, Lives of the Saints, 4th of August \ — Hurter, Hist 
dupape Inn. in, I. xiv, etc. 



A. D. 1205-1227. CONQUESTS OF GENGHIS-KAN. 279 

ness, instruction and prayer, it was unanimously thought necessary 
to oppose coercive measures to their excesses and disorders. Troops 
were raised as for a crusade, and marched against the Albigenses 
under the command of Count Simon de Montford, a general of great 
energy and courage, who, being invested with full military and civil 
power, pursued with unrelenting vigor, and sometimes extraordi- 
nary severity, those desperate sectarians, whom it was not possi- 
ble otherwise to subdue. Sometimes abandoned by a considerable 
portion of his troops, he however went on, and gained signal advan- 
tages over the numerous forces of his opponents, whether Albigenses 
or their allies. His death, which happened in 1218, permitted them, 
it is true, to regain for a time their 'former ascendency; but, being 
again defeated by King Louis VIII, their party was finally crushed 
during the minority of Louis IX. 



CONQUESTS OF GENGHIS-KAN IN ASIA.— a. d. 1205—1227. 



During the first part of the thirteenth century, Asia was, like 
Europe, the theatre of astounding revolutions. Its whole centre had 
been, for many ages, occupied by numberless tribes scarcely known 
to the civilized world, and designated by the common name of Tar- 
tarSi The Moguls,, one of those tribes, were confounded with the 
others in the same obscurity, when Temujin, or Genghis-Kan, ren- 
dered them for ever famous by his conquests, and by the foundation 
of an empire which, comprising in extent no fewer than thirteen or 
fourteen millions of square miles, was probably the greatest unbroken 
empire that ever existed. 

Temujin was the son of a Mogul prince, and had been raised with 
great care under the direction of a skilful minister. The death of 
his father and the rebellion of his subjects compelled him to fly for 
safety to the court of the chief sovereign of his nation. There he 
began to display that wonderful talent and activity, that consummate 
prudence and skill both in war and government, which afterwards 
raised him so much above all the other prmces of Asia. But, in the 
beginning of his public career, he seemed to experience nothing but 
contradictions. The superiority of his merit soon excited the jealousy 
of many persons at court, and even that of the sovereign himself, to 
such a degree, that a powerful league was formed against Temu- 
jin, who endeavored in vain, by measures of prudence, to frus- 
trate its effects. Seeing his efforts useless, he on his side raised a 
numerous army, attacked his enemies, and gained a decisive victory 



280 MODERN HISTORY. Part v. 

which, being supported by other advantages, united under his sway 
all the Mogul tribes. 

He no sooner found himself master of vast dominions, than he re 
solved to confirm his authority by the public homage of all his vas- 
sals, and to extend still farther the boundaries of his empire. The 
former of these designs he accomplished in 1205, by convoking a 
general assembly of the Tartar princes subject to his power; and it 
was on this occasion that he received the name of Genghis-Kan, 
which means king of kings. The latter project was the object of his 
attention during the whole of his reign, which lasted twenty-two 
years; and China and Persia, with many other countries, after hav- 
ing been the objects of his ambitious attacks, became the reward oi 
his gigantic exertions. 

It was particularly in the two regions just mentioned> that the war 
conducted by Genghis-Kan spread all its horrors and ravages. Nei- 
ttier an immense wall formerly built by the Chinese to protect their 
frontiers from invasion, nor any other bulwark and means of resis- 
tance, could save a flourishing empire from the attacks of those num- 
berless hordes of Tartars, whom warlike enthusiasm and thirst for 
plunder rendered superior to all sorts of dangers and fatigues. The 
long struggle which the natives maintained against these terrible foes, 
only served to increase their misery; a considerable part of their 
country was subdued, and Genghis-Kan established in it a governor 
under the title of king. 

This event was followed by the conquest, or rather devastation of 
Persia, India, Karazm and other extensive regions. The Sultan of 
Persia, Mohammed, having had the imprudence to provoke the in- 
dignation and resentment of the Mogul conqueror, Genghis-Kan 
marched against him at the head of seven hundred thousand 
men, commanded by himself and by his four sons. The rapidity of 
his conquests cannot be better expressed than by comparing it to a 
furious and destructive torrent which sweeps every thing before it 
with irresistible fury. Mohammed, with five hundred thousand Per- 
sian and Carazmian soldiers, endeavored in vain to stop the progress 
of the Tartars; he had the misfortune to see all his efforts baffled, 
his troops constantly overcome, his most flourishing cities sacked 
and destroyed by the conquerors, and himself completely overthrown 
in a general battle on the banks of the river Jaxartes, near the Cas- 
pian Sea, where he lost one hundred and sixty thousand men. This 
defeat reduced Mohammed, with all his family and kingdom, to the 
last extremity. Every thing was destroyed with fire and sword in 
those unhappy countries, and millions of the inhabitants perished; a 
number which will not appear incredible, if we consider that there 
never was perhaps a greater scourge of nations than Genghis-Kan, 



iL. D. 1217-1244. SIXTH CRUSADE. 281 

and that, according to some historians, the whole number of towns 
laid waste or destroyed by his armies may be supposed to amount to 
fifty thousand.^ 

This terrible conqueror was preparing a new expedition against the 
remotest parts of Asia, when he died (a. d. 1227), at the age of sixty- 
five years, leaving several sons, the heirs as well of his enterprising 
and warlike spirit, as of his vast dominions. Two of them particu- 
larly, Octay and Toley, led the Moguls to new victories. Those pro- 
vinces of China which had, till then, escaped the Tartar yoke, were 
subdued hke the rest. At the siege of Pekin, the capital, the Tartars 
employed machines which cast enormous fragments of rock ; while the 
Chinese, on their side, darted iron tubes filled with a certain powder, 
which, bursting upon the besiegers with a frightful explosion, con- 
sumed every thing within a circumference of two thousand feet. 
These dreadful effects, so similar to those produced by gunpowder, 
seem to show that it was known and used in China, long before its 
discovery in Europe. In sixteen days and nights, a million of per- 
sons, Chinese and Tartars, perished at that siege. 

From the western frontier of Tartary, Batu-Kan, a grand-son of 
Genghis-Kan, carried the devasfil^oa of war through Russia and Po- 
Icuad as far as Hungary and Austria; fortunately, his passage was 
more like a transient storm than a permanent conquest. — Another 
Mogul chieftain, named Hulagu, took Bagdad in the year 1258, and 
thus put an end to the power of the Arabian caliphs; but having 
crossed the Euphrates in pursuit of new conquests, his troops were 
defeated and repulsed by the sultans of Syria and Egypt. This how- 
ever was but a trifling check for the successors of Genghis- Kan, and 
they long after continued powerful in all central Asia. 



SIXTH CRUSADE.— A. d. 1217—1244. 

The fifth crusade having failed to recover the Holy Land, a new 
one was earnestly desired by the Christians of Syria; and reports 
were diligently circulated that they stood in great need of speedy as- 
sistance. However, the necessary succor, owing to a variety of ob- 
stacles, was long delayed; when, at length, fifty thousand children 
almost simultaneously enlisted in the holy cause, in France and Ger- 
many. To them, they maintained. Almighty God had reserved the 

* See for the destructive conquests of Genghis-Kan, Univ. Hist., end of 
46th and beginning of 47th vol. — Anquetil, Precis de VHist. Univ., vol. iv, 
pp. 382 — 396; — Michaut, Hist, des Croisades, vol. iy,pp. Ill — 121; — Le- 
beau. Hist, du Bas Emp. vol. xxi, pp. 412 — 424. 

24* 



282 MODERN HISTORY. PartV. 

honor of rescuing his Holy City from the hands of infidels. Under 
this illusion, many embarked at Marseilles, but either perished during 
the voyage by shipwreck near the shores of Italy, or were betrayed 
to the Saracens, among whom several suffered martyrdom. Others, 
after incredible difficulties, reached Genoa; but the Genoese wisely 
commanded them to evacuate their territory. They then returned to 
their homes j and, although a great number died on the road, many 
arrived in safety, and escaped the fate which had overtaken the first 
bands of their young fellow adventurers. 

When Pope Innocent heard of this crusade, he is reported to havea. 
said : " While we are asleep, these children are awake." At length J 
his untiring exertions, and those of his successor Honorius III, suc- 
ceeded in raising numerous troops of crusaders in France, England 4 
Holland, Germany and Italy. As all were not ready at the samef 
time, but set out in different years, from different points, and four dif- 
ferent places, this circumstance produced, not one expedition only, 
but a series of expeditions, making the sixth crusade very long and 
comphcated. Some went to Portugal, where they aided the Chris- 
tians of that country in conquering the Moors in the great battle of 
Alcazar (a. d. 1218). Others, under the command of the kings of 
Hungary and Cyprus, arrived in Palestine, where, after gaining 
some advantages, they met with disappointment and disasters instead 
of success. The king of Cyprus died at Tripoli, on the coast of 
Syria; and the king of Hungary returned to his kingdom. This 
circumstance, and the continual arrival at Ptojiemais of fresh sup- 
plies, left John of Brienne, the titular king of Jerusalem, more at 
liberty to direct as he thought proper the military operations of the 
crusaders. 

He resolved to attack Egypt, then the most valuable portion of the 
Mussulman empire, and the store-house, as it were, from which they 
drew continually new supplies of provisions, ammunition and troops. 
Accordingly, the Christian army sailed from Ptolemais, and laid siege 
to Damietta, which was the key of Egypt on that side. The town, 
well supplied and ably defended, resisted eighteen months, and was 
not taken until, of seventy thousand inhabitants, scarcely three thou- 
sand remained alive. So great, was the terror which both the siege 
and the capture of Damietta spread among the Mussulmans, that 
they repeatedly offered to restore Palestine, in order to save the rest 
of their dominions. John of Brienne and many of the other chiefs 
were of opinion that the offer should be accepted; but the strong 
opposition of several influential persons, who, under the impression 
that the moment had come in which the Saracen power was to be 
overthrown, displayed more valor than prudence, caused it^ to be 
altogether rejected. 



A. D. 12] 7— 1244. 



SIXTH CRUSADE. 283 



The army was therefore commanded to advance towards Cairo, 
the capital of Egypt. A few days march brought the Christians to 
a spot where the Nile was to be crossed j but they were greatly dis- 
appointed at seeing the whole plain on the other side occupied by an 
incredible multitude of soldiers, whom the Sultan Meledin (Malek 
Kamel) had assembled, to oppose the progress of his enemy. There 
was not a sufficient number of vessels to attempt the passage in 
presence of such a force, with any probable hope of success. Provi- 
sions, too, began to be scarce among the crusaders j and to complete 
their misfortune, the rise and inundation of the Nile reduced them to 
the necessity of retracing their steps towards Damietta. 

The signal for the retreat was given ; but the exhausted troops, 
incessantly pursued by the Mussulman cavalry, lost thousands of 
their number, and the survivors were exposed to imminent danger. 
It was a fortunate circumstance that the victorious sultan possessed a 
generous soul. Moved with compassion at the misfortunes of the 
Christians, and seeing them no longer able to weaken his power, he 
afforded them the means of returning in safety, on condition that they 
would surrender Damietta, and evacuate all Egypt. These con- 
ditions were indeed very different from those which he had proposed 
a few weeks before 3 but the respective situations of both armies were 
now completely changed. The treaty met with a speedy acceptance 
and execution 3 and the Christians, leaving the Egyptian shores, 
returned by sea to Ptolemais, where their arrival produced as much 
grief and consternation, as the news of their first success had produced 
hope and joy (a. d. 1221). 

Some years after, the famous Frederic II, emperor of Germany, 
arrived in Palestine, at the head of new bands of crusaders. He 
obtained, by a treaty, from the sultan of Egypt, the restitution of 
Jerusalem ; but this he purchased by terms otherwise so unfavorable, 
and moreover took so little precaution to defend the Holy City, that 
it was soon retaken by the infidels. The conduct of Frederic became 
a subject of reproach through all Christendom. He disregarded the 
complaints, returned to Europe, and there again indulged his vices 
and unruly passions to sucb a degree, as to provoke more and more 
the indignation of his contemporaries, the censures of the Church, 
and the anger of heaven; so that the end of his career was as gloomy 
and miserable, as its beginning had been brilliant and prosperous. 

Palestine was next visited by Theobaldus, king of Navarre, and by 
some other princes, who did nothing very remarkable. Finally, 
Richard, earl of Cornwall, and brother of the king of England, arrived 
with an army of English crusaders. This prince had sufficient cour- 
age and resolution to carry on the holy war with more vigor than 
had been displayed for many years; but he found the Christians of 



284 MODERN HISTORY. P^^ V, 

Syria divided into so many parties, that all he could do for them was 
to conclude a new treaty of peace with the Saracens (a. d. 1241). 
After his departure, a sudden invasion of fresh barbarians from Kora- 
zan laid waste the Holy Land; the Christian colonies met with 
repeated losses 3 and there now remained no hope of restoring their 
forlorn affairs, unless some powerful monarch would take the arduous 
task upon himself. 



SEVENTH CRUSADE.— ST. LOUIS.— a. d. 1244—1254. 

Henry III and Louis IX were reigning at this time, the former in 
England, the latter in France. The beginning of Henry's reign had 
been quiet. This prince, being gentle, humane and religious, at first 
easily won the hearts of his subjects by the solemn sanction which he 
gave to the privileges contained in the Magna ,Charta, and by the suc- 
cess of his arms against Llewellyn, prince of Wales, Afterwards, his 
want of energy, his prodigalities, the many extortions committed by 
some of his ministers; above all, the repeal of certain national privi- 
leges, and the preference given at court to foreigners, gradually ren- 
dered his government odious to the lords and to the people. A pow- 
erful confederacy was formed against the king by the barons, who 
only waited for a proper occasion to commence hostilities ; and, in the 
interim, the general discontent frequently manifested itself by the 
refusal of subsidies or ' grants of money ' to the government. In such 
circumstances, it was plain that little or no assistance could be 
expected from England for the recovery of Jerusalem. 

France, on the contrary, was at that time in a flourishing condition 
under Louis IX. This prince, who, according to the infidel Voltaire 
himself, carried the practice of virtue to an uncommon degree of he- 
roism, had succeeded his father Louis VIII, in the year 1226, when 
only twelve years old. The regency was intrusted to his mother, 
Blanche of Castile, a virtuous and courageous princess, who, on one 
side, watched with the utmost care over his royal, and especially his 
Christian education;* and, on the other, knew how to repress by 
force of arms the attempts made by restless vassals to obtain an 
ascendency over her, and to increase their power at the expense of 
the' crown. When Louis took the reins of government into his own 

* " My son," she would often say to him, from his infancy, ** God knows 
how dear you are to me ; still, I should infinitely prefer to see you fall dead 
at my feet, than ever see you guilty of a mortal sin." These words, so 
worthy of a Christian mother, had such an effect on the young prince that 
he is thought never to have lost his baptismal innocence. 



A. D. 1244—1254. 



SEVENTH CRUSADE. 285 



hands, new wars disturbed his kingdom ; and it ag'ain became neces- 
sary to check the insolence of the earl of La Marche, a vassal who 
was the more dangerous, in consequence of the mighty aid he 
received from the king of England, his relative. Notwithstanding 
the great difficulty which Henry found in obtaining subsidies and 
raising troops, he at length succeeded in both th se objects ; and, 
crossing the sea, landed in Guyenne, where he saw himself at the 
head of a considerable force. Louis, without losing a moment of 
time, marched against him, completely defeated him near Taille- 
bourg ; and, on the following day, gained a new victory under the 
walls of Saintes. So much vigor terrified the rebellious count, who 
surrendered at discretion, and was pardoned. The English king, 
who fled to Bordeaux, hastened likewise to conclude a treaty of 
peace, after which he returned to England, without having won a 
single laurel, to the great disappointment of his subjects (a.- d. 1242). 

Louis, having thus conquered both his domestic and foreign 
enemies, and freed himself from the danger of subsequent attacks, 
turned his thoughts to the affairs of the East. The deplorable con- 
dition of Palestine, and particularly of Jerusalem, under the Mussul- 
man yoke, deeply afflicted his generous heart. On his unexpected 
recovery from a dangerous disease, in the year 1244, he took the 
cross, and by his exhortations induced the principal dukes, counts 
and barons of his kingdom, to imitate his example. When all neces- 
sary preparations were made, Louis intrusted the care of the govern- 
ment to his virtuous mother, and embarked, with nearly fifty thou- 
sand men, at Aigues Mortes, a sea port in the south of France 
(a. d. 1248). 

The fleet reached the friendly harbors of the island of Cyprus to- 
wards the end of September, and spent there the whole winter, hi 
she spring it sailed again for Egypt, which the king with his council 
had determined to attack first, as being the principal seat of the Ma- 
hometan power. The sultan, on his side, had taken all possible mea- 
sures to prevent the fleet from landing; and when the crusaders ar- 
rived near Damietta, they saw the beach covered with a countless 
multitude of Saracen troops, who seemed to oppose a dense forest of 
swords and pikes to the assailants. This, however, was but a trifling 
obstacle to the impetuosity of the French ; Louis himself did not 
wait till the vessel in which he was should reach the shore ; but, 
sword in hand, he threw himself into the sea, followed by his valiant 
knights. The Saracens, struck with terror, were dispersed, leaving 
to the conquerors, the undisturbed possession, not only of the coast, 
but even of Damietta: measures were adopted to secure the important 
conquest; and, after a short sojourn in the city and its environs, the 
crusaders marched towards Cairo, the capital of Egypt. 



286 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part V. 



The Mussulmans assembled their forces on the opposite side of a 
deep canal formed by. the Nile, and prevented for one month the pas- 
sage of the Christian army. At length, an Arabian peasant agreed, 
for a large sum of money, to point out a ford; the river was crossed, 
and the enemy driven from their camp, would have again suffered 
an entire deleat, had the count of Artois, a brother of the king, 
known how to temper his valor with prudence. At the sight of the 
Saracens flying in all directions, this impetuous prince forgot the or- 
der which he had received, not to pursue the fugitives until the whole 
force of the crusade should arrive. Rushing forward with a body 
of fifteen hundred knights, he drove before him the Mussulman 
forces. In vain did the earl of Salisbury, with the grand masters of 
the Hospitallers and the Templars, endeavor to cool his imprudent 
ardor; blinded by success, he still rushed on, and entered the city of 
Massoura with the fugitive, who at first imagined that they were pur- 
sued by the whole Christian army. They quickly recovered from 
their panic, and perceiving the small number of their pursuers, shut 
the gates of the town and united their efibrts with those of the in- 
habitants, to crush at once these brave but incautious men. A ter- 
rible fight took place in the streets of Massoura; during five hours 
the most prodigious display of courage was made by the two par- 
ties; but the Christians, besides being greatly inferior in force, began 
to be exhausted with weariness. At last, valor was overcome by 
numbers; almost all were killed, and the earl of Artois fell, together 
with his soldiers, on a heap of Saracens whom he had slain with his 
own hand. 

Whilst the Moslems were fighting within the city, another furious 
engagement took place around its walls, and along the banks of the 
canal. Although the crusaders, and especially the king, fought with 
determined bravery, and twice repulsed the enemy, yet the conse- 
quences of this battle were fearfully fatal. The crusaders were now 
considerably reduced, and nearly all their horses had perished. More- 
over, the dead bodies thrown into the Nile infected its waters, and 
gave rise to a pestilence which, in a very short time, changed the 
Christian camp into a vast hospital. In fine, the Saracen army hav- 
ing succeeded in preventing all communication between the crusaders 
and the city of Damietta whence they drew their provisions, famine 
added its ravages to those of the plague, and rendered the retreat from 
Massoura, a necessary, though a difficult and perilous attempt. The 
king, by his superior courage and prudence, might perhaps have con- 
ducted this retrograde march with some success; but, as he made it 
his duty to visit the sick, as well as to repel the attacks of the enemy, 
he contracted the disease, and was reduced in a few days to a state 
of complete exhaustion. Being almost at the point of death, he 



A. D. 1254-1968. ST. LOUIS^ ETC. 287 

suspended his march at a Uttle town near the banks of the Nile, and 
there, notwithstanding the heroic bravery of his knights, was taken 
prisoner with his surviving brothers and the sad remnant of his 
troops (a. d. 1250). 

Louis displayed in his prison the firmness, intrepidity and mag- 
nanimity which he had always evinced on the throne and at the head 
of armies. The very barbarians into whose hands he had fallen, 
were compelled to admire his noble conduct and undaunted courage; 
and their emirs more than once acknowledged that he was the bravest 
Christian they had ever seen. At length, a treaty was concluded, in 
virtue of which Louis, by restoring Damietta, recovered his liberty, 
and by giving considerable sums of money, provided for the ransom 
of the other captives. He then sailed for Palestine, where, after his 
arrival at Ptolemais, he spent four years in promoting the cause of 
religion, securing, as well as he was able, the welfare of the Christian 
colonies, and repairing the fortifications of the towns which were 
yet in their power. The intelligence which a message from Paris 
gave him of the death of hi^ mother Blanche, induced him to return 
He was received in Prance with universal joy.; and he himself, not- 
withstanding the many sorrows that afiiicted his soul, experienced 
the pleasure of a tender father just restored to his children, and had, 
moreover, the satisfaction to find his kingdom in the same peaceful 
and prosperous condition in which he had left it six years before. 



ST. LOUIS CONTINUED.— CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND. 
A. D. 1254—1268. 



Louis, after his return from Palestine, applied more than ever to 
promote the happiness of his people by measures of justice, statutes 
well adapted to the preservation of public order, institutions ol 
charity, and the assiduous care which he took to nave his laws faith- 
fully executed. So remarkable and so well known was his equity, 
that not only his subjects, but even foreigners, referred to him v/ith 
perfect confidence the decision of their quarrels. This particularly 
appeared on the following occasion. 

At that time, the English barons were highly incensed against their 
king, Henry III, who had disregarded their former complaints res- 
pecting some defects of his government. In a great assembly held at 
Oxford (a. d. 1258), they not only demanded the execution of the 
Magna-Charta, but also endeavored to impose on the monarch new 
conditions tending evidently to weaken his power ; conditio'^" which 



288 MODERN HISTORY. PartV 

he of course rejected. The whole subject of dispute was referred to 
the arbitration of Louis. After mature discussion, the French king 
pronounced his decision: he confirmed the national privileges con- 
tained in the Magna-Charta, but annulled the late decrees of Oxford, 
as opposed to the just authority of the crown (a. d. 1264). 

This decision, however equitable, displeased the party of the ba- 
rons. Far from abiding by it according to their previous promise, 
they openly raised the standard of insurrection ; and, under the com- 
mand of the earl of Leicester, marched with a numerous army 
against the royalists, who were commanded by the king in person and 
his eldest son Edward. A battle was fought near the town of Lewes, 
the issue of which proved as fatal, as the beginning had been favor- 
able to the royal cause. Prince Edward easily routed the enemy's 
wing opposed to him ; but, as frequently happens on such occasions, 
instead of improving his advantage by falling on the rear of the con- 
federates, he incautiously pursued the fugitives, and thus left the cen- 
tre of his own army undefended. The earl of Leicester seized the 
opportunity, and, making a sudden and vigorous attack, gained so 
complete a victory, that the king himself fell into his power. .^ 

The victorious count conveyed his prisoner from town to town; fl 
and, leaving him the name, assumed to himself all the authority of a 
sovereign. His daring ambition soon provoked discontent and hatred; 
the yoke which Leicester laid upon the nation appeared too heavy ; 
and, at the end of one year, the restoration of Henry was almost 
universally desired. Under these circumstances. Prince Edward 
easily succeeded in assembling new troops, marcjied against the 
usurper, and, more successful than before, defeated and slew him in 
the sanguinary battle of Evesham (a. d. 1265). Not content with 
this result, he continued to harass the confederates, until he gave the 
deadly blow to their league by the reduction of the island of Ely, 
whither its last partisans had retired. Thus was the sceptre again 
placed, more securely than ever, in the hands of Henry; and Eng- 
land, after so many disturbances, began to enjoy profound peace, 
which permitted Edward to share in the second crusade of St. Louts 
— the eighth and last of the crusades. 



EIGHTH AND LAST CRUSADE a. d. 1268—1272. 

The French monarch had not been so dispirited by the ill success 
of his first expedition, as to renounce his project of waging war 
against the Saracens for the defence of the Christian colonies in the 
East; he was, on the contrary, urged to the execution of his design 



A. D. 1968-lfe72. EIGHTH AND LAST CRUSADE. 289 

by the last melancholy news from Syria. The Moslems there were 
obstinately bent on depriving the Franks of their last possessions, 
and exercised frightful cruelties against those whom they made pri- 
soners, and who refused to embrace Mahometanism. But lately, 
Antioch had fallen into the hands of Bendocdar, the sultan of Egypt, 
and one hundred thousand inhabitants had been led away captive. 
Louis once more expressed his determination to go beyond the sea 
for the purpose of delivering Palestine from its oppressors ; and many 
princes, lords, knights, and other warriors, again flocked to his stan- 
dard. Having provided for the security of his kingdom during his 
absence, he embarked with sixty thousand chosen troops in the 
beginning of July (a. d. 1270), and landed at Tunis Jn Africa, near 
the ruins of Carthage. 

The chief reason which prompted St. Louis to give this direction 
to the crusade, was that the king of Tunis had given hopes of his 
becoming a convert to the true faith, if, in taking so important a step, 
he could be protected from the displeasure of his subjects. This 
conversion, were it to take place, seemed likely to facilitate the reco- 
very of the Holy Land, by depriving the Egyptian sultan of his 
most powerful ally. But these hopes quickly vanished. When the 
Christian host arrived at Tunis, the Mussulman prince, far from 
asking for instruction and baptism, prepared to make resistance, and 
in every thing openly acted as an enemy. Louis, perceiving that 
the town had strong fortifications, and was defended by a numerous 
garrison, did not think proper to commence the attack before the 
arrival of reinforcements daily expected from Sicily. In the interim, 
lie contented himself with protecting his camp by intrenchments and 
ditches, and repelling the frequent skirmishes of the Moors. 

The measures taken by the king against a foreign foe were per- 
fectly successful: but all his precaution did not suffice to avert the 
attacks of another sort of enemies. Mahgnant fevers and dysen- 
teries, caused by bad water and the heat of the climate, began to rage 
throughout the camp with such violence, that nearly half of the 
army was carried off in a few days. The king himself was attacked by 
the disease, and saw the end of his life rapidly approaching. Never 
did he appear greater than at this critical juncture. Although he 
suffered acute pains, he continued to give his orders, and to console 
every one around him, with his usual tranquillity and presence of 
mind. At last, his constitution yielded to the violence of the malady; 
having given his last instruction and blessing to his son Philip and 
received the last sacraments of the Church with the most edifying 
piety, raising his eyes towards heaven, he calmly expired, whilst 
pronouncing these words of the Royal Prophet; I will come into thy 
25 ' ■ 



290 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part V 



hmise; I will worship towards thy holy temple (Psalm, v, 8). He had 
lived fifty-six years, and reigned forty-four. 

In St. Louis, there was a rare combination of personal accomplish- 
ments, and even of apparently opposite qualities, which made him 
not only superior to his age, but confessedly one of the most extraor- 
dinary men that ever wore a crown. His love of religious exercises 
was never an obstacle to the fulfilment of his public duties. His un- 
common piety, his simplicity of manners, and meekness in private 
life, never prevented him from being a faithful dispenser of justice, 
a wise legislator, an intrepid warrior, and a dignified monarch. Not 
only France, but all Europe, and also popes, kings and emperors, 
entertained for. him the highest respect. He won the admiration 
even of that Asiatic prince, called Le vieux de la montagne, from 
whom the other crowned heads had so much to fear for their lives; 
and of those terrible Mamelukes of Egypt whose prisoner he wasj 
and who once, as is commonly believed, deliberated whether they 
should appoint him their sovereign. In a woi-d, Louis IX, by prac- 
tising every royal, military, and Christian virtue in an eminent 
degree, was at the same time a great king, a great hero, and a great 
saint. Innumerable witnesses bore testimony to his unblemished 
morals and piety; and no later than the year 1297, the 27th after his 
death, he was solemnly canonized by Pope Boniface VIII.* 

His decease caused inexpressible grief among the soldiers. Grief 
however did not abate their courage; and the Moslems, especially 
after the arrival of the Sicilians, were so frequently and so signally 
defeated, that they were compelled to sue for peace, which was 
granted oh conditions both honorable and advantageous to the Chris- 
tians, most of whom then re-embarked for Europe. A few only, 
having at their head the English prince Edward, sailed for Palestine, 
for the purpose of carrying on the sacred expedition. This they did 
during part of the year 1271 ; but their small number prevented them 
from undertaking any thing of consequence; and Edward, after 
having been exposed to the danger of losing his life both by sickness 
and by the dagger of an. assassin, availed himself of the conclusion 

* " Ce fut un beau spectacle que eelui de I'lnstruction canonique dans 
iaquelle le pere commun des fiddles interrogea les contemporains de Louis 
(X sur les vertus de sa vie et les bienfaits de son regne. Des FraiKjais de 
toutes les classes vinrent attester sur I'Evangile que le monarque dont lis 
pleuraient la mort, dtait digne de toutes les rdcompenses du ciel. Parmi 
eux on remarquait les vieux compagnons . d'armes de Louis, qui avaient 
partag^ ses fers en Egypte, qui I'avaient vu mourant sur la cendre devant 
Tunis. L'Europe entiere confirma leur religieux tdmoignage, et r^p^ta 
ces paroles du chef de I'dglise : Maison de France, rejouis-toi d'avoir donne 
au monde rm si'grand prince ; r^j'oxd&-ioi, peupfe de France, d'avoir eu im si 
^o^ripi.'" — Michaut, ffutoire des Croisades, vol, \,pp. 114 — 115. 



a. o 1269-1273. EIGHTH AND LAST CRUSADE. 29} 

of a truce with the Saracens, to return to England, where he suc- 
ceeded his father Henry III, who had died during his absence. 

Thus terminated the eighth and last crusade, in 1272. Two years 
after. Pope Gregory X, who had whnessed with his own eyes the 
sorrows of Palestine, endeavored to promote a new expedition in its 
favor J but his premature deatli, together with a variety of other 
obstacles, prevented the execution of that design. Hence every thing 
now tended to the utter expulsion of the Franks from Syria, and the 
more so, as they incessantly provoked the justice of God by quarrels 
among themselves and by the depravity of their lives. Many of the 
places which they had hitherto preserved, were successively and 
rapidly conquered by the sultan Bendocdar and his successors, 
Ptolemais, then the capital of the Christian colonies, saw the storpi 
approaching its walls, and could not avert it; in the beginning of 
April (1291), it was invested on the land side by sixty thousand horse 
and one hundred and sixty thousand infantry, who were commanded 
by the sultan Chalil in person and supplied with three hundred enor- 
mous machines, destined to batter and overthrow the ramparts. The 
city, although populous, did not contain more than twenty thousand 
effective men, who were soon reduced to twelve thousand, Still, 
they at fiist offered, at every point, a vigorous and successful resis- 
tance, and during six weeks repelled all the attacks of their number- 
less foes, producing such slaughter among them, that in one of those 
furious assaults, seven Moslems were said to have fallen for one 
Christian. But the losses of the Saracens could be easily repaired, 
whilst those of the besieged were irreparable, their numbers diminish- 
ing every day, until there were but one thousand warriors left In 
this frightful distress, even the heroic intrepidity of the Knights Hos- 
pitallers and Templars could uphold only a few hours longer the 
tottering fortune of Acre; they resisted almost to the last; and it was 
only when the city had lost its defenders, that it was carried by storm 
on the eighteenth of May of the same year 1291. 

The merciless conquerors destroyed every thing with fire and 
sword in that unfortunate city, slaughtering even a multitude of 
harmless prisoners who had implored their compassion. The town 
was utterly devastated. Of the inhabitants who had time to make 
their escape by sea, some fled to the island of Cyprus, others landed 
on the shores of Italy, where they wandered from place to place, 
begging their bread, and relating, with tears, the sad story of the fate 
of the Christians in the East 



292 " MODERN HISTORY. PartV. 



REMARKS ON THE CRUSADES. 



The ill success of the last crusades entirely extinguished that spirit 
of zeal for the deliverance of Jerusalem^ which had animated the 
first crusaders. Succeeding attempts to renew those expeditions, 
proved fruitless; and the wars carried on in subsequent centuries 
between the Christians and the Turks, were like those which powerful, 
neighboring and rival nations wage against each other. 

Like other transactions of the middle ages, the crusades have been, 
for very many modern writers, an object of scorn, and a favorite topic 
for abusive and insulting language. In the opinion of these men, the 
crusades were prompted by unjust and absurd motives j were car- 
ried on without judgment; and were disastrous in their consequences. 
It is our duty here to examine these charges, and see whether they 
rest on a solid foundation. 

With regard to the motives which prompted the nations of Europe 
to undertake the crusades, they were certainly as just and reasonable 
as any that ever occasioned wars among men. It was for the pur- 
pose of putting a stop to the barbarous oppression to which both the 
Latin pilgrims and the eastern Christians were exposed, that our 
European ancestors every where took up arms, and rushed to the 
field, urged by motives of honor, humanity and religion. Their 
ardor and readiness to enlist in this generous enterprise, was more- 
over powerfully excited by the suppliant entreaties of the Greek 
emperor Alexius, who called for assistance against the same barba- 
rians then in possession of Jerusalem. The desire of rescuing the 
holy sepulchre from the oppressive yoke of those infidels, may have 
been the most usual feeling that actuated many of the crusaders, but 
it was not the only object of the crusades ; and this desire, very just 
in itself, as it merely tended to attack recent and cruel usurpers, con- 
cealed a still more important design, namely, that of saving the coun- 
tries of Europe itself from the invasion with which they were 
threatened. 

Indeed, what was not to be feared from those Mussulman hordes, 
who had already made such progress, and seemed to conquer for no 
other end than to destroy Christianity and civilization! How alarm- 
ing was their restless and warlike spirit, always inflamed and fostered li 
by fanaticism and the desire of pillage ! Were our forefathers then ' ' 
patiently to wait for the yoke of servitude to be laid upon them ? 
Did it become the Christian nations to suffer themselves to be succes- 
sively subdued and oppressed, rather than to oppose a powerful bar- 
rier to the progress of their common enemy ? We admire and praise 



REMARKS ON THE CRUSADES. 293 

Annibal for having crossed seas and rivers and mountains, that he 
might carry war into the centre of Italy, and conquer the Romans 
upon the very territory of Rome — ^and shall we blame the European 
princes for having done the like in much more difficult and trying 
circumstances, by going to attack the Turks and Sarac€ns in the pro- 
vinces of Asia, in the very bulwark of their power ?' In fine, was it 
not better for the Latin lords to turn against these implacable enemies 
the weapons which, especially during those turbulent ages of the 
feudal system, they had so often used to attack the property and hves 
of one another? 

Now, who can doubt that these considerations were perfectly 
known to the leaders of the Christian states ; since, from the very 
beginning of the first crusade. Pope Urban II, in the council of Cler- 
mont, expressly mentioned them, and inculcated them in a strain of 
animated eloquence : *' Warriors who listen to me," said he, " rejoice; 
the time has come for you to show your courage in the best of 
causes; the time has come for you to expiate, by your generous 
exertions in a lawful war, the many acts of violence and injustice 
which you have committed even during the time of peace. After 
being so long the terror of your own countrymen and feliow-Chris- 
tians, go now, and, taking the sword of the Maccabees, protect the 
people of God and defend your persecuted brethren against the 

implacable enemies of the Christian name Mussulman impiety 

has overspread the fairest regions of Asia j Ephesus, Nice, Antioch, 
have become Mahometan cities; the barbarous hordes of the Turks 
have planted their colors on the very shores of the Hellespont, 
whence they threaten war to all the states of Christendom. Unless 
you oppose a mighty barrier to their triumphant course, how can 
Europe be saved from invasion? how can the storm be averted, which 
has so long threatened to burst upon our countries?"* 

Such were the motives, such the objects of the crusades ; can any 
be conceived more pure, more noble than these? and, consequently, 
were not the crusades as just as any other wars of that or any period? 
Ttiey cost, it is true, the lives of nearly two millions of crusaders; but 
the loss, although lamentable in itself, was far from being as extraor- 
dinary and dreadful as might at first sight appear. 1*^. It was not 
greater than that occasioned by wars much less important and justi- 
fiable, and of much shorter duration. The conquests of Genghis-Kan 
alone destroyed five or six, some say, eighteen millions of individuals. 
The war tor the succession of Spain, which did not last more than twelve 
years (1701 — 1713), carried oflf two millions of persons. — Napoleon 

* From contemporary authors, apud Michaut. vol. i, pp 104 UTjd 106. 
See also CoUeci. Condi, vol. x, col. 511 — 516. 

25* '■^. 



294 MODERN HISTORY. Part V. 

Bonaparte, in the course of twenty years (1795 — 1815), is supposed 
to have occasioned the death of no fewer than seven or eight mil- 
lions of men, mostly to gratify his ambition and desire of military 
fame ; yet, this man is admired and extolled as the greatest hero of 
modern times, and the promoters and leaders of the crusades, whose 
views were so upright, so-, grand, and so generous, are bitterly and 
mercilessly censured! 2^. The number of those who perished in 
consequence of the holy wars, ought rather to appear comparatively 
small, if we consider that it must be divided between almost all the 
nations of Europe, and that, too, during the long interval of nearly 
two hundred years. 3*^. The loss of so many individuals was com- 
pensated by the invaluable benefits which resulted from the crusades, 
and which will be mentioned in the course of these remarks. Let 
a single observation suffice here: two millions of Christians may 
have perished in those distant expeditions; but, in thus perishing, 
they saved European civilization, secured the independence of Chris- 
tian states, and laid the foundation of the happiness of future gene- 
rations; do they deserve censure for all this? and does it become 
those who now enjoy the benefits resulting from their generous 
♦ devotedness, to complain of their conduct? 

Agam ; if our European ancestors were not allowed to feel a deep 
concern in the most sacred monuments of their faith, and to defend 
the cause of God against savage barbarians ; if they had no right to 
assist and relieve a cruelly oppressed people, and to deliver them and 
their country from cruel usurpers ; if they committed an injustice iu. 
repelling from defenceless frontiers a restless and rapacious foe, 
whose object was pillage, bloodshed and destruction — then, indeed, 
we might with truth assert that they were awfully mistaken in thus 
laying down their lives for religion, their country, and their fellow- 
men ; and that we alone, with our degenerate sentiments, our con- 
tracted views of pecuniary speculations and self-interest, are wise, 
enhghtened and praiseworthy ! But who would make the odious as- 
s sertion? — who, on the contrary, is so insensible to all that is noble, 
grand and generous in human actions, as to withhold from the reli- 
gious and social heroism which prompted our forefathers to undertake 
the crusades, the merited homage of sincere admiration. 

Let us now view the manner in which these expeditions were con- 
ducted. It is true that, notwithstanding the wise regulations re- 
peatedly enacted by popes and princes, many disorders and excesses 
were committed by the crusaders ; but this is no reason to impeach the 
lawfulness and justice of the crusades themselves, since similar dis- 
orders and excesses have occurred in other wars, even the most just, 
and necessary. This unfortunate circumstance then is not the fault 
of the military enterprise itself, but of the individuals who have a 



REMARKS ON THE CRUSADES. 295 

share in itj and merely proves, that man is always accompanied by 
his passions, and that there is no object, how good and excellent so- 
ever, which may not be abused, and become, through his instrumen- 
tahty, an occasion of evil. 

Moreover, if many of those who called themselves the soldiers of 
the cross, committed depredations, cruelties and other excesses, how 
many also, especially among the leaders, acted with a moderation and 
dignity worthy of ,the cause which they defended! How often, 
whilst contending with the treachery of the Greeks or the ferocity of 
the Turks, did they content themselves with displaying a magnani- 
mous courage, and a chivalric adherence to their promises ! How 
many specimens did they exhibit of energetic resolution, generous 
feelings, invincible patience and noble fortitude! Let the facts speak 
for themselves : the history of the crusades presents so many acts of 
virtue and glorious feats of arms, that it will, notwithstanding the pre- 
judices of the day, for ever remain the most interesting portion of 
the history of the middle ages. 

As to the result of these grand and noble expeditions, there were 
numerous obstacles to their full success with regard to the conquest 
and lasting possession of Palestine, viz. the distance of countries; 
the difference of chmates ; the excessive heat and other inconveni- 
ences of the weather; the scarcity or bad qualities of the provisions, 
which occasioned malignant fevers, dysenteries and pestilential dis- 
eases ; the mixture and jealousy of different nations ; the opposite 
views and interest of their leaders; etc. etc. Still, although the cru- 
sades did not fully attain their immediate object, the entire recovery 
and the preservation of the Holy Land, great and invaluable were 
the advantages which they otherwise produced. 

The first was, as we have already observed, the remarkable dimi- 
nution of the power of both the Saracens and the Seljukian Turks, 
who were thus prevented from penetrating into the heart of Chris- 
tendom. 

Another happy effect which the crusades very naturally had, was 
to procure the absence of a multitude of petty princes and chieftains, 
who were almost constantly quarrelling among themselves or with 
their sovereigns, and whose restlessness had, until then, brought so 
many evils upon the fairest portions of Europe. The oppressions, 
and other evil consequences of the feudal system gradually disap- 
peared; travelling became easier and more secure; towns and bo- 
roughs obtained their enfranchisement; etc. 

In the third place, the necessity of transporting the crusading ar- 
tnies to Egypt and Palestine, naturally improved the art of naviga- 
tion. The mariner's compass, invented some time before, began to 
be used during the seventh crusade, and prepared the discovery of 



296 MODERN HISTORY. Party. 

the cape of Good Hope, and the still more important discovery 
of America. 

Fourthly — Commerce, the profits of which were undoubtedly a 
powerful motive for some of the crusaders, was also vastly enlarged 
by the constant intercourse of the European nations with their colo- 
nies in Asia. Venice, Genoa, Pisa, and other maritime towns, ra- 
pidly increased in wealth, power and glory. New and valuable arti- 
cles were imported from the East into the West, and, succeeding 
well upon this new soil, formed several important branches of trade, 
such as the sugar-cane and its produce, with which the crusaders be- 
came acquainted in 1099; silk, which commenced to be manufactured 
in Italy towards 1209; many useful medicaments; etc. 

In fine, the daily communications of our ancestors with Greece 
and Syria, were one of the most powerful helps towards the com- 
plete revival of literature, arts and sciences. Hence we see that the 
principal universities of Europe were founded in the twelfth or in 
the thirteenth century, during or immediately after the crusades: v. g. 
those of Padua and Paris about the year 1180; — ^that of Naples, in 
1230; — Vienna, in 1238; — Salamanca, in 1240;— Cambridge, in 
1280; — Lisbon, in 1290; etc. Decrees were issued by popes and coun- 
cils to establish in Rome, Oxford, Paris, Bologna and Salamanca, 
classes and masters of Hebrew, Arabic and Chaldaic; the masters 
being moreover bound to translate into Latin the best works origi- 
nally written in these languages. From that time also, geography 
began to be much better known; chemistry, or rather alchymy, 
opened its laboratories; and, besides a multitude of eminent scholars 
and divines, the age of the crusades produced many excellent histo- 
rians, Wilham of Tyre, Roger Hoveden, Villehardpuin, JoinviUe, 
and others.* 

* The truth of these remarks has not escaped the learned authors of the 
English Universal History. "The result of the crusades," they say, "al- 
though fatal to some particular nations, was extremely advantageous to 
Christendom at large ; they stopped the progress of the Mahometan power, 
at the time of its greatest efforts ; they taught the princes of Europe the 
value of a navy ; and, by making them better acquainted with the situa- 
tion, productions and political state of the vast countries of Asia, they 
opened the way for those discoveries and conquests which have been, in 
after times, an inexhaustible source of gain. These advantages, it is true, 
were not reaped but at a long interval after the crusades, and this is the 
reason why so few authors have viewed them under a proper aspect; but 
the fact itself is not less evidently demonstrated. Even, at the remote pe- 
riod when those expeditions took place, a Venetian (Sanudo, in a work en- 
titled: Secreta fidelium Crucis) wrote a learned and judicious treatise on 
this subject, which, though it had then little effect, furnishes us at least with 
an incontestible proof, that these happy consequences of the crusades had 
been foreseen long before they happened and could be generally under- 
stood." Univ. Hist. vol. lv, p. 279. See also Histoire du Bas EmptrCf 



REMARKS ON THE CRUSADES. 297 

Such were the immense and lasting advantages produced by 
those expeditions against which so much spleen has been vented 
within the three last centuries ; advantages far greater than the par- 
tial and transitory evils to which the same enterprises accidentally 
gave occasion, and well calculated to remove from the minds of the 
most prejudiced any impression unfavorable to the crusades. 

(A. M. SB. C. G., Paris, 1838), vol. i,pp. 434— 440 ;— Bdrault-Bercastel, 
j)vfCOurs sur le troisieme dge de I'EgUse ; — Bergier, Diction. Theolog., art 
Crotsades; — Nonnote, Erreurs de Voltaire, vol, i, ch. xviii. 



PART VI. 



FROM THE END OF THE CRUSADES (A. D. 1272), TO THE DISCOVElT 
OF AMEEICA (A. D. 1492). 



ENGLAND, WALES, AND SCOTLAND, UNDER KINGS ED- 
WARD I AND II.— A. D. 1273—1314. 



'Prince Edward, after his return from Palestine, ascended with- 
out opposition the throne of his ancestors, and occupied it, during 
thirty-four years, with great, though not unblemished glory. His 
government was vigorous, but frequently despotic; his exploits were 
remarkable, but often accompanied with an excessive rigor bordering 
on cruelty ; on the whole, Edward I deserved the reputation of an 
able rather than of a good monarch. Naturally ambitious, he resolved 
to restore to the Enghsh crown, by his conquests, its former dignity 
which had been considerably diminished by the misfortunes and 
weakness of the two last kings, and he aspired to concentrate in 
himself the sovereignty of the whole island of Great Britain; nor was 
he entirely disappointed in his endeavors. 

Great Britain, not including Ireland, contained three separate states, 
viz. the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, and the principahty 
of Wales. This last was at that time under the sway of Llewellyn, 
a prince who had inherited from his family a deep hatred against the 
English, and in preceding wars had conquered them in many battles. 
Contrary to the practice of several of his predecessors, he sternly 
refused, at the accession of Edward, to do him homage for his do- 
minions. Edward, thus provoked, seized the opportunity offered 
him to attack the Welsh; and, declaring open war, invaded their 
country whh superior forces. It was in vain that Llewellyn took 
refuge among the inaccessible mountains which had, for many ages, 
defended his ancestors against all the attempts of Roman and Saxon 
conquerors; Edward, not less active than vigilant, penetrated into 
the very heart of the country, and prepared to force the Welsh in 
their last retreats. Llewellyn, seeing himself destitute of all resources, 



A. D. 1273-1315. GERMANY^ ETC. 299 

consented to make his submission, which however did not last long; 
he withdrew it once more, but was slain in a decisive engagement 
near the river Wye, and with him expired the independence of Wales 
(a. d. 1283). This principality was thenceforth united to the Eng- 
lish crown, and given, as a portion, to the eldest sons of the English 
monarchs. 

Shortly after the subjugation of Wales, the affairs of Scotland en- 
gaged Edward's attention, and gave him hopes of adding that king- 
dom also to his dominions. There were several competitors for the 
crown; the English monarch, to whom the controversy was referred 
(a. d. 1290), acted first as mediator; but, as new difficulties daily 
arose among the Scottish lords, he soon began to act the part of a 
conqueror. Yet, notwithstanding his great exertions and many vic- 
tories, the conquest never was complete nor secure. During the 
remainder of his life, the Scots frequently shook off the yoke, and, 
after his death, which happened in 1307, entirely recovered their 
national freedom, under the weak reign of his son Edward II. In 
this protracted war, the most famous champions of Scottish liberty, 
were William Wallace, who for some time proved a match for all 
the efforts of the English ; and Robert Bruce, who fought the cele- 
brated battle of Bannock-Burn against King Edward II, and, by a 
signal victory, secured the independence of Scotland (a. d. 1314). 



GERMANY UNDER THE EMPEROR RODOLPH OF HAPS- 
BURG.- COMMENCEMENT OF THE HELVETIAN CON- 
FEDERATION.— a. D. 1273—1315, 



Ever since the death of Frederic II in 1250, Germany had been 
in a state of confusion and disorder. The people were oppressed; 
robberies, and other excesses were daily committed with impunity; 
public and private wars continued without interruption. In this de- 
plorable crisis, a man of uncommon prudence, courage and firmness, 
was indispensably required to check so many evils; such a man was 
found in Rodolph, count of Hapsburg, from whom sprung the illus- 
trious family of Austria. Being chosen emperor in 1273, by the 
unanimous votes of the German princes, he immediately directed all 
his efforts to the restoration of order and tranquillity. Success at- 
tended his exertions; and Germany, recovering from her calamities, 
enjoyed under him a peace to which she had long been a stranger. 

Still, it was not in the power of Rodolph to bring back the empire 
to its former extent and splendor. During the interregnum that pre- 
ceded his reign, the state had been stripped of important provm(;es. 



300 MODERN HISTORY. Fart VI. 

two of which, Sicily and Naples, being first subdued and possessed 
by the French under Charles of Anjou, the brother of St. Louis, suc- 
cessively passed into the hands of the Arragonian kings, the former 
in. 1282, by the slaughter of the French, an event well known under 
the name of The Sicilian J^espers, and the latter by conquest, at a 
subsequent period. Another revolution took place under Albert, the 
son of Rodolph, in 1308, when Switzerland began to form itself into 
an independent republic. 

Until then, Switzerland, formerly called Helvetia, had been a por- 
tion of the German empire. Its inhabitants, great lovers of their 
country and of liberty, considered themselves rather under the pro- 
tection than under the authority of the emperor, and valued their 
privileges more than life itself. The emperor Albert had the impru- 
dence to provoke their indignation, by summoning them to become 
vassals to him as duke of Austria; and he moreover excited their 
resentment, by appointing as governors over the Helvetian districts, 
three men commonly represented as capable of the most tyrannical 
excesses. To the summons, the spirited natives returned a peremp- 
tory refusal, and to the oppression which, it is said, soon began to 
weigh heavy upon them, they prepared to oppose an undaunted 
resistance, under the direction of the famous William Tell and some 
others of their countrymen, remarkable for their eminently indepen- 
dent and intrepid character. Many historians add that William Tell 
had been goaded on to vengeance, by the tyrannical command of one 
of the three governors to shoot an apple from the head of his own 
son at a distance of a hundred feet ; which he did without hurting a 
hair of the youth. But, whatever may be said of this circumstance, 
which is by others called in question, and which really wears a ro- 
mantic appearance, the conspiracy of the Helvetians against a foreign 
domination was vigorously conducted. They took and desti'oyed the 
castles that had been the seat of tyranny, and either put their 
oppressors to death, or obliged them with their satellites to evacuate 
the country. 

All hope of reconciHation between the emperor and the Helvetians 
was now destroyed. At the first intelhgence of the insurrection, 
Albert prepared to check it by marching in person against those 
whom he viewed as rebels ; but he was murdered at that very time, on 
the banks of the river Reuss. The districts of Uri, Underwalden, 
and Schweitz, availed themselves of the disturbances which followed 
his death, to strengthen their coalition. It was not long, however, 
before they saw themselves attacked by a formidable army of Aus- 
trians under the command of Duke Leopold, a son of the emperor 
Albert. With full confidence of victory, this prince ventured to 
penetrate into the heart of Switzerland through a narrow defile called 



A. D. 1273^-1315. GERMANY^ ETC. 301 

Morgarten, while thirteen hundred men of the district of Schweitz 
took upon themselves the charge of defending it against that multi- 
tude of Germans, as formerly three hundred Spartans attempted to 
stop the Persians in the straits ol Thermopylae. The Helvetians 
posted themselves on the summits of the surrounding mountains, 
and, as soon as the Austrians had entered that narrow path, cast 
upon them enormous fragments of rocks, which destroyed the cavalry 
and threw the infantry in disorder; then, rushing down with resist- 
less fury, they cut nearly all the enemy to pieces, whilst they them- 
selves lost only fourteen men. 

A little before the battle, fifty men, who had been lately banished 
for misconduct, came and offered to atone for their former delinquen- 
cies by shedding their blood in .defence of their country. However 
useful their assistance might be to the small army of the Helvetians, 
it was looked upon as disgraceful, and consequently rejected. No 
refusal could be more mortifying nor more disparaging than this to 
the exiles ; but patriotism made them superior to every consideration. 
When the fight commenced in the valley of Morgarten, this little 
band attacked the Austrians with undaunted valor, spread terror and 
destruction wherever they went, and greatly contributed to the victory 
of their countrymen. What they had just done, inspired them with 
greater confidence than before; after the battle, they did not hesitate 
to make their appearance in the camp of the conquerors, and were 
received by them with every possible mark of gratitude and exultation. 

The battle of Morgarten was a fatal blow given to the Austrian 
power in Helvetia, whose inhabitants could now justly hope that 
their liberty was secure. From that time they formed themselves 
into a regular confederacy, founded on a few plain and simple prin- 
ciples. As the struggle for independence had taken place particularly 
in the territory of Schweitz, and the victory had been gained chiefly 
by the exertions of the natives, the other districts adopted that name 
for themselves. At first, they were only three in number ; but, in 
the course of time, the neighboring districts and towns joined the 
confederacy, and by this union formed the nation of the Swiss; 
a nation much celebrated for its uprightness and loyalty, till the 
latter years, when its government has been given up to a reckless 
spirit of tyranny, injustice, and persecution. 



26 



302 MODERN HISTORY. Part VL 



PROSECUTION AND ABOLITION OF THE KNIGHTS 
TEMPLARS.— A. D. 1307—1312. 



The Knights Templars, whose institution we mentioned before, had 
now been in existence for nearly two hundred years. During that 
time, their devotedness to the cause of Christendom, their heroic 
valor and exploits against the Saracens, had acquired for their order 
an extraordinary reputation and immense riches. But wealth and 
power generated among them a spirit of arrogance and independence, 
which exasperated both the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. They 
became proud, intemperate, insolent, and were daily falling into ill 
repute, when some of their discontented members gave notice to tne 
French king, Philip the Fair, of still more shocking and heinous 
crimes committed in the order. 

The charges were of such a nature, that they at first served only 
to excite indignation against their authors. It was however thought 
advisable to make new inquiries, the result of which induced Philip 
to have all the Templars of his kingdom arrested on the same day, the 
thirteenth of October (a. d. 1307). A committee which he appointed 
in Paris, tried one hundred and forty knights, all of whom, except 
three, acknowledged the justice of the accusation under which they 
lay ; and not only they, but even the grand-master and chief comman- 
ders of the Templars twice confirmed the same by their own free and 
express acknowledgment. In fine, seventy-two others, were exam- 
ined at Poitiers, and all confessed themselves guilty of the principal 
crimes laid to their charge. 

As the persons thus accused belonged to an order which was reli- 
gious as well as miHtary, Pope Clement V took cognizance of the 
affair, and conducted it with the most assiduous attention and scru- 
pulous impartiality. Struck at the unanimity that existed in the 
accusations, testimonies and free avowals of so many persons, several 
of whom he himself had examined, he wrote to all the Christian 
princes in Europe, that they also might take proper measures against 
the evil. Every where, the Templars were put under arrest, and 
courts of inquiry were appointed according to the pope's command, 
to examine the accusations brought against them. The prisoners 
were strictly interrogated, especially with regard to the charges of 
profligacy, apostacy and impiety. Several of them pleaded guilty, 
and threw themselves on the clemency of their judges; while many 
others declared themselves innocent, and could not be convicted of 
any crime. 

It appears, in fact, that the order was not equally corrupt in all 



A. D. 1307-1312. PROSECUTION, ETC. 303 

places; which fact accounts for the different treatment its several 
members received in different countries. Many were acquitted, par- 
ticularly in Germany and Spain ; others were condemned to perpetual 
or temporary confinement; others, in fine, who were convicted of 
enormous crimes, and still obstinately asserted their innocence or 
even retracted their previous free avowal of their guilt, were delivered 
to the secular power, to be punished according to the rigor of the 
law. Fifty-nine were burned at the stake in Paris, nine at Senlis, 
and several others in the south of France. 

As for the grand-master, James of Molay, and the chief comman- 
ders, who were kept with him in safe custody at Paris, the pope had 
reserved to himself the decision of their fate. In virtue of the sen- 
tence passed against them by the papal commissaries, they were to 
be punished only by confinement, on condition that they would repeat, 
in the presence of the people, their former acknowledgment of their 
guilt. Two of them obeyed and were treated with mildness; but 
James of Molay and another Templar, contrary to public expecta-' 
tion, suddenly exclaimed that their order was innocent and had been 
calumniated. The papal legates, greatly astonished and perplexed, 
sent them back into custody, and prepared to deliberate on the strange 
incident. But the king, highly incensed at the unaccountable con- 
duct of the knights, would not wait any longer. He directly took the 
advice of his lay -counsellors, and, on the evening of the same day, 
caused the two prisoners to be transported to a small island formed by 
the river Seine, and there to be thrown into the flames. The grand- 
master displayed, in that awful moment, his characteristic courage, 
which made a deep impression on the spectators. He is even 
reported to have, a short time before expiring, summoned Pope Cle- 
ment to appear within forty days, and King Phihp within the space 
of one year, before the tribunal af their common and sovereign Judge. 
But this story seems devoid of proof, being omitted by aU the histo- 
rians of that time, and contradicted by the best critics of more recent 
date, particularly by Mariana,* F. Brumoy,t Natalis Alexander,^ etc. 

As to the order itself, whether it should be aboUshed or maintained, 
this was a question to be decided by the pope. For this purpose, 
and for other important affairs, he convoked a general council to be 
held at Vienne in France, towards the close of the year 1311. The 
inquiries about the Templars, and their different trials having now 
occupied nearly five years, the whole result was laid before the pon- 
tiff, who communicated it to the prelates of the assembly. That 
many individuals had been guilty of enormous crimes, could not be 

* De Rebus HispanicB, lib. xv, c. xi. 

t Hist, de VEgl. Gallicane, vol. xii, I. xxxvi, ad arm. 1312. 

X In Hist. Eccles. Scec. xiv. Dissert, x. qucest. ii, art. i, w. xix. 



304 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VI. 



doubted ; but there was not equal evidence to implicate the whole 
order; it was clear, however, that it had greatly degenerated from its 
original institution, and that far from being noAv of any utility, it was 
rather an object of scandal to the Church. When these considerations 
had been weighed for several months, Clement V came to the con- 
clusion that the order of the Knights Templars could no longer bt 
tolerated with any sort of propriety. Accordingly, on the third ol 
April (a. d. 1312), he published, in presence and with the approba- 
tion of the council, a bull suppressing the institute, not by way of s 
judicial sentence, but as a measure of prudence and expediency; 
and, in order that the riches and properties of the Templars might be 
still preserved for the purposes to which they had been originally 
destined, 'they were transferred to the Knights Hospitallers of St. 
John, who, more faithful to the primitive rules of their noble voca- 
tion, were still jfighting the battles of Christendom against the infidels, 
from whose hands they had just rescued the island of Rhodes. From 
this general grant were excepted the estates' lying within the king- 
doms of Arragon, Castile and Portugal : these were reserved for the 
defence of those countries against the Moors, who still possessed a 
considerable part of the Spanish peninsula.* 



PROGRESS OF THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN, AND SIGNAL 
VICTORIES OVER THE MOORS.— a. d. 1312—1344. 



The Christians of Spain were gaining ground almost continually 
on their enemies; but the Moorish nation, by receiving assistance 
and supplies from their African brethren, seemed to be a kind of 
hydra, whose heads re-appeared as fast as they were cut off, and 
nearly as dangerous as before; their frequent defeats appeared to 
rouse them to new exertions. Besides these ordinary efforts, extra- 
ordinary ones were made from time to time, in order to avenge and 
repair all their losses at once. This, they endeavored to execute par- 
ticularly in the year 1340, under the conduct of Alboacen, king of 
Morocco, a prince much renowned for his exploits and conquests 
among the African tribes. His forces, gathered from every part of 
Africa, consisted of four hundred thousand infantry, and seventy 

* The affair of the Knights Templars being very differently represented 
by various modern authors, we have been careful to consult and follo\^ 
guides who, from their learning and impartiahty, could not lead us astray , 
and above all, the original documents themselves, so well calculated to 
vepel unjust attacks, and correct inaccurate ideas on this important subject. 
See note J. ■ 



4. D. 1313-1344. CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN^ ETC. 305 

'housand cavalry, with three hundred and twenty large vessels or 
galleys to transport them from one shore to the other. Five months 
were employed in effecting the passage. 

At the approach of that immense multitude of Moslems, who were 
joined by a hundred thousand more from the kingdom of Granada, 
not only Spain, but all Christendom trembled. Never had so numer- 
ous an army been raised by any Mahometan prince, not even by 
those ancient caliphs whose power extended over so many regions 
of Asia and Africa. The general consternation was increased by the 
news that the two admirals of A rragon and Castile had been defeated 
and slain by the Moors, whilst endeavoring to oppose some obstacle 
to their schemes of invasion. 

In this imminent danger, nothing but prodigies of energy, activity 
and courage could save the invaded country ; this was effected by 
the king of Castile, Alfonso XL Not to leave any possible means 
untried, he sent deputies to various courts of Europe, in order to 
obtain vessels, money and troops. He could not, it is true, obtain 
much, owing chiefly to the obstinate war which had broken out 
between France and England; still, the king of Portugal, Alfonso 
IV, marched in person to the proposed expedition with his choicest 
troops, who, with those of Castile, formed an army of about forty 
thousand foot and eighteen or twenty thousand horse. Still the con- 
tending forces were left in the proportion of one Spaniard to ten Sara- 
cens; but such was the magnanimity, the noble confidence — nay, 
the cheerfulness displayed by the Castilian monarch at the approach 
of the battle, that the utmost ardor pervaded the whole Christian 
array, and fully made up for the inferiority of numbers. 

When the two kings advanced to meet their formidable foe, Alboa- 
cen was besieging the city of Tarifa, from which the battle has taken 
its name. He abandoned the siege, and posted his innumerable 
squadrons near a little river called Salado, where he waited the 
intended attack. On the twenty-eighth of October, the Christians, 
after having all participated in the sacred mysteries, crossed the 
stream, and, in battle array, marched against the Moors. History 
has recorded few particulars of the battle; but, how extraordinary 
must have been the courage displayed by the Portuguese and Casti- 
lians, may be collected from the result, which would really be in- 
'jredible, were it not corroborated by the most exact historians of 
Spain, and had not a similar event already happened in the famous 
batdes of Tours (a. d. 732), and Murandal (1212). Here again, in 
the battle of Tarifa, whilst the Christians hardly suffered any loss 
(not more than twenty or twenty-five men), from two hundred thou- 
sand to two hundred and fifty thousand Moors perished on the field 
of battle, besides a vast multitude of others who were taken prisoners 
26 



306 MODERN HISTORY. Part VL 

with the family of Alboacen. This prince escaped by a precipitate 
flight from that field so fatal to his glory and power, and the next 
night recrossed the strait in a small boat; thus strikingly resembling 
Xerxes, and presenting another instance of the same haughty pride 
followed by a complete overthrow, which has rendered the Persian 
monarch so famous in history. 

The two victorious kings returned, loaded with laurels, to their 
respective states. So great was the quantity of coins and other arti- 
cles of booty collected in the Mahometan camp, and distributed among 
the troops, that gold suddenly lost one-sixth of its yalue. Shortly 
after this, the naval forces of the king of Morocco were destroyed by 
the combined fleets of Castile, Arragon and Portugal, under the 
command of the Genoese admiral, Boccanegra; Alfonso himself 
gained a new victory, in which forty thousand Moslems were slain, 
and the important city of Algesiras surrendered to that prince in 
1344. So many losses greatly advanced the entire ruin of the 
Moors in Spain ; and it might probably have been effected at thai 
time, had not a long series of intricate dissensions arisen between the 
Christian sovereigns of the peninsula, which prolonged the tottering 
existence of their enemies for one hundred and fifty years more. 



WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 

From this period we may date the commencement of that obstinate 
struggle between France and England, which lasted nearly one hun- 
dred and twenty years, and, having twice brought the French mo- 
narchy to the brink of destruction, twice also, by unexpected changes, 
finally turned to her advantage, and deprived the English of almost 
all their continental possessions. The importance as well as long 
continuance of this war, even during its first period only, induces us 
to relate it under separate titles and sections. 



§ I. EDWARD III OF ENGLAND AND PHILIP VI OF FRANCE. 

(A. D. 1328—1350). 

The French king Philip IV (the Fair), at his death in 1314, left 
three sons, Louis, Philip and Charles, all of whom, in the short 
space of fourteen years, successively ascended the throne, and died 
without male issue. At the decease of Charles IV, the youngest of 
the three brothers, two competitors, Edward of England, and Phihp 
of Valois, claimed the succession; the former as grand-son, by his 



A D. 1328-1350. EDWARD III AND PHILIP VI. 307 

mother Isabella, of Philip IV_, and the latter as grand-son, by his 
father Charles de Valois, of Philip III, the immediate predecessor of 
Phihp IV. It had indeed been decided, in 1316, at the death of Louis 
X, who left a daughter, that females were, by the fundamental law 
of the kingdom, excluded from the French throne; but Edward con- 
tended that, although the sex of his mother might be a disqualification 
for herself, it could not affect the succession of her son ; Philip, on 
the contrary, maintained that a mother could not transmit to her issue 
a right which she never possessed. This important case was brought 
before the peers and barons of France, who were unanimous in 
rejecting the pretensions of Edward.*^ Philip obtained the crown, 
and securing its possession by a signal victory over the Flemish, 
summoned the king of England to do him homage for the Dutchy 
uf Guyenne. 

This homage was a painful task for the English kings ; and the 
high-minded Edward in particular, most reluctantly submitted to the 
humiliating ceremony. He moreover continued to see with a jealous 
eye the French crown in the hands of another, and was well disposed 
to maintain his pretensions to it by an appeal to arms. Accordingly, 
as soon as the accession of the Flemish to his cause rendered his 
forces adequate to such a design, he openly declared war against 
Philip, towards the beginning of the year 1338, 

Fortune was at first favorable to the French in their exertions 
against Edward; but the naval battle of Sluys, in 1340, gave to the 
English a decided superiority. A powerful fleet of one hundred and 
twenty large vessels, carrying forty thousand men, had been raised 
by Philip, to intercept the British monarch on his passage from Eng- 
land to Flanders. Edward determined to force the passage, and dis- 
posed his ships for the combat with such prudence and skill, as to 
elicit the admiration of the ablest mariners. The battle was obstinate 
and bloody, and the king himself received a wound, which, however, 
rather served to increase his natural intrepidity; he skilfully took 

* That the claims of Edward III to the French throne were unfounded 
pretensions, can now hardly be denied, and the same has been acknow- 
ledged by many English historians, v. g. the authors of Univers. Hist. {vol. 
cviii, pp. 403 — 404) ; J.Reeve in his History of the Church, (vol. ii, pp. 144 
— 145) ; the authoress of a well written History of Great Britain and Ireland, 
printed at Cork in 1S15, {vol. i, p. 149) ; etc. Dr. Lingard contents him- 
self with saying, {vol, iv, p. 30, note) that Edward, in order to prove his 
claim, was obliged to maintain three principles, which he enumerates ; but, 
by not adding a word in his favor, nor saying that the monarch proved any 
of the assertions favorable to his cause, he naturally leads the reader to 
conclude that the claim itself was groundless, and generally considered as 
such; whereas Philip de Valois, having on his side the text of the law,_the 
judgment of the peers, and the practice of preceding timeSj saw his right 
plainly and unequivocally acknowledged. 



308 MODERN HISTORY. Part VI. 

advantage of the wind and tide, and vigorously attacked the enemy's 
line, until the timely arrival of the Flemish, his allies, entirely decided 
the victory in his favor. Nearly all the French vessels were cap- 
tured, and about twenty-eight thousand men slain or drowned j the 
loss of the English was comparatively inconsiderable. 

The battle of Sluys did not, however, terminate the dispute between 
the two monarchs. The following years beheld a series of new and 
more or less insignificant expeditions, which produced no other effect 
than to diminish the resources of both parties, without ending the 
war. At length, the English king resolved to make an extraordinary 
effort, and crush his opponent by attaciiing him in different pomts 
at once. Whilst an army, led by the earl of Derby, engaged the 
attention of the French in Guienne, Edward himself, with other 
troops, landed on the coasts of Normandy, and rapidly advances 
towards Paris, burning or plundering all the towns in his way. The 
approach of Philip at the head of an army far superior in numbers to 
his own, induced him to retrace his steps towards the north ; this he 
did successfully, though with great difficulty and danger. He then 
posted his troops upon a hill near the village of Crecy in Ponthieu, 
and waited in good order for the arrival of the enemy (a. d. 1346). 

Shortly after, the French appeared, and, hurried on by their usual 
impetuosity, immediately commenced the battle, without allowing 
themselves any time to rest and to dispose their ranks properly. On 
the contrary, the English had been taught to regulate valor by disci- 
pline; so that, being well drilled, well arrayed, and well commanded, 
they easily overthrew the two first lines of the assailants. King 
Philip repeatedly strove, but in vain, to rally his forces; at each 
new charge, he lost the bravest of his attendants, and was finally 
compelled to abandon the field of battle, which, on the following day, 
was found covered with more than thirty thousand slain, among 
whom were eleven princes and twelve hundred knights. The con- 
querors lost but one esquire, three knights and a few persons of 
inferior rank. 

The young prince of Wales, Edward's eldest son, began in this 
battle to display that courage and ability which afterwards made him 
so illustrious and successful a general. It was also at Crecy that 
artillery was for the first time made use of by the English; they had 
four, some say six, pieces of cannon, which greatly contributed to 
their victory, by the surprise and the terror they spread among the 
French troops. 

The victorious monarch lost no time in improving his advantage. 
With the view of securing for the future an easy entrance into 
France, he laid siege to the town of Calais, which was defended by 
John of Vienna, an experienced commander, and supplied with 



A. r,. 1328-1350. EDWARD III AND PHILIP VI. 309 

every thing necessary for a long resistance. The operations of 
.Edward were indeed slow in the beginning, but they at length 
obtained full success ; and Calais, after sustaining a siege of twelve 
months, and enduring the extremities of a dreadful famine, was 
obliged to surrender. It was, or seemed to be the conqueror's inten- 
tion to punish the obstinacy of the townsmen by putting some of 
them to death. He therefore insisted that six of the chief citizens 
should come, bare-headed and bare-foot, with ropes about their necks, 
to present him the keys of the town and casde. This spread con- 
sternation among the inhabitants j but the gloom was dispelled by a 
generous patriot, named Eustace of St. Pierre, who offered himself as 
a devoted victim to appease the anger of the British monarch, and 
whose example was soon followed by five others. They approached 
the English camp, and, after delivering the keys, the governor pre- 
sented his sword to Edward, begging mercy for the citizens. The 
king appeared inflexible, rejected the intercession of his barons, and 
even sent for the executioner, when Queen Philippa, who had just 
arrived from England, threw herself on her knees before her hus- 
band, and, by tears and supplications, obtained the deliverance of the 
unfortunate townsmen. Edward then took possession of Calais, 
which, after expelling the majority of the natives, he repeopled with 
a colony of his own subjects. It soon became the continental mart 
for British merchandise, and remained in possession of the English 
for more than two centuries. 

While the English monarch was gaining victories upon the conti- 
nent, the Scots, taking advantage of his absence, invaded the fron- 
tiers with a numerous army headed by David Bruce, their king, 
Clueen Philippa, who had not yet set out from England, seeing the 
danger, prepared to repel it by a sudden and vigorous effort. She 
mustered all the forces that circumstances had left at her disposal, and 
sent them against the Scottish army, which they met at a place called 
NeviPs Cross, near Durham. A sharp contest ensued, which soon 
ended in the total defeat of the Scots. Fifteen thousand of them 
were cut to pieces; the others were routed, and driven from the field; 
the king himself was taken prisoner, and conducted with many of 
his nobles and knights to the tower of London. 

Thus were the arms of Edward every where successful ; but these 
advantages had been purchased by enormous expenses, and with the 
loss, it is said, of fifty thousand Englishmen. This consideration in- 
duced him to consent to a truce with Philip, who, owing to the de- 
ranged state of his affairs, had still greater need of a respite than the 
English monarch. Through the mediation of Pope Clement VT, 
the truce was concluded between the two kings, at first for a few 
months, but afterwards for six years. 



310 MODERN HISTORY. Part vr 

No step could have been taken more useful and necessary than this 
to both nations. Almost immediately after the conclusion of peace 
France and England were visited by a pestilence as general and de- 
structive as any recorded in history. It had broken out in the centre of 
Asia, whence it gradually proceeded towards the West, and pervaded 
the different countries of Europe. Of the victims of the plague, 
many expired in the course of six hours, and few lingered more than 
two or three days. Although it can scarcely be credited, as some 
have asserted, that the mortality carried off one-half or one third of 
the human race, we may however judge of its frightful ravages, from' 
the fact that all the cemeteries in London were soon filled, and the 
number of the dead in the great hospital of Paris amounted to the 
daily average of five hundred. This awful calamity was generally 
regarded as a punishment from heaven, and had the happy effect of 
bringing multitudes of sinners to a sense of their duty. At the same 
time the whole continent, from Calabria to the north of Poland, was 
shaken by a succession of earthquakes. 

During these-occurrences. King Philip died on the twenty-second 
of April, 1350, leaving behind him the reputation of a brave, but 
imprudent, of a tolerably good, but not very talented prince. It was his 
misfortune to have to contend with so able a monarch as Edward III. 
Yet, notwithstanding his disasters and losses, France made under 
his reign the important acquisition of the province of Dauphiny, 
which was ceded by Humbert II, its last sovereign, under the easy 
condition that the eldest son of every French king should have the 
title and name of Dauphin; a condition which was faithfully ad- 
hered to during five centuries. 



§ II. EDWARD III AND JOHN II.— a. d. 1350—1364. 

Philip was succeeded on the throne by his son, John II, formerly 
called duke of Normandy. The success which this prince had ob- 
tained in the previous war of Guienne, his experience, and the ma- 
turity of his age which was about forty years, seemed to promise a 
much happier reign than that of his father : quite the contrary ho.w- 
ever happened; a valor not guided by prudence, plunged the new 
monarch and his kingdom into an abyss of misfortunes, and prepared 
new triumphs for England. 

The truce concluded between Edward and Philip being now ended, 
hostilities recommenced. The prince of Wales, Edward, also caned 
the Black Prince (from the color of his arms), opened the campaign. 
He set out with his troops from Bordeaux, and laid waste all the sur- 



».. D. 1350-1364. EDWARD III AND JOHN II. 311 

rounding country. The year following (1356), he did the same, and 
advanced into the very heart of France, destroying the crops, slaugh- 
tering the cattle, reducing to ashes the farm-houses, towns and vil- 
lages, and subjecting the natives to all the horrors of war,^ until the 
sudden approach of King John with an army of sixty thousand men 
admonished him to retire. But it was now to late; he found himself 
overtaken at Maupertuis, near Poitiers, and all he could do was to 
occupy a strong position upon an eminence in the midst of vineyards. 

Could, the remembrance of Crecy have checked the presumptuous 
precipitation of the French, the English prince would not have been 
able to escape an entire overthrow. His troops were six or seven 
times less numerous than those of his opponent; they had scarcely 
provisions for one day more ; nor could they attempt to leave their 
camp, without manifest danger of being immediately surrounded. 
Well aware of the perplexing circumstance, young Edward had re- 
course to negotiations. He offered to restore his conquests, his 
booty and his captives, promising moreover not to bear arms against 
France for the space of seven years. His offers were rejected ; and 
the French, instead of letting famine force the English to surrender, 
rushed upon them as an assured prey, with their usual imprudence 
and tumultuous hurry. 

The event could not have been more disgraceful for the assailants 
and disastrous for France. The cavalry, having entangled themselves 
among the vineyards and hedges with which the spot was covered, 
were easily overthrown by the English archers : the second line be- 
gan also to waver, and soon fled with precipitation, thus permitting 
the Black Prince to advance at the head of his cavalry, and charge 
with immense advantage the division of infantry commanded by the 
French king in person. Here the combat grew fierce and obstinate. 
John, animated by despair, maintained for a while the unequal con- 
test, and, by the terrible strokes of his battle-axe, slew or wounded 
those who ventured within his reach. But his strength soon failed 
him. He was wounded in the face, beaten to the ground, and finally 
taken prisoner with his youngest son Philip, who, during the engage- 
ment, had fought like the most hardy warrior to save his father's life. 

Such was the ever memorable battle of Poitiers, in which a hand- 
ful of Englishmen defeated the whole chivalry of France, and, be- 
sides covering the field of battle with five or six thousand slain, took 
fifteen thousand prisoners. The moderation of young Edward, after 
so splendid a victory, increased the admiration which his conduct in 

* See m Dr. Lingard (vol. iv. pp. 136 — 137) another dreadful instance 
of the same inhumanity, and the just animadversion of the historian against 
this cruel manner of waging war,, which has left a blot on the memory of 
the prince of Wales. 



312 MODERN HISTORY. Part VI. 

battle had inspired. He soothed the affliction of his royal captive, 
waited on him at table, and in every particular behaved towards him 
with all possible courtesy and respect. The next morning he con- 
tinued his march with his army and his prisoners to Bordeaux; 
and, having concluded a truce for two years with the dauphin 
Charles, regent of France during the captivity of the king, returned 
from Guienne to England. He was received in London with extra- 
ordinary magnificence, which, though apparently intended to honor 
the French monarch, was easily referred by all to the conqueror of 
Poitiers. 

To have taken two kings prisoners at the same time, was certainly 
a glorious achievement j but mere glory did not satisfy Edward Ilf, 
who used every means in his power to turn his victories to the best 
advantage. A considerable tribute to be paid for a certain number of 
years, was the condition on which the Scottish king obtained his 
liberty. The adjustment of the rival claims of England and France 
was infinitely more difficult, the pretensiojis of Edward being so high 
and so excessive, as to be unanimously and indignantly rejected by 
the French government. This refusal however appeared little in 
accordance with the existing state of affairs, as nothing can be con- 
ceived more distressing and deplorable than the condition to which 
that kingdom was now reduced. The mourning, humiliation and 
losses occasioned by the defeats at Sluys, Crecy and Poitiers; the- 
dauphin left without resources; his authority disregarded; parties 
and dissensions springing up in several provinces; civil wars raging 
between the nobles and the peasants, who threw on each other the 
blame of the national calamities; troops of marauders destroying 
what had been spared by war and pestilence : every thing contributed 
to spread desolation over France. In order, as it were, to give the 
final blow to the tottering monarchy, just at this juncture, the Eng- 
lish king resolved to renew the war, and, landing in the north, 
recommenced hostilities with the most numerous and best appointed 
army that had been raised in England for more than a hundred 
years. 

To meet this emergency, the dauphin wisely deviated from the 
course hitherto followed by the French monarchs. Knowing, from 
experience, the danger of general engagements with soldiers so in- 
trepid and hardy as the English, he commanded the leaders of his 
troops to avoid every kind of battle, and rather to shut themselves up 
m towns and fortresses, with their supplies of provisions. These 
measures were perfectly successful. Edward, as he advanced, found 
a country in Avhich his army could hardly subsist. Having no occa- 
sion to fight in the open field, he attacked the cities of Rheims and 
Paris; but he failed in both attempts, and was compelled, in a short 



11 



^. p. 1364-1380. EDWARD III AND CHARLES V. 313 

time, by the scarcity of provisions and the severity of the weather, 
to retire towards Bretagne. 

The retreat of the English was like that of vanquished troops 
endeavoring to escape the pursuit of a victorious enemy. In the 
neighborhood of Chartres, a frightful storm burst upon their camp. 
The tents were carried away by the violence of the wind ; and the 
clouds poured down showers of rain mixed with hail-stones of a 
prodigious size, which crushed to death men and horses. At the 
sight of the evils occasioned by his obstinacy and ambition, the king, 
in a moment of remorse, made a vow not to reject any longer 
honorable conditions of peace. Accordingly, the negotiations for a 
treaty were resumed, and it was concluded at Bretigni on terms 
somewhat less rigorous for France than had been proposed before. 
Edward consented to renounce his pretensions to the French crown, 
and to restore a part of his conquests ; still, he kept full possession of 
several provinces, and demanded a ransom of three million crowns 
of gold to be paid for the French monarch within the space of six 
years. These conditions were ratified by both parties, and John was 
at length liberated (a. d. 1360). 

He did not long enjoy his liberty. Notwithstanding his perfect 
sincerity, which no man ever questioned, he found it an easier mat- 
ter to promise than to perform, being unable to raise the stipulated 
sums at the time appointed for each instalment. On this account, 
and in consequence of other difficulties arising from the treaty of 
Bretigni, John determined to give himself up again to his conqueror, 
saying that, '*If honor were banished from every other place, it 
should find an asylum in the breasts of kings." He actually returned 
to London, where he died after a few weeks, in 1364. 



§ III. EDWARD III AND CHARLES V.— a. d. 1364—1.880. 



The death of John at first made ho change in the existing relations 
between France and England; and the dauphin, now King Charles 
V, had sufficient time to restore perfect tranquility in his kingdom. 
The best measure adopted by him for this purpose, was first to 
deliver his people from a large body of military adventurers, who 
after having followed the standard of Edward III during the war, sub- 
sisted, in time of peace, by plundering the French territories. Many 
fruitless attempts had been made to get rid of those companies of for- 
midable banditti; at length Charles succeeded, through the means of 
his celebrated general Du Guesclin, in inducing them to undertake 
■ 27 



314 MODERN HISTORY. Pan Vi. 

an expedition into Spain^ on the ground that their exertions might be 
extremely useful to that country and to themselves. 

The kingdom of Castile was then groaning under the tyrannical 
sway of Don Pedro, son and successor of Alfonso XL That prince, 
justly surnamed the cruel, on account of his vindictive and ferocious 
spirit, ascended the throne in 1350, at the age of fifteen, and marked 
each succeeding year by dreadful executions, the effect of his ambi- 
tion, caprice or barbarous profligacy. The most illustrious of his 
victims was his virtuous queen, Blanche de Bourbon, a French 
princess, who is beheved to have perished by poison. Don Henry, 
earl of Transtamare, and half-brother to Don Pedro, being exposed 
to a similar fate, fled to Paris, where he entered into a confederacy 
with the French court to punish the murderer of Blanche. 

Accordingly, the bands of adventurers just mentioned, in addition 
to other bodies of troops under the conduct of Du Guesclin, entered 
Spain in 1366, and rapidly marching through the kingdom of Arra- 
gon, placed Don Henry on the throne of Castile without fighting a 
battle. It was in vain that Pedro summoned his military tenants; 
they rejoiced at his distress -, and he had no other resource than to 
throw himself on board a vessel, which carried him safely to Ba- 
yonne, whence he proceeded to Bordeaux, the capital of the British 
possessions in France, and the residence of the prince of Wales. 
The heart of this young prince was moved by the astonishing, though 
merited, misfortune of Don Pedro. He readily espoused his cause, 
and, in order to replace him on the throne, led into Castile a gallant 
army, with which he attacked the enemy near Navarette. After a 
sharp contest, Don Henry was put to flight, Du Guesclin, was 
taken prisoner, and Pedro, without further obstacle, again assumed 
the sceptre. 

Unfortunately for the Castilian monarch, adversity, instead of im- 
proving, had rather exasperated his disposition. He soon returned 
to his former cruel course; and for the benefits bestowed upon him 
by young Edward, returned nothing but ingratitude, delaying, under 
various pretences, to make him the necessary indemnification for the 
expenses of the war. In the mean time, the victorious troops of his 
allies began to waste away, both through want of provisions and the 
heat of the climate; and the constitution of the British prince him- 
self was considerably impaired. Equally indignant and alarmed, 
Edward abandoned the ungrateful monarch, and returned with his 
army through the kingdom of Navarre to his own territories. 

This circumstance permitted Don Henry and Du Guesclin, who 
had recovered his liberty, to re-enter Spain with fresh troops, in 
1368. They defeated Don Pedro in several battles, in one of which 
he lost fifty thousand Moors, who had enlisted in his service ; and 



A. D. 1354-1380. EDWARD III AND CHARLES V. 315 

ih'ey soon closely besieged him in the castle of Montiei. He endeavored 
to make his escape during the night, but was arrested and brought 
to the tent of a French officer, where, either through accident or 
design, he was met by his brother and rival. **They immediately 
grappled with each other; Pedro threw Henry on the floor, and 
Henry, in the struggle, despatched his adversary with a poniard." 

Being thus once more seated on the throne, the new king of Castile 
showed his gratitude to his benefactor and faithful ally, Charles V, by 
concluding with him an alliance offensive and defensive, and pro- 
mising him assistance in vessels and troops, in case of a new war 
against Edward III. This war occurred very soon ; the subjects of 
complaint between the two rival nations had been, since the death of 
John II, continually increasing, and his successor was at length 
induced to answer the lofty demands of his opponents by a declaration 
of war. The British possessions in Prance were entered by hostile 
armies, whose rapid progress was aided by the disaffection of the 
natives against a foreign government. Careful to avoid a general 
battle, the French extended their conquests by capturing towns, and 
securing them with strong fortresses and garrisons. They had, it is 
true, to contend against the powerful reinforcements continually sent 
from England for the defence of her transmarine dominions; but 
circumstances were now totally changed. While the English mo- 
narch, DOW in an advanced age, was leading an indolent life, and the 
prince of Wales lingering under a disease which he had contracted 
in Spain, the wisdom of Charles and the activity of Du Guesclin 
constantly improved their former success. The troops of Sir Robert 
Knolles, stationed on the borders of Bretagne, were put to flight. 
A fresh and numerous army, commanded by the duke of Lancaster, 
was almost entirely destroyed, either by continual skirmishes, or by 
the fatigues of the march and the inconveniences of the season. In 
one place, the famous English general Chandos lost his hfe; in 
another, the Captal de Buch, one of the best officers in the service of 
Edward, was taken prisoner; and, in 1372, the British vessels, car- 
rying supplies to the continent, were all sunk or captured near La 
Rochelle, by a Spanish fleet which King Henry had, according to his 
promise, sent to the assistance of the French. 

By this series of disasters and losses, the English found themselves 
compelled to ask for a truce, which was granted, and, at short inter- 
vals, repeatedly prolonged for some years. They were now deprived 
of nearly all their ancient possessions in France, and of all their late 
conquests except the town of Calais. In 1376, they sustained an 
irreparable loss by the death of Edward, prince of Wales, and one 
year later, the king, his father, followed him to the grave, at the age 
of sixty-five years, during fifty of which he had occupied the throne. 



316 MODERN HISTORY. ^ Part VI. 

" In personal accomplishments,'^ says Dr. Lingard, " Edward III 
is said to have been superior j in mental powers, to have been equal 
to any of his predecessors. More than usual care had been bestowed 
on his education: and he could not only speak the Enghsh and 
French, but also understand the German and Latin languages. His 
elocution was graceful; his conversation entertaining; his behavior 
dignified, but also attractive. To the fashionable amusements of hunt- 
ing and hawking he was much addicted : but to these he preferred the 
more warlike exercises of tournament : and his subjects, at the con- 
clusion of the exhibition, often burst into transports of applause, 
when they found that the unknown knight, whose prowess they had 
admired, proved to be their own sovereign. Of his courage as a 
combatant, and his abilities as a general, the reader will have formed 
a competent opinion from the preceding pages. The astonishing 
victories, which cast so much glory on one period of his reign, 
appear to have dazzled the eyes both of his subjects and of foreigners, 
who placed him in the first rank of conquerors : but the disasters 
which clouded the evening of his life, have furnished a proof that his 
ambition was greater than his judgment. He was at last convinced 
^iiat the crowns of France and Scotland were beyond his reach; but 
not till he had exhausted the strength of the nation by a series of 
gigantic but fruitless efforts. Before his death, all his conquests, 
with the exception of Calais, had slipped from his grasp : the greater 
part of his hereditary dominions on the continent, had been torn from 
him by a rival, whom he formerly despised : and a succession of short 
and precarious truces was sought and accepted as a boon by the 
monarch, who in his more fortunate days, had dictated the peace of 
Bretigni."* 

Three years after the death of Edward, Charles V, king of France, 
also died, leaving his kingdom as prosperous and happy, as he had 
found it destressed and miserable. In the space of sixteen years, he 
had, by his consummate prudence, checked the calamities and 
repaired the evils of the two preceding reigns. Instead of rashly 
exposing his own person in battle, as his father and grand-father had 
done, he confided the command of his armies to generals equally 
brave and cautious, and through them waged war with uninterrupted 
success, he himself directing from his cabinet the chief operations of 
their campaigns. Nor was his prudence less admirable in his civil, 
than in his military administration. Good order was re-established 
in the different branches of government; peace was restored to the 
capital and the provinces ; offices of trust were filled by men of well 
known merit and integrity ; the king himself gave to all the example 

* Lin2;ard's History of England, iv,pp. 147—149, 



A. D. 1300-1396. OTTOMAN EMPIRE, 317 

of sincere piety, purity of morals, charity to the poor, and fidehty to 
the laws of God and of the Church. At his accession to the throne, 
having found the coffers of the exchequer empty, he replenished 
them, not by the augmentation of the taxes, which he on the con- 
trary diminished, but by a wise administration of the public revenues. 
It was thus that Charles was enabled to deliver France from powerful 
invaders ; to assist his allies ; to make his people happy ; to protect 
the arts, sciences and commerce ; to lay the foundation of the famous 
royal hbrary in Paris; in a word,* constantly to exemplify the truth 
of his own maxim: '* That kings are happy, only because they have 
the power of doing good." His subjects bestowed on him the flat- 
tering epithet of " The Wise," and posterity has always pronounced 
him one of the greatest kings that ever sat on the throne of France, 
He was succeeded by his son Charles VI. Richard II, son of the 
Black Prince, began to reign about the same time, in the place of his 
grand-father Edward III. 



RISE OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE, AND ITS PROGRESS, 
TILL THE BATTLE OF NICOPOLIS.— a. d. 1300—1396. 



We must now turn our attention to the east of Europe, where a 
new and formidable enemy began to make his appearance. The 
fourteenth century beheld the rise and progress of the savage and 
warlike nation of the Ottomans, who were destined to sweep from 
the face of the earth the last vestiges of Roman power. Fresh 
hordes of Turks, eager to walk in the footsteps of their ancestors, 
were continually pouring from Tartary over the fairest provinces of 
Asia — restless and uncivilized tribes, who hardly knew how to pro- 
cure the necessaries of life otherwise than by war and pillage. After 
the fall of the Seljukian Turks of Iconium, these barbarians occupied 
their possessions in Asia Minor, under the conduct of seven indepen- 
dent chieftains commonly called emirs. 

The most skilful and powerful of these chieftains was Othman, 
from whom the Turks have derived the name of Ottomans. His 
valor and activity soon enabled him to prevail over the petty princes 
by whom he was surrounded; he rendered himself master of a great 
part of Bithynia ; and continued his victorious career for the space of 
twenty-seven years (a. d. 1300 — 1326). His plan of aggrandize- 
ment was successfully followed by Orcan, his son and successor. 
Whilst the degenerate Greeks were continually weakening themselves 
by civil dissensions and wars, the well combined forces of the Turks 
daily increased the extent and strength of their empire. They cap- 
27^ 



318 MODERN HISTORY. Part VI. 

tured, in a short time, the cities of Pmsium, Nicomedia and Nice, - 
and, crossing the strait of Constantinople, began to carry their -victo 
rious arms into Europe. Many important places of Thrace, and 
even the city of Adrianople, had already fallen into their power, 
when Orcan died, in 1360. 

Amurat, who was the third sultan (sovereign) of the Turks, con- 
solidated the throne his two predecessors had reared, by organiz- 
ing the intrepid band of the Janizaries, whose number amounted, in 
different times, from ten to forty thousand ; a body resembling, in al- 
most every respect, that of the Praetorians at Rome under the empe- 
rors, and of the Mamelukes in Egypt since the time of Saladin. A 
regular and gallant troop of cavalry, called Spahis, had already been 
established by Orcan; it was subsequently improved by Amurat. 
This monarch, having chosen Adrianople for the seat of his resi- 
dence, kept, from that city, a watchful eye on the conduct of the 
neighboring states, in order to turn all their proceedings to his own 
advantage; for, although he was, we are told, a great admirer of 
virtue and lover of justice, yet he lost no opportunity to gratify his 
ambition. Hence his reign, which lasted twenty-nine years (a. d. 
1360 — 1389), was little else than a continual warfare, and was ren- 
dered famous by thirty-seven victories, the last of which, however, 
proved more fatal to himself than to his numerous enemies, the Hun 
garians, Servians, and other nations of eastern Europe, who had 
united their forces to oppose his progress. After the batde, as he was 
visiting the plain covered with the dead and dying, a Servian soldier^ 
that lay among the rest, suddenly arose, and with a dagger stabbed 
the sultan, who expired in two hours, in the midst of his officers. 

The next sultan, Bajazet I, is well known in history under the 
surname of llderim (lightning) ; an epithet which he fully deserved 
by the rapidity of his conquests, and the uncommon quickness with 
which he continually passed from Europe to Asia, and from Asia to 
Europe. He assembled and marshalled his forces, separated and 
re-united them with incredible activity ; he would disappear for a 
time, and suddenly appear again when he was thought to be at a 
distance. Still Bajazet sometimes met with enemies no less brave 
and skilful than himself; and his life presented a constant alternation 
of brilliant victories and overwhelming defeats. 

His efforts were at first directed against several petty sovereigns 
of Armenia and Asia Minor, who were all easily subdued. He then 
turned his attention to a more powerful and warlike opponent, Ste- 
phen, prince of Moldavia, who had, two years before, defeated in a 
great battle the generals of Amurat, the father of Bajazet. Anxious 
to restore the honor of the Turkish name, Bajazet marched rapidly 
through the province of Thrace, crossed the Danube and entered the 



't 



A. D. 130U-1396. OTTOMAN EMPIRE. 319 

territory of his enemy, a warrior as eager as himself for the meeting. 
After a fierce conflict, the Moldavians were routed; and their leader, 
who was the last to quit the field of battle, fled towards Nols, a for- 
tified town, where he had left his mother and children. He found 
the gates closed against him by his mother's command. From the 
top of the ramparts, this courageous woman upbraided him for his 
flight, and bade him return, renew the fight, and, if he could not 
conquer, rather die than survive his defeat. This revived at once 
the courage and hopes of Stephen; he immediately returned, rallied 
about twelve thousand men, and rushed upon the Turks who were 
then engaged in pillaging, with such impetuosity and vigor, that 
nearly all were cut in pieces ; the imperial tent, with a considerable 
booty, fell into the power of the Moldavians; and the proud sultan 
precipitately retired to the extremities of his dominions. 

He soon reappeared, more fierce and formidable tlian ever. Thrace, 
Greece and other provinces were overrun and laid waste by his 
armies ; and if, for reasons of policy and prudence, he did not yet 
attack Constantinople, he at least made the suburbs of that city the 
limils of the Greek empire. The reigning imperial family was 
treated by him with the utmost contempt. New fortifications having 
been added to the capital by the emperor John Paleologus, Bajazet 
was displeased, and sent an order for their demolition, which order 
Paleologus obeyed. The next emperor Manuel, received from the 
haughty sultan a command to remain in Constantinople: he complied 
with the injunction, leaving the city but once, in order to appear at 
the court of Bajazet, which he did at the risk of his life; for his 
preservation he was indebted to the generous commiseration of a 
Turkish officer. He then wrote pressing letters to the Christian 
sovereigns of Europe, for the purpose of imploring their assistance 
against the incessant encroachments of the Turks ; and his example 
was imitated by Sigismond, king of Hungary, who was not less 
anxious to remove the impending storm from his frontiers. 

T'hese letters and solicitations had little effect, except in France, 
which furnished a large number of soldiers and knights under the 
command of the earl of Nevers, a prince of the royal family. They 
marched through Bavaria, and joined, near the Danube, the Hun- 
garians commanded by Sigismond, whose forces then amounted to 
upwards of a hundred thousand men. When he reviewed them, 
he is said to have exclaimed, in a transport of confidence and joy, 
that '^'if the firmament itself should fall, they might support it with 
their lances." His hopes, however, were grounded more on appear- 
ances than on reality ; for, if bravery was the distinguishing charac 
ter of his followers, discord, jealousy, presumption and hcentiousness 
also reigned among them ; and Bajazet showed greater foresight than 



320 



MODERN HISTORY^ Partvr. 



Sigismondj when on being informed of these disorders, he said that 
his enemies would surely provoke against themselves the justice of 
their God. 

After some partial engagements, in which the Christians constantly 
prevailed over the Turks, they commenced a general battle near the 
city of Nicopolis in Bulgaria (a. d. 1396). When the two armies 
approached, Sigismond entreated the French to unite prudence with 
valor against an enemy with whose mode of warfare they were not 
sufficiently acquainted. The advice was good, but given to no pur- 
pose, the earl of Nevers and other young lords imagining that it was 
the intention of Sigismond to deprive them of the honor of beginning 
the battle. They therefore, without waiting for the Hungarians, 
rushed on against the first squadrons of the Turks with equal disgrder 
and intrepidity. The enemy pretended to be terrified, and fled; the 
French pursued them, with full confidence of an easy victory, when, 
on a sudden, they found themselves not only surrounded by numerous 
bands of Spahis and Janizaries, whom Bajazet had placed in am- 
buscade, but also entangled amidst an incredible quantity of stakes 
which had been purposely planted in order to embarrass their march, so 
that the Christian cavalry could neither advance nor retire. Resolved 
at least to sell their lives as dearly as possible, they continued fighting 
with undaunted valor, and for several hours spread terror and death 
among the thickest battahons of the Turks. At length, sinking un- 
der the weight of fatigue, and overpowered by the multitudes of 
their opponents, they fell, almost all, under the Ottoman sword; the 
remaining few were taken prisoners. 

Bajazet immediately led all his forces against the main body of the 
confederates, put them to flight, and entered their camp, where hi? 
soldiers found invaluable riches. Sigismond seeing every thing lost, 
threw himself into a boat, and following the course of the Danube, 
and then the coasts of the Euxine sea, succeeded, after many adven- 
tures, in reaching the imperial city of Constantinople, where his ar- 
rival as a fugitive announced his defeat and spread consternation. 
All trembled at the approach of the victorious sultan; the Greek 
capital was more than ever threatened with an attack, and would pro- 
bably have become an easy prey to the Turks, had not its downfall 
been delayed by the sudden appearance of another conqueror far 
superior to Bajazet himself. 



A. D. 1396—1405. 



TAMERLANE, ETC. 321 



TAMERLANE AND THE MOGULS.— a. d. 1396—1405. 

BATTLE OF ANCYRA.^ — 1402. 

TiMUR, belter known by the name of Tamerlane, had been raised, 
amidst the confusion of civil wars, from the station of a petty sove- 
reign to the throne of the Moguls and Tartars, in the year 1369. 
He soon re-estabUshed, by his indefatigable activity and courage, the 
vast empire of Genghis-Kan in Asia. History can scarcely follow 
him through his gigantic expeditions ; and the imagination itself is 
astounded at the rapidity with which he carried his destructive sword 
from the centre of Tartary to the borders of Egypt, and from the river 
Indus to the frozen deserts of Siberia. Such was the man whom 
Providence destined to crush the pride, and overthrow the power of 
Bajazet. 

Historians are jiot unanimous in explaining the motives which 
induced these two mighty princes to turn their arms against each 
other. It is generally supposed that the complaints of the Greek 
emperor and of the Mussulman princes of Asia, against the encroach- 
ments of Bajazet, were the chief motive of Tamerlane's conduct on 
this occasion; but it might also be sufficiently accounted for by the 
(character of the two rivals. In the opinion of the Tartar monarch, 
il was neither proper nor possible that the world could be governed 
by two sovereigns of equal power; nor was the Turkish sultan infe- 
rior to him in point of ambition. This clearly appears from the 
scornful and arrogant invectives in which they indulged against each 
other, before hostilities commenced, and which became the signal of 
the most bloody catastrophe. 

Tamerlan-e set out from the East at the head of his intrepid Tar- 
tars ; and, as if he had resolved to give Bajazet an idea of the ravages 
that every where accompanied his armies, he made their march 
across Armenia and Syria one continued military expedition. These 
unfortunate countries, so often before the theatre of disastrous war- 
fare, were again laid waste, their riches seized, their cities destroyed, 
their inhabitants slaughtered; streams of blood, and towers built with 
human bodies and skulls, every where marked the passage of the 
Mogul conqueror. 

At length, the Tartars directed their course towards the Turkish 
dominions. Tamerlane marched through Anatolia with eight hun- 
dred thousand men, whilst Bajazet, on his side, fearlessly advanced 
to meet him, at the head of four hundred thousand brave soldiers. 
These formidable armies came in sight near Ancyra (July 1402), 



322 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VI. 



and there, through the whole extent of a vast plain, engaged in a 
conflict more furious and frightful than even imagination can picture. 
It lasted three days, and cost the lives, according to the lowest calcu- 
lation, of one hundred and eighty thousand, according to others, of 
three hundred and forty, or even four hundred thousand of the com- 
batants. Victory at last decided in favor of the Tartars. The re- 
maining Turks were dispersed j and the sultan, after he had fought 
till the last moment with desperate valor. Was surrounded by a host 
of enemies eager to secure so important a prize, and, in spite of all 
his efforts, became their prisoner. 

Not only different, but even contradictory, are the accounts given 
of the manner in which JBajazet was treated by Tamerlane. The 
more probable, as being founded on the testimony of most of the his- 
torians who wrote near that time, is that the Mogul prince received 
his captive into his own tent with great kindness and regard, and, 
making him sit by his side on the same carpet, spoke to him in the 
most consoling terms; but that Bajazet, far from being grateful for 
this noble and generous reception, evinced no other feeling than that |: 
of ferocious haughtiness and impotent rage, which deeply offended his f 
conqueror. To the question put by Tamerlane, *'^ what he would have 4 
done, if fortune had been favorable to him?" he answered, " I would 
have confined you in an iron cage." — " Let such, then, be your ov^n 
mansion," replied Tamerlane. The sentence was enforced, and 
Bajazet, unable to bear the excess of his misfortune, died one or two 
years after, some say, of grief and despair, otliers, of apoplexy. His 
sons were permitted to divide, or rather to dispute among themselves 
the wrecks of his empire, and the Mogul conqueror returned to his 
own dominions. 

It may not be amiss to describe here more fully the character of 
this extraordinary prince. By the oriental nations, Tamerlane is 
assimilated to Alexander-the-Great; and the renowned biographer 
Feller, in his Historical Dictionai-y (article Tamerlane), seems to 
approve of that idea, which he even endeavors to confirm by some 
examples. The comparison may be true with respect to exploits 
and military abilities ; but, in many other particulars, it is certainly 
false. Alexander was ambitious, wdthout being naturally cruel ; 
whilst, on the contrary, nothing can be conceived more barbarous 
than the manner in which Tamerlane conducted his wars, and 
treated those who presumed to resist. By his orders, seventy thou- 
sand persons were inhumanly slaughtered in the capture of Ispahan ; 
one hundred and twenty thousand in that of Sebaste ; ninety thou- 
sand in that of Bagdad, which city Was utterly destroyed; and so, 
proportionally, in other places. In the conquest of India, the natives 
were hunted like wild beasts, and il is no exaggeration to say that 



*. D. ym~im. TAMERLANE^ ETC. 323 

millions of them were put to the sword, the multitude of prisoners 
being moreover so great, that each of- the Tartar soldiers had many 
m his power. On one occasion, Tamerlane caused a hundred thou- 
sand of those unhappy captives to be slain in the space of an hourj 
on another, he commanded multitudes of unfortunate people to be 
crushed under the feet of horses, or to be buried alive; and, besides, 
he invariably kept up the horrid custom, which we have already men- 
tioned, of building towers with human skulls, as monuments of his 
victories.* Never assuredly were there deeds of cruelty so awful and 
so multiplied, perpetrated either by Alexander-the-Great, or any 
other conqueror except Tamerlane. 

It is truly astonishing that the man who could commit such atroci- 
ties in war, displayed, in the other transactions of his life, justice, 
generosity and sensibility. Equitable in his judgments, and zealous 
in the correction of abuses, he was kind towards his relations, atten- 
tive to the welfare of his troops and careful to reward their services, 
humane towards all his subjects and desirous of their happiness, 
particularly towards the close of his career. " I do not wish," he 
once said to his counsellors, '* that the distressed and the poor should 
cry out for vengeance against me on the day of judgment. I do not 
wish that any one of my brave soldiers, who have so many times 
exposed their lives in my service, should have to complain of me 
and of my ingratitude. I am more sensible of their wants than they 
are themselves. None of my subjects ought to hesitate to lay his 
grievances before me; for, my intention is that the world should, under 
my reign, become a sort of Paradise ; and I know that, when a king 
is just and beneficent, his kingdom is blessed with prosperity and 
glory." 

Such was the language in which Tamerlane expressed the noble 
feelings of his soul in relation to the government of his people. In 
point of intellectual faculties, to a sound mind, that distinguished 
him in council as much as his extraordinary valor distinguished him 
in battles, he is said to have added a wonderful sagacity, which 
enabled him to unravel the most hidden intrigues and detect the most 
artful stratagems of his enemies, whilst his own secrets remained 
impenetrable. His principle in governing was to secure by unshaken 
firmness the execution of his orders, and to attend in person to all 
transactions of consequence. The palaces, mosques, cities, bridges, 
canals, magnificent roads, colleges, hospitals for the infirm, for tra- 

* These, and other particulars respecting Tamerlane, may be seen in 
Univers. Hist. vol. xlviit, jo^. 220 — 468; — Anquetil, Precis de VHist. Uni- 
vers. vol. iv, pp. 446 — 4G6; — Michaut, Hist.des Croisades, vol. v, pp. 289 — 
292; — and Ameilhon (the continuator of hehesiu), Hist, du Bas-Empire, 
ml. XXV r, pp. 362—367- 



324 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VI. 



vellers and for the poor, and many other pubHc buildings and institu- 
tions, which owed to him their existence, would suffice to illustrate 
the reigns and the lives of several monarchs. 

Tamerkne preserved, till the end of his days, a robust constitution, 
great bodily strength, and astonishing fortitude. He disliked flattery, 
and, instead of being offended by correction and advice, required that 
the truth, plain and entire, should be spoken to him; the motto on 
his seal was, "I am candid and sincere." A friend to learning, he 
frequently read history, and liked to converse with skilful men. [n 
fine, a very extraordinary feature in this mighty sovereign and con- 
queror, was the singular modesty which he evinced in the midst of 
his triumphs, not ascribing them to his own exertions and talents, 
but to the omnipotence of God, who made use of him to chastise 
nations and to recall them to the path of justice. He believed, as a 
zealous Mussulman, that he was called to redress grievances, and to 
exterminate the abettors of all religions contrary to his own ; and we 
have seen in what an awful manner he complied with this imaginary 
mission. 

After the successful termination of his campaign against the Turk§, 
his advanced age and protracted labors seemed to call for repose; 
yet, even at that time, he meditated new conquests. In a fresh 
transport of Mahometan zeal, he determined to attack the Chinese, 
and for this purpose he set out with two hundred thousand men, in 
the dead of winter, from Samarcand, his capital city; but, being 
seized with a violent fever, he expired before he had reached the con- 
fines of China, in the seventy-first year of his age, and thirty-sixth 
of his reign (a. d. 1405). His death was soon followed by the divi-j 
sion of his vast empire into many principalities and kingdoms, thel 
most remarkable of which was that of the Moguls in the East Indies,] 
now under the sway of the British government. 



RENEWAL OF WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND 

FRANCE. 



The condition of England and France was much alike during the 
latter portion of the fourteenth, but became quite different in the 
beginning of the fifteenth century. The two young kings, Richard 
II and Charles VI, showed good intentions, and even, on many 
occasions, displayed great spirit and courage; but the ambition ct 
three uncles (in England, the dukes of Lancaster, Gloucester and 
York — and in France, the dukes of Berry, Anjou and Burgundy), 



A. D. 1413-1422. HENRY V AND CHARLES VI. 325 

was for both of them a constant source of misfortunes, and occasioned 
many disturbances in the two kingdoms. 

England however suffered less, and not only was the first to reco- 
ver from her losses, but even quickly reassumed her former ascen- 
dency and menacing attitude, in consequence of the great internal 
strength which she acquired under the prosperous reign of Henry 
IV, first king of the house of Lancaster, who had, in 1399, dethroned 
and succeeded his cousin Richard II. France, on the contrary, saw 
her misfortunes increase j especially after Charles VI began to expe- 
rience frequent fits of insanity. Each one of the princes of his family 
wished to hold the reins of government; their disputes gave rise to 
a long train of dissensions and animosities which terminated in the 
murder of several of their number, and daily added to the misery of 
the whole nation ; nor did England fail to turn these disturbances of 
France to her own advantage. 



§ I. HENRY V AND CHARLES VI. (a. d. 1413—1422). 

Henry V, son and successor of Henry IV, is represented by 
historians as a prince sagacious in council, skilled in military tactics, 
and one of the bravest knights of his age. He had, more seriously 
than any of his predecessors, conceived and matured the design of 
SKbduing the French monarchy, which, after the example of Edward 
III, he affected to claim as his inheritance. Having raised a gallant 
army, he landed at Harfleur, on the 14th of August 1415, before the 
French were ready to oppose his invasion. The town was invested; 
and after a courageous resistance of five weeks, its garrison was obliged 
to surrender. The siege however had cost Henry many officers and 
men, and a dysentery soon reduced his forces to nearly half their 
number; in this situation, unable to adopt offensive measures, he 
determined to retire to Calais, whence he might safely re-embark for 
England. 

But to carry out this resolution was a very difficult task : there 
were no bridges over the rivers; and an army of one hundred thou- 
sand French soldiers, five times more numerous than that of their 
opponents, had been stationed between the English and Calais. At 
Agincourt, on the 24th of October, Henry saw himself in the very 
same condition in which Edward III and the prince of Wales had 
been, the former seventy, the latter sixty years before; and, like them, 
he gave the world a new proof how much a skilful commander and 
a few well disciplined troops can effect against a multitude of undis- 
ciplined warriors. In his camp and army, perfect order was observed, 
28 



326 MODERN HISTORY. Pan VI, 

and ready obedience paid to the commands of their gallant leader; on 
the side of his enemies, notwithstanding some wise dispositions ot 
the commander-in-chief, the constable d'Albret, all was confusion, 
insubordination and temerity. The night previous to the battle was 
spent by the EngHsh in religious exercises ; by the French, who did 
not suspect the possibility of a defeat, in tumultuous merriment. The 
result, as might naturally be expected, was the complete triumph ot 
the former, and the entire overthrow of the latter, twenty-four thou- 
sand of whom, including the chief leaders and twelve princes, paid 
with death or captivity, the forfeit of their rash and presumptuous 
courage. The conquerors referred with gratitude to Almighty God 
the honor of so signal and astonishing a victory 3 the 1 1 3th psalm was 
sung in thanksgiving after the battle; and it was an edifying spectacle 
to behold the king and the whole army prostrate themselves at these 
words of the Royal Prophet, " JYot to us , O Lord, not to us; but to 
thy name give glory. '^ 

The defeat of Agincourt was still more fatal to France than the 
disastrous battles of Crecy and Poitiers. The road was now opened 
into the heart of that kingdom ; and Henry V was both too ambitious 
and too skilful, not to follow up his advantage with incessant ardor. 
This was his chief and almost exclusive object during the subsequent 
years, and success crowned his new efforts even beyond expectation. 
Within a short time, Normandy and the neighboring provinces were 
subdued; town after town surrendered; Paris itself, the constant 
theatre of turbulent factions, opened its gates to the conqueror; and 
King Charles VI, whose mental powers were almost totally pros- 
trated, was induced to take the English monarch for his son-in-law, 
and, contrary to the fundamental rules of inheritance in France, to 
appoint him his successor. The dauphin Charles, who was heir 
apparent to the crown, appealed from this illegal disinherison to God 
and to the sword. After the death of his unfortunate and cruelly 
misled father, in 1422, he caused himself to be acknowledged sove- 
reign- in all the provinces situated on the south of the river Loire, the 
others being occupied by the English and their partisans, who called 
him, through mockery. King of Bcmrges. The same year witnessed 
also the prernature death of his formidable rival, Henry V, who had 
not reached his thirty-fifth year. This great prince expired on the 
last day of August, leaving an infant son, Henry VI, who was 
crowned king of England and France, under the regency of his two 
uncles, the dukes of Gloucester and Bedford. 



A. B. 1^2-1453. HENRY VI AND CHARLES VII. 327 

§ II. HENRY VI AND CHARLES VII. (a. d. 1422—1453). 

The important events just mentioned, and the change of the prin- 
cipal leaders in each party, though uhimately advantageous to France, 
did not present at first a favorable prospect for that kingdom. The 
duke of Bedford, a courageous and skilful prince, w^as determined to 
effect its entire subjection, and for a time was so successful, that 
Charles VII, after several defeats, found himself destitute of money, 
troops and assistance, having but a few knights who remained true 
to his cause. His situation became still more perplexing, when the 
English, always advancing in their course of conquest, laid siege to 
Orleans, the only town that prevented them from crossing with safety 
the river Loire, and invading the southern provinces (a. d. 1429). 

On both sides the siege gave rise to innumerable and wonderful 
exertions of ability and vigor, the resistance being, on all occasions, 
proportionate to the attack. As, however, the English received fresh 
supplies of provisions and troops with greater facility than the gar- 
rison of the place, its fall was confidently anticipated by them, and 
the most gloomy apprehensions began to prevail in the councils of 
the French monarch. Charles himself meditated a retreat into the 
distant county of Provence; when he unexpectedly, and from an 
extraordinary source, received assistance which revived his hopes, 
filled his enemies with dismay, and turned forever the tide of success. 

In a village, on the borders of Lorraine, lived a country girl 
named Joan, about seventeen years of age, and of irreproachable 
character. When the hope of saving Orleans was almost abandoned, 
she presented herself before the governor of Vaucouleurs, and main- 
tained, with extraordinary confidence, that she was commissioned by 
heaven to raise the siege of that place, and to procure the coronation 
of the king in the city of Rheims. Her tone of conviction and her 
repeated assurances prevailed upon the governor to send her well 
guarded to Charles; she met the French court at Chinon in Tou- 
raine. There, whatever may be said by several recent authors in 
opposition to the multitude of more ancient documents, every precau- 
tion was taken to avoid even the possibility of illusion or imposture.* 
Joan underwent a most rigid examination before a committeeof per- 
sons eminent for their prudence and learning, and also before the 

* See Hist, de Joanne d'jlrc, 12rao; — Hist, de VEgl. Bdraut-Bercastel, 
vol. VIII, pp. 31 — 35 ; — Hist, de VEgl. Gall., discours sur la Pucelle d' Orleans, 
at the end of the 16th vol., where the learned author, F. Berthier, adduces 
innumerable evidences, and upwards of twenty contemporary or almost con- 
temporary authors, French, Italian, German, etc. in favor of Joan d'Arc 
and of her claim to a divine mission. 



328 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VI, 



courtiers, and the king iiimself; and she constantly gave such 
marks of sagacity, wisdom, and more than human knowledge, as to 
cause her claims to a supernatural mission to be very generally 
admitted. She consequently received the complete armor of a knight, 
and the liberation of Orleans was intrusted to her charge. 

The first exploit of Joan was her entrance into the besieged city, 
and her success in conveying a plentiful and much needed supply of 
provisions to the garrison, at the head of which she then successively- 
attacked and carried the strongest posts of the English. The enemy, 
dispirited by so many losses, hastily abandoned the siege ; but, being 
pursued by the heroine, and driven from the towns into which they 
had retired, they were completely defeated at Patay, with the loss of 
nearly five thousand men, whilst the French had only one man of 
their number killed. 

Joan had always declared that the object of her mission was two- 
fold, the liberation of Orleans, and the coronation of the king at 
Rheims. The first of these objects being accomphshed, she now 
urged the execution of the second ; and, though the attempt was a 
dangerous one, the intermediate country being in possession of the 
English or of the Burgundians, their allies, she prevailed upon 
Charles to place full confidence in her promises; nor was he in any 
way deceived. As soon as he began his march with twelve thousand 
men, all obstacles disappeared, or were easily overcome; and the 
citizens of Rheims, having expelled the Burgundian garrison, re- 
ceived him with the most flattering demonstrations of joy. 

The coronation was performed in the usual manner. During the 
ceremony, Joan, in her warlike dress, and with her banner unfurled 
stood filled with grateful emotions near the altar; when it was over, 
she threw herself on her knees, declared her mission accomplished, 
and with tears solicited leave to return to her country-life; but the 
king being unwilling to lose her services so soon, she, at his request, 
consented to remain with the army. Her courage indeed was always 
the same, but success did not follow her exertions so constantly as 
before. Having undertaken to defend Compiegne as she had done 
Orleans, and making a sally at the head of some troops, she fell, 
notwithstanding her heroic efforts, into the hands of the enemy. 
The shouts of the English and Burgundians announced her fate to 
the besieged, whom this melancholy news threw into deep affliction; 
the place however continued to defy the powei* of the assailants, and 
the siege was raised by the approach of a French army (a. d. 1430\ 

The unfortunate maid was treated with neglect by her friends, 
with cruelty by her enemies. Charles, who owed so much to her, 
does not seem to have made any efforts to rescue her from captivity ; 
but whether he acted thus, because he thought his endeavors would 



A. 0.1422-1453. HENRY VI AND CHARLES VII. 329 

be unavailing, or because he yielded to the jealousy of some of the 
courtiers and generals against Joan, is uncertain. The English, 
exasperated by the repeated defeats and Josses she had caused them, 
resolved to gratify their revenge. For this purpose, nothing, not 
even the most iniquitous proceeding, was left untried ; and, to the 
eternal disgrace of the duke of Bedford and of the committee vi^hich 
he had appointed, the awful crimes of sacrilege, blasphemy and 
sorcery were imputed to the heroine who had given constant and 
undeniable proofs of her piety, as well as innocence and purity of 
life. Her death was desired ; she was executed at the stake as a sor- 
ceress, in the market-place of Rouen, before an immense concourse 
of spectators, who could not restrain their tears. Twenty-five years 
later, her condemnation was reversed by the archbishop of Rheims 
and the bishops of Paris and Coutances, whom Pope Calixtus III 
had designated to revise the mock trial. After the most assiduous 
and minute inquiries, after hearing one hundred and twelve persons 
of unexceptionable character, dukes, counts, magistrates, etc., who 
formerly had been witnesses of the superhuman virtues and exploits 
of Joan d'Arc ; they pronounced the first sentence passed against her 
unjust, wicked and slanderous; and she was solemnly declared inno- 
cent of all the crimes with which she had been charged by her 
enemies.* 

The English had cherished a hope that the death of Joan would 

* Several writers, and Dr. Lingard himself, who upon this matter seems 
not to have been sufficiently acquainted with the best sources of informa- 
tion, have endeavored to explain the marvellous actions of the Maid of 
Orleans by mere natural causes ; ascribing them to enthusiastic excitement, 
to a deluded imagination, which the French court was careful to put to 
profit. If, however, we attentively consider that Joan d'Arc, a timid girl, 
not more than seventeen years of age, and hitherto employed, not in a city, 
but in the peaceful and modest occupations of a country life, from the 
moment she appeared in court and at the head of armies, evinced in every 
thing a surprising wisdom and energy of soul ; that she became, on a sudden, 
an intrepid warrior and an accomplished commander, whilst she always 
remained a perfect model of innocence, piety and all Christian virtues ; that 
her claim to a supernatural mission was, after the severest trials, admitted 
by persons of every description, by her eountrymen and by foreigners, by 
friends and foes, and even by the greatest enemies of France, whose desire 
It was to have her conduct attributed to an evil principle ; that all she said 
was found true ; that all she foretold exactly happened in the time, place 
and other circumstances predicted ; if we attentively consider all this, we 
will surely find it difficult, nay, absolutely impossible, not to acknowledge 
in the authentic story of Joan d'Arc something above the ordinary laws of 
nature ; not to believe that she really was under the special guidance of 
heaven, and admit in her public career a display of the power and wis- 
dom of God, who chooses the weak things of the world that he may confound 
the strong (1 Cor. i, 27), and who, after having humbled France, wished to 
raise it again by the hands of a woman, as he formerly saved his chosen 
people through the instrumentality of Deborah, Judith and Esther. 
28* 



330 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VI. 



incline the balance in their favor; in this they were disappointed. 
Such was the impulse just given by this heroism to the course of 
events, that England could no longer arrest the progress of France. 
Charles took Paris with most of the other places conquered by Henry 
Y, and the British retained the rest, only in virtue of a truce which 
the two nations concluded in 1444. Thus did Henry VI lose one of 
the two crowns that he had inherited from his father; whilst the 
other likewise began to sit lightly on his head, owing to the rise of 
strong and hostile parties in his own kingdom. 

During this season of calamity for Great Britain, the state of the 
French monarchy was considerably improved by the wise adminis- 
tration of Charles VII. The better to repdr past evils and prevent 
their recurrence, he established several bodies of regular and standing 
troops, from whose cooperation both he and his successors derived 
the greatest advantages in upholding the dignity of their crown, re- 
pelling foreign invaders, and restoring tranquillity in the provinces. 
Stability and peace every where took the place of disturbances and 
commotions. The former strength of the nation was restored; and 
every thing now conduced to the final overthrow of the English on. 
the continent. 

Jn the year 1449, Francis Surienne, a British commander, having 
been guilty of an infraction of the existing truce, by capturing and 
plundering the town of Fougeres, the French king availed himself 
of the opportunity to renew the war with immense advantage. 
England was involved in domestic dissensions; and her power abroad 
had been much weakened by the recent loss of two battles against 
the Scots. In one year, Charles recovered Normandy with its hun- 
dred fortresses. A like success attended his arms in the invasion of 
Guienne; the decisive victories of Fourmigni and Chatillon, the 
former in the north, the latter in the south of France, secured his 
conquests ; and the English were driven from every inch of grouna 
they had possessed in that kingdom, with the exception of the city of 
Calais (a. d. 1453). 

About this time, Poland, until then comparatively little known^ 
rose in point of civilization, glory and power, to a conspicuous rank 
among the European states. For this elevation, she was indebted to 
the government of the Jagellos, who occupied the Polish throne nearly 
two hundred years, from 1386 to 1572. Germany also flourished 
at this period under the emperor Sigismond, who reigned from 1410 
to 1437. Though unsuccessful in war, that prince governed with 
honor and ability in time of peace, and was enabled to transmit his 
three crowns of Germany, Bohemia and Hungary to Albert of Aus- 
triai, his son-in-law; thus laying the foundation of that great power 
and influence which the house of Austria so long enjoyed in Europe. 



A.©. 1453. FALL OF COJNSTANTINOPLE. 331 



FALL OF CONSTANTIJNOPLE.— A. d. 1453. 

The Greek empire, in the mean time, was drawing near to its ex- 
tinction. The defeat of Bajazet Ilderim by Tamerlane had, it is 
true, dehvered Constantinople from that terrible sultan of the Turks, 
but not from the Turks themselves, who, in a short time, reappeared 
on the field of battle, as undaunted and powerful as ever. After the 
pacific reign of Mahomet I, who died in 1421, Amurat II, his son 
and successor, renewed hostilities against the Greeks, the Hunga- 
rians, and other Christian nations in the vicinity of his frontiers. 
Notwithstanding the losses and defeats which he occasionally sus- 
tained, he continued to gain ground, and at last gave the deadly blow to 
the league of his opponents in the famous battle of Varna, in 1444. 
This battle was more fatal to the cause of Christendom than that of 
Nicopolis had been, in as much as it opened a wide field to the en- 
terprising spirit of the Turks, and deprived Constantinople of its last 
resources. 

In fine, Mahomet II appeared, the most terrible of all the Turkish 
sultans. No sooner had he grasped the sceptre left by his father 
Amurat, than he resolved to snatch the Greek capital from the hands 
of the reigning emperor, Constantine Paleologus or Dragazes, a prince 
worthy of better times, but whose heroic exertions could postpone 
only for a short period the fall of Constantinople. This was the last 
struggle between a power recently founded, but already the most for- 
midable in the world, and an ancient monarchy, the glory of which 
had fiUed the whole earth, but which now presented nothing but de- 
generacy and discord. 

There was not less difference in the character of the two monarchs 
than in the respective strength and fate of their empires. All ad- 
mired the virtue and moderation of Paleologus, his prudence in 
council, his intrepidity on the field of battle, and his unshaken firm- 
ness in adversity. Mahomet displayed on every occasion a bold and 
haughty spirit, and a boundless ambition. He was, we are told, a 
lover of the arts and sciences, and could speak several languages ; 
but those pacific studies had not curbed his ferocious temper; in war, 
he spared neither his enemies nor his own soldiers, and frequently 
peace itself was rendered bloody by the violence of his passions. — 
The last successor of Constantine-the-Great possessed all the virtues 
of a Christian and magnanimous prince ; the son of Amurat was 
characterized by all the vices of Mussulman and lawless conqueror. 
As the siege of Contantinople was to be commenced in the spring 
of 1453, the preceding winter was actively spent by both parties in 



832 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part V 



making the necessary preparations. Towards the first days of April, 
the imperial city was surrounded by a fleet of three hundred and ; j 
twenty vessels, and'by a land army of three hundred thousand men, ! 
one-third of whom were cavalry. To these formidable forces Con- 
stantine Paleologus could oppose only a few ships and galleys, and i 
eight or nine thousand warriors, partly Greeks and partly Italians , T 
with whom he had to defend a territory of about twelve miles in cir- 
cumference. He appointed for their commander-in-chief, Justiniani, i 
a Genoese officer of great experience, distributed them as well as he f 
possibly could throughout the different posts of the rampart, and re- 
served for himself one of the points most exposed to the assaults of 
the enemy. 

The Turks employed in that siege all the resources of the destruc- 
tive art of warfare, such as mines dug beneath the walls of the city, 
rolling towers, battering rams, and a multitude of machines destined 
to cast stones, darts and arrows. Above all, the use of artillery hav- 
ing now become general, Mahomet did not fail to supply his troops 
with this powerful means of attack, and prepared fourteen batteries 
of enormous cannon, and balls of proportionate size. Some of those 
pieces of ordnance could send balls of two hundred pounds weight; 
and one of them in particular, called Basilica, sent a ball weighing 
upwards of six quintals, to the distance of more than a mile. It re- 
quired two thousand men and about one hundred and fifty oxen, to 
remove it from the spot where it was made, to its intended battery. 
Its interior circumference was nine feet, and its weight thirty or forty 
thousand pounds. But experience proved that the use of such enor- 
mous guns produced greater encumbrance and disadvantage than real 
utility; this was the case particularly with the famous Basilica, 
which soon burst with a frightful explosion, and killed, among other 
persons, its very maker, who was a Hungarian apostate. 

The Greeks too were abundantly provided with military engines, 
cannon and Grecian fire, which they used with dreadful effect against 
the Turks, day and night repelling their assaults, ruining their works, 
and consigning their machines to the flames. These heroic exertions 
were owing chiefly to the emperor and his general Justiniani, whose 
indefatigable activity seemed to multiply their persons and make them 
present in every place where succor was required. It seemed as if 
they had communicated their energy and courage to all the soldiers 
of the garrison. 

When Mahomet perceived that the exterior fortifications of the 
town had been almost entirely destroyed by the continual firing of 
his artillery, he commanded his troops to prepare for an assault. 
His hope of success rested principally on a wooden tower many 
stories high and full of combatants, which he caused, with all possi- 



vD. 1453. FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 333 

ble precaution, to advance toAvards the wall. Here a fierce conflict 
took place, which was continued two days with incredible animosity 
and prodigious eflforts on both sides. At length, victory declared ir 
favor of the Greeks ; the Turks were repelled, and had the mortifica 
tion to see their wooden tower overthrown and soon reduced to ashes 
This unexpected result highly exasperated Mahomet, who could no 
forbear saying that, had thirty thousand prophets foretold so extraor- 
dinary a disaster, he would not have believed the prediction. 

A few weeks after this event, a similar disgrace which befell hitr 
fleet and which he himself witnessed, threw him into a paroxysm 
of rage. Four Christian vessels appeared in sight of Constantinople, 
and, disregarding the great number of the Ottoman ships, fearlessly 
advanced towards the harbor. The enemy went to obstruct their pas- 
sage, with full confidence of an easy victory ; but the four frigates 
opened upon them so terrible and so well-timed a fire, that many of the 
Turkish vessels were sunk, and others greatly damaged. Mahomet, 
who had observed the combat from a neighboring hill, descended, 
foaming with rage, and spurring his horse into the sea, even at the 
risk of his life, loaded the commanders of his galleys with the most 
bitter reproaches, and was carried so far by his passion as brutally to 
strike the admiral with a golden rod which he held in his hand. 
But all his fury and threats were idle ; the four ships steadily pur- 
sued their course; and, continuing to disperse his navy, opened foi 
themselves a free passage to the harbor, where they entered in tri- 
umph amidst the acclamations of the Greeks, who, from the top of 
their ramparts, had also been spectators of the combat. It is supposed 
that the Turks had sent about two hundred vessels against this intrepid 
flotilla, and, without killing one single Christian, lost no fewer than 
twelve thousand men.* 

The besieged had a very great advantage, as long as they kept 
possession of their excellent harbor; nor could the Ottoman fleet 
force its entrance, which was obstructed by a line of strong galleys 
and an enormous chain of iron reaching from shore to shore. To 
deprive them of this resource, Mahomet conceived the bold design 

* This event and other similar incidents plainly show the great superiori- 
ty of the Christians over the Ottomans, in discipline, military science and 
' valor. If the latter were at length successful in overthrowing the Greek 
empire, this was evidently owing to their vast multitude, and to the con- 
tinual arrival of reenforcements, rather than to real and well directed 
bravery. How great the difference between the warriors of the fifth cru- 
sade and those of Mahomet II ! Here we see three hundred thousand Turks, 
supplied v^dth a formidable artillery, scarcely able, after a siege of eight 
weeks, to take Constantinople, whose garrison did not amount to more 
than eight or nine thousand soldiers; whereas twenty thousand crusaders, 
in three days, carried it by storm, in spite of the efforts of more than two 
bimdred thousand men, by whom it was defended ! 



334 MODERN HISTORY. Part vr. 

of transporting by land seventy or eighty of his vessels from the sea 
into the port. This fact, though it may seem incredible, is related inj 
substance by all the contemporary historians. With regard to its 
circumstances, it appears that, by dint of men and machines, (he \ 
vessels were caused to roll through a space of three or four miles 
over planks thickly covered with grease. As all was done during 
the night with great celerity, the garrison and inhabitants of Constan- 
tinople did not suspect the fatal scheme, until it was too late to prevent 
its execution. They were surprised and alarmed at seeing the enemy 
now near their ramparts and their homes, and they attempted, but in 
vain, to destroy the Turkish vessels, by means of the Grecian fire, 
which had so often before saved Constantmople. Forty of their 
most intrepid warriors, who had taken upon themselves this hazard 
ous enterprise, were basely betrayed, fell into the hands of the Turks, 
and paid with their lives for their generous devotedness. 

The garrison, however, continued to defend itself with admirable 
vigor, after the example of the emperor, whose exertions seemed to 
be the effect of almost superhuman energy. This excellent prince 
was acting, at the same time, the part of a father, a sovereign, a 
soldier, and a general ; scarcely allowing himself any repose, but 
continually occupied in encouraging by word and example a pusil- 
lanimous and ill-disposed people, or sharing with his brave garrison in 
the fatigues of the siege and the dangers of unceasing combats. 
During the day, he was foremost in fighting and repelling the enemy j 
during the night, his chief occupation was to reconcile, to soothe and 
to relieve by every means in his power, his discontented, distressed, 
and ungrateful subjects. Thus, without ever deviating from the line 
of social and Christian virtue, Paleologus displayed a valor and mag- 
nanimity which made him not only equal, but even superior to the 
perils which surrounded him; and, whilst he stood almost alone 
upon the ruins of his falling empire, he still seemed to bid defiance to 
his implacable foe. 

As the virtuous emperor could not banish from his mind the sad 
apprehension that the day of wo was approaching, he resolved to 
make an additional sacrifice of his personal leelings for the preserva- 
tion of his people. He offered the sultan the payment of any tribute 
that might be exacted, provided the possession of the imperial city 
should be secured to the Greeks; but as Manomet absolutely required 
the surrender of Constantinople in exchange for some principality, 
Constantine nobly rejected the degrading proposal, and preferred a 
glorious death. 

Mahomet himself was not free from uneasiness with regard to the 
final result of the war; and he had reason to fear that it might even- 
tually turn against himself, as his troops, dispirited by their losses 



A. D. I4ii3. FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 335 

and by the obstinate resistance of the Greeks, loudly called for the 
cessation of so bloody and perilous a siege. Bat the undaunted sul 
tan revived their spirits by promising them all the treasures of Con- 
stantinople, should a new attack upon that city prove successful. 
The assault was to take place on the twenty-ninth of May. At dusk, 
on the eve of the day appointed, the soldiers were commanded to 
assemble, each with a. lighted torch at the extremity of his lance oi 
cimeter -, Mahomet appeared in the midst of them, renewed his pro- 
mise, and, to render it more sacred, swore by the eternity of God, hy 
four thousand prophets, by the soul of his father Amurat, his own chit- 
dreuy and his sword; upon which all exclaimed: "God is God, and 
Mahomet is his prophet." When this warlike ceremony was over, 
the sultan ordered a profound silence to be observed throughout the 
camp; and nothing then was heard round Constantinople but the 
low murmurs of an army silently preparing for a terrible and decisive 
assault. 

In the imperial city, the garrison was attentively watching from 
the ramparts all the movements of the Turks. Their repeated shouts 
had been heard with anxiety and alarm ; the terror was increased 
by the sudden silence which ensued, and the light of innume- 
rable torches in the camp being reflected by the tops of the towers 
and by the steeples of churches in the town, rendered still more 
gloomy, from the contrast, the darkness which covered the other 
parts of Constantinople. Paleologus assembled his chief warriors, 
and addressed them in a moving speech, exhorting them to encoun- 
ter fearlessly the approaching peril. He recommended presence of 
mind to the officers, obedience to the soldiers, intrepidity to all, and 
spoke so feelingly as to draw tears from every one of his hearers : 
they embraced each other as if for the last time'; and, after they had 
separated, the emperor went to pray and receive communion in the 
church of St. Sophia, He afterwards visited the imperial palace, 
gave his orders, and asked pardon of all persons there present for the 
faults which he might have committed in the government of his 
people; every one answered only by his sighs and tears. He then 
went out overwhelmed with affliction, but still generous and intrepid, 
and mounting on horseback, visited all the ramparts, examined the 
different posts of the garrison, and finally resumed his own station, 
the most perilous of all. 

The last day of the Greek empire had now arrived. At one 
o'clock in the morning, the clarions resounded in the Turkish camp ; 
Mahomet gave the signal for the assault, and no fewer than two 
hundred and sixty thousand soldiers began to storm the city of Con- 
stantine: at day-break, all the troops on each side were engaged in 
the conflict. The Turks, animated bv their usual wild fanaticism, 



336 MODERN HISTORY. PartVL 

by the exhortations of Mahomet, by the hope of victory and the 
expectation of pillage, forced their way, with a sort of phrensy, 
through guns and pikes ; nor were they deterred either by the difficult 
access of the breach, or by the sight of their companions falling dead 
around them whilst endeavyring to scale the wall with ladders. 
Reckless of life, they sought only to reach their opponents, and to 
strike them down with their murderous weapons, whilst destructive 
missiles were incessantly thrown from their engines. But, if the 
shock was furious, the resistance at all points was not less vigorous 
and obstinate ; if the assailants dealt destruction among the besieged, 
their own numbers were thinned by death in its most terrible forms. 
Besides repeated and successful discharges of musketry, the soldiers 
of the garrison poured upon the thick battahons of the Turks streams 
of boihng oil, melted wax, and Grecian fire, and from the top of the 
wall threw rocks and mill-stones, which crushed all that came in their 
way. A considerable portion of the battlements and several towers 
having been demolished by the battering rams and artillery, the noble 
defenders of Constantinople presented themselves as a new rampart, 
much more difficult to be overthrown than that built of inanimate 
materials. The emperor fought at their head, and set every one an 
example of the most intrepid courage: numbers of barbarians were 
mowed down by the edge of his sword j the very sight of the imperial 
banner struck terror into the enemy. 

After a tremendous contest of two hours, Mahomet advanced with 
the choicest of his troops and a body of ten thousand Janizaries. He 
appeared in the midst of them with a club in his hand, animating his 
troops by his fierce countenance, and pointing out to them the parts 
of the wall which they were to attack. Behind this band stood other 
bodies of troops destined to support the assailants, to stop. those who 
might be tempted to fly, and force them to return to the charge. 
The sound of the clarions, the clashing of the swords and cimeters, 
the discharges of the artillery, the crash of the falling ramparts, all 
contributed to render the assault a scene of horror more easily ima- 
gined than described. In this awful tumult, the Janizaries them- 
selves began to fight with some confusion; and Paleologus, who had 
perceived the circumstance, was exhorting his brave attendants to 
make a last and decisive effort, when a fatal accident suddenly 
changed the aspect of the battle. General Justiniani having received 
a wound, retired, in order to have it dressed. The Genoese and 
other auxiliary troops, deprived of the presence of their commander- 
in-chief, began to waver, and, imitating his example, withdrew from 
the conflict. In vain did Constantine endeavor to rally them. Find- 
ing it impossible to save his empire, he determined to fall with it, and 
to die as became an emperor. For some moments more, he main- 



A, D. 1453. FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 337 

tained the unequal contest, saw his last companions perish by his side, 
and at length overpowered by numbers, fell among the foremost of 
the slain. 

Constantinople was now irretrievably left a prey to wild and bar- 
barous conquerors. The weak remains of its garrison were dis- 
persed; Justiniani had retired to a distant spot, where he shortly after 
expired. Amidst the inconceivable tumult and desolation that reigned 
every where, the Turks rushed into the city, and, in virtue of the 
sultan's promise, plundered it during three days. About forty thou- 
sand of its unfortunate inhabitants were put to the sword, and sixty 
thousand detained as captives. Among those .who had the happiness 
to escape, many fled to the western parts of Europe, where, having 
established their residence, they greatly concurred in reviving the 
fine arts, polite Hterature, and a rehsh for the study of oriental 
languages. 

Thus, as the Western empire, which had been founded^ by Augus- 
tus, expired under Augustulus; so the Eastern empire, which had 
been founded by a Constanline, fell under another Constantine, eleven 
hundred and twenty-three years after the building of Constantinople. 
Gradually stripped of its extensive possessions, it had long continued 
to subsist, at least within the precincts of its capital, like a majestic 
pillar which supports the last arch of a decaying edifice. It at length 
disappeared under the repeated attacks of the barbarians, and its 
downfall afforded to the world a new evidence of this truth, that 
nothing is unchangeable which has been established by men, and that 
the works of God alone remain forever. 



MAHOMET II CONTINUED. 

As soon as order and tranquillity began to succeed the awful 
scenes of bloodshed, plunder and destruction, which attended the 
capture of Constantinople, Mahomet left his camp, and took solemn 
possession of this unhappy city which his eflforts had finally subdued. 
By evincing a certain moderation towards the vanquished, and adopt- 
ing some other measures of policy, he succeeded in retaining within 
the town the sad remnant of its inhabitants, and in supplying the 
absence of those who had perished; and from that time, the former 
capital of the Greek empire became the chief city of the Turkisti 
dominions. The sultan then examined what country he should 
next add to his vast monarchy, the measure of his ambition being 
to acknowledge no measure. Unfortunately for the neighboring 
princes, the long dura^on of his reign enabled him to attack them ail 



SS8 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VI. 



in succession. Either by fraud and stratagem, or by violence and 
open war, he succeeded so far in his mighty schemes of conquest, as 
to destroy another empire (Trebisonde), subdue twelve kingdoms., and 
capture more than two hundred cities. 

Mahomet failed however in his attempt to establish a universal 
empire, which was the great aim of his ambition. At the time when 
he assumed the most threatening attitude. Divine Providence had 
already raised up three generals to check his progress, and save 
Europe from his destructive sway. 



§ I. MAHOMET II AND HUNNIADES.— a. d. 1453—1456. 

The first of these was John Corvinus Hunniades, prince of Tran- 
sylvania and governor of Hungary, who hadpreviously distinguished 
himself by his splendid exploits against Amurat II. Although he 
lost the battle of Varna in 1444, his name continued to be so formi- 
dable to the infidels, that the Turkish women made use of it to frigh- 
ten their little children, and the mere rumor of his approach at the 
head of an army, almost raised the siege of Constantinople. Aftet 
the fall of that capital, the hopes of Christian Europe ch^y rested 
upon him, and his sword was in reality its principal defence against 
tne attacks of Mahomet. 

Belgrade, a considerable and well fortified town at the confluence 
of the Danube and of the Save, had been for some time an object of 
particular envy for the Ottomans. In June (a. d. 1456), it was 
invested by an army of one hundred and fifty thousand men, whom 
the sultan led in person, and by a fleet so numerous that the vessels 
covered the two rivers. The soldiers of the garrison bravely main- 
tained their position, and, until the middle of July withstood with 
indomitable valor all the efforts of the assailants; still, the place, thus 
closely besieged and battered day and night by a formidable artillery, 
was in imminent danger of being reduced by famine or by storm, 
when the banners of Hunniades, who was hastening to its assistance, 
were seen waving upon the summits of the surrounding mountains, 
and his fleet at the same time appeared sailing down the Danube. 
This great man did not hesitate, with raw and half disciplined troops, 
to attack the whole Turkish fleet, which obstructed his passage. The 
shock was so furious, the resistance so obstinate, and the slaughter 
so great, that the waters of the Danube seemed changed into blood. 
At length, the line of the Turks being broken, several of their gal lies 
were captured; the others withdrew; and the conquerors entered the 
town, amidst the loud acclamations of the inhabitants, who hailed 



A. ». 1453-1456. MAHOMET AND HUNNIADES. 339 

the arrival of Hunniades among them as a sure sign of their 
approaching deliverance. 

Still, the danger was not yet past. The sultan, far from being 
dispirited, with redoubled enei^y caused the walls of Belgrade to be 
60 furiously and so incessantly battered, as to render their further 
reparation impossible. No sooner was the breach sufficiently wide, 
than the Turks rusiied to the assault, and in order to divide the forces 
of the besieged, applied ladders to many pla<!es at once; they how- 
ever advanced but little on that day. After having reposed during 
the night, the attack was renewed with still greater fury than before. 
In a few moments, so fierce was the conflict, that the combatants 
were mixed together sometimes upon the breach, sometimes within 
the town itself, the Christians and the Turks alternately obtaining the 
advantage. During this long period of awful suspense, Hunniades 
proved himself both a general and a soldier; throwing himself into 
the thickest part of the battle, he slew, or wounded and dispersed all 
within his reach ; while on the side of the Turks, Mahomet was 
seen in the midst of the Janizaries, venting his anger, animating his 
troops, and exposing himself to the greatest dangers. 

It was thus that boldness and the hope of victory, well regulated 
valor and desperate courage, exhibited the whole day a frightful 
scene of carnage, and produced a variety of exploits which it would 
be impossible to enumerate. It will suffice here to mention one of 
them, which really deserves particular notice. A Hungarian soldier, 
of common rank, but of heroic sentiments, saw a Turk ascend to the 
top of a tower, where he began to plant his banner with the view of 
driving the Christians to despondency, by making them believe that 
the city was already taken. Without losing an instant, he hastened 
after the Turk, and strove to wrest the banner from him ; finding 
himself unable to efiect his purpose, he seized the Turk, and, with, 
the strength of despair, dragged him along with himself from the top 
of the tower, and by his death averted impending ruin from the 
Christians. 

At this moment, Kasan, the bravest of the Turks, was struck 
dead near Mahomet, and the Janizaries began to waver and retire 
from the bbody conflict. The sultan, by threats and promises, en- 
deavored but in vain to rally his dispirited soldiers; being himself 
wounded by an arrow, and having lost the use of his senses, he was 
carried away from the field of battle, where the slaughter of the 
Turks continued until the remains of their array escaped by flight. 
There were found in the camp which they hastily abandoned, about 
two hundred pieces of heavy artillery, forty colors, and an incredible 
quantity of ammunition, baggage, splendid tents, and other valuable 
objects. The battle had lasted, it is said, twenty hours, and was the 



340 MODERN HISTORY. Pari VL 

severest check that the Ottomans received during the long reign 
of Mahomet. When the sukan, after having recovered his senses, 
was informed of the extent of his disaster, he was with difficulty pre- 
vented from killing himself in despair. Nor was this a transient or 
momentary impression; as long as he lived, he could not think of 
Belgrade, without falling into a paroxysm of madness. 

Hunniades did not long survive this glorious event; only five 
weeks later, a violent fever, occasioned by the fatigues of the last 
campaign and by the infection of the Turkish camp, carried him off 
on the tenth of September, of the same year 1456. Being attended 
in his last moments by St. John Capistran, his faithful admirer and 
friend, whose eloquent exhortations had greatly contributed to the 
victory of Belgrade, he died, as he had lived, with the pious and 
noble sentiments of a Christian hero, after having caused himself to 
be carried to the church for the purpose of receiving the Holy Viati- 
cum, '' it being proper," he said, " that the servant should go to his 
Lord, rather than that the Lord should come to his servant." The 
death of this great man, the news of which was rapidly spread, again 
brought over Europe that gloom which his victory had dispelled. 
Pope Calixtus III, on being apprized of the sad event, shed an abun- 
dance of tears ; and Mahomet himself is said to have exclaimed in a 
melancholy tone : "Never was there a greater general in the world; 
and now that he is dead, there is none whose overthrow could be a 
sufficient compensation for my defeat." This, however, was not 
strictly exact; and Mahomet deceived himself, if, besides Matthias 
Corvinus, who, like his father, inflicted severe defeats on the Turks^ 
he did not look upon Scanderbeg as an opponent worthy of him, and 
at least equal to Hunniades. 



§ II. MAHOMET II AND SCANDERBEG.— a. d. 1464—1467. 

Scanderbeg, otherwise called Georges Castriot, was king of Al- 
bania, a rough and mountainous district situated on the eastern coast 
of the Adriatic sea. In the beginning of his reign (a. d. 1443), he 
vigorously shook off the yoke laid by the Ottomans on his father and 
country, and, with a handful of warriors, maintamed his position 
against their innumerable armies during the space of twenty-four 
years. 

Amurat II, who attacked him first, soon experienced the effects of 
his undaunted valor; and having presumed to besiege Croja, the 
capital city of Albania, met there, in Scanderbeg who defended it, an 
invincible opponent, no armor however strong, no warrior how 



A. D. 1464-1467. MAHOMET AND SCANDERBEG. 341 

brave soever, being able to resist this hero. During the whole sieo-e, 
the Turks were continually harassed by sallies and skirmishes con- 
ducted with equal vigor and ability. Their loss, both before the walls 
of Croja and during their retreat, was so great, and their defeat so 
signal and so ignominious, that the grief of Amurat on this occasion 
is thought to have accelerated his death. 

The war continued under Mahomet 11, who contented himself in 
the beginning with sending many of his generals against the Alba- 
nians : but Scanderbeg knew so well how to avail himself of his 
perfect knowledge of the country, of its mountains and defiles, that 
he repeatedly routed the Turks, notwithstanding their superior forces. 
On several of these occasions, they lost from twenty to thirty thou- 
sand men. At length (towards the year 1464), the sultan determined 
to go and avenge in person so many defeats : having raised one of 
those formidable armies with which he had so often visited the neigh- 
boring states, he invaded the Albanian territory at the head of two 
hundred thousand men. Seanderb^ had not more than a handful 
of soldiers with him; still, the Turks were again repeatedly defeated, 
Croja was once more saved from their yoke, and Mahomet was com- 
pelled to retire with disappointment and shame. 

The time was now come for Scanderbeg to exchange earthly lau- 
rels for a heavenly crown, the reward of his piety and of the valor 
which he displayed in the defence of religion. He was taken dan- 
gerously ill in the city of Lissa; and, aware that his last hour was 
approaching, he prepared for it, with his usual magnanimity and 
fortitude, in the most edifying manner. The last spark of life was 
about to be extinguished, when information was brought that fifteen 
thousand Turks had re-entered his territory, and were at a short dis- 
tance; at this news, he seemed to recover his former strength and 
warlike ardor, looked for his sword, and giving his orders to the little 
army which always accompanied him, waited for the result of the 
battle, until, hearing the glad sounds of victory, he fell back upon his 
bed and calmly expired, at the age of sixty-three, on the seventeenth 
of January, 1467. His death proved an irreparable misfortune for 
his faithful subjects, who, deprived of their invincible leader, could 
no longer resist the overwhelming forces of the Ottomans. Hence 
nothing could be more just and proper than the deep and general 
affliction caused by the loss of this hero ; even his charger is said to 
have shed tears over him, and, by refusing to take his food, to have 
died of grief three days after his noble and justly lamented master. 
The Turks themselves, to whom he had been so formidable an 
enemy during life, were not the least zealous in honormg his 
memory. They not only touched his coffin with a kind of religious 
veneration, but having obtained some parcels of his bones, had them 
29* 



342 MODERN HISTORY. Part VI. I 

i 
enshrined in silver or gold, to be carried in battles, as a sure pledge, | 

they imagined, of safety and victory. 

There indeed appeared in Scanderbeg something almost above hu- 
man nature ; and it is certain that very few generals have been equal 
to him in firmness of mind, strength of body, heroic valor and bril- 
liant success. He gained twenty-two victories over the Ottomans, 
whilst they were in the height of their power and under the most 
terrible of their sultans ; and having with his own sword, slain about 
two thousand of them in different engagements, he was but once 
slightly wounded. Mahomet, imagining that there was perhaps some- 
thing marvellous in his cimeter, desired to see it; but not having 
found the famous weapon what he thought it to be, he returned it with 
a sort of contempt. '' I sent my cimeter to the sultan," said the Al- 
banian prince, *' but not the hand which knows how to wield it in 
battle." 

Nearly the whole life of Scanderbeg was a series of wonderful ac- 
tions, the offspring of the noblest feelings. He not only displayed 
the intrepidity of a warrior, and the talents of a consummate general, 
but also practised the social and Christian virtues in a high degree of 
perfection. Most historians represent him as the mildest of men; 
and yet, such was the struggle within him, whenever he met with 
great opposition, that his lower lip would split and bleed ; whence 
we may conclude that, as he was naturally much inclined to anger, 
his great mildness must have been the efiect of a sublime virtue, and 
of an extraordinary violence which he offered to himself. This self 
control, united with the highest degree of military heroism, ought to 
excite universal admiration for Scanderbeg, and moreover convince 
every one that the spirit of the true religion, instead of debasing the 
soul and weakening its energy, as some impious men falsely assert, 
is, on the contrary, the source of the purest sentiments and noblest 
actions of which man is capable. Besides the striking examples of 
Scanderbeg and Hunniades, another evidence of this truth will be 
seen in the illustrious Peter d'Aubusson, who was also raised up by the 
Almighty as a rampart to his people, against the invading power of 
Mahomet. 



§ III. MAHOMET AND PETER D'AUBUSSON.— a. d. 1476-1481. 

The sultan was incensed against the Knights Hospitallers of St. 
John of Jerusalem, for the severe Josses which they daily inflicted 
on his commerce, his navy, and his maritime provinces. The storm 
was now preparing to burst upon them ; and the Grand-Master, Peter 



K. D. 1476-1481. MAHOMET AND P. d'aUBUSSON. 343 

d^Aubusson, had scarcely completed his preparations to oppose a 
vigorous resistance, when, in the spring of the year 1480, the island 
of Rhodes, the principal residence of the order, was attacked by a 
fleet of one hundred and sixty vessels, and one hundred thousand 
men destined to fight on land. That powerful armament at once di- 
rected all its efforts against the capital city of the island, whose walls 
were, during three months, battered by pieces of ordnance similar to 
those which had destroyed the ramparts of Constantinople. But aU 
this proved no match for Peter d'Aubusson and his intrepid knights; 
besides their cannons, they used against the Ottoman artillery a for- 
midable engine, which by violendy hurling enormous stones and 
fragments of rocks, caused frightful ravages in the camp of the be- 
siegers. Scarcely a day passed without an assault from the Turks 
or a sall)^from the garrison; and in every engagement the advantage, 
although without a decisive result, was on the side of the Rhodians. 

As the wall, however, had been, in many parts, thrown down by 
the continual firing of the cannon, the commander of the Turkish 
army, Bashaw Misach Paleologus, a Greek renegado, led his troops 
to a general assault. He indeed conducted it with great ability and 
bravery; but to his great disappointment, the defence was not less 
vigorous than the attack. The Grand-Master displayed on this oc- 
casion a presence of mind, a magnanimity and courage seldom 
equalled, never surpassed. Neither the combined efforts of twelve 
Janizaries who fell desperately upon him during the conflict, nor ex- 
cess of fatigue, nor five large wounds which he received, could in- 
duce him to withdraw for a single moment from the perilous post 
which his valor had selected. So noble an example inspired his 
knights with fresh ardor; all seemed transformed into so many un- 
daunted heroes, anxious to save their magnanimous prince, or to 
perish with him on the field of battle. After a tremendous fight, the 
assailants were repulsed at all points from the breach, and leaving 
several thousand slain around the walls of the city, they fled to their 
vessels and reembarked in terror and despair. 

The Grand-Master, covered with his own blood and with that of 
his enemies, was conveyed to his palace, where his wounds were 
dressed. He happily recovered in a short time; and as soon as he 
was able to walk, repaired to the church to give solemn thanks to 
the God of hosts for the splendid victory which he had gained. His 
next care was to bestow rewards on those of his soldiers and knights 
who had evinced the greatest courage in the time of danger; and, in 
order to give proper relief to the poor inhabitants of the country, 
whose property had been laid waste by the Turks, he maintained 
them until the following harvest, and relieved them for many years 
from the taxes which they paid before the invasion. It was in those 



S44 MODERN HISTORY. 



Fart VI. 



and in the like laudable occupations that P. d'Aubusson spent the re- 
mainder of his life. When he felt himself attacked by a mortal dis- 
ease, he was not in the least disturbed at the sight of approachmg 
death, but encountered it on the bed of sickness with the same iran- 
quilhty with which he had so often faced it amidst the greatest perils 
of war. He died at the age of eighty, justly venerated and esteemed 
throughout the whole world as one of the most illustrious Grand- 
Masters of the order of St. John, one of the ablest generals of his 
age, the delight and pattern of his fellow-knights, the father of the 
poor, the deliverer of Rhodes, the sword and shield of Christendom, 
a model as well of sincere piety as of intrepid valor. 

Far different was the sultan of the Turks. This haughty monarch 
had been exasperated by the disaster of his army in the island of 
Rhodes, and in his fury he swore vengeance against the Christians. 
The city of Otranto, on the shore of the Adriatic, being already oc- 
cupied by his troops, who had taken and plundered it in August 
1480, extraordinary preparations were commenced for fresh inva- 
sions, and new calamities threatened Italy, Rhodes and other states, 
when a violent disease suddenly put an end to both the life and the 
projects of the Mussulman Attila (a. d. 1481). He had reigned 
thirty, and lived about fifty-two years. The Turks, on account of his 
talents and extensive conquests, place him in the first rank of their 
sovereigns j Gibbon and Voltaire praise him as a magnanimous 
prince : but all who know that there is no true greatness without 
virtue, and are aware of the many acts of insatiable ambition, per- 
fidiousness and barbarity with which the whole of Mahomet^s hfe 
was sullied, cannot but consider him as a scourge of humanity and 
a very monster. Dissensions which arose between his sons, and en- 
gaged all their attention, left the greater part of Europe in peace for 
many years. 



CONTEST OF THE HOUSES OF LANCASTER AND YORK IN 
ENGLAND.— A. p. 1455—1485 



England, although not attacked by foreign enemies, still continued 
in a state of considerable agitation, the causes and progress of which 
will now be more fully related. King Henry VI was a prince of virtu- 
ous disposition and inoffensive character, but had always exhibited 
great weakness of mind in his government, and such a want of resolu- 
tion as encouraged some of his relatives to endeavor to deprive him of 
his crown. At their head was Richard, duke of York, the first 
prince of th.e blood, who, by his mother, stood one degree nearer tn 



A. D. 145^1485. CONTEST^ ETC. 345 

the throne than the house of Lancaster; he possessed those talents 
which^render the leader of a party extremely dangerous, and exer- 
cised great influence over the principal nobility of England. 

Unfortunately, at this time, there existed great discontent against 
the court, on account of the ill success of the last war in France 
for the recovery of Guienne. The artful duke was careful to encour- 
age the public opinion, at first secretly, afterwards more openly, as 
soon as circumstances permitted him to do so without peril. At 
length, he raised troops, for the purpose, he said, of reforming the 
government, and boldly taking th.e field, defeated the royahsts at St. 
Albans, and took the king prisoner (a. d. 1455). This important 
j)rize, still more than the victory itself, served admirably well the 
ambitious views of Richard, and enabled him, in leaving to his royal 
captive the insignia of royalty, to assume with impunity the govern- 
ment of the realm. 

The battle of St. Albans was the first in that awful and unnatural 
Struggle, which armed the rival houses of Lancaster and York against 
each other, made Great Britain one extensive theatre of atrocities, was 
signalized by twelve pitched battles, cost the lives of more than a 
hundred thousand men with eighty princes of the blood, and almost 
completely annihilated the ancient nobility of England. It was pro- 
longed by the obstinate valor of both parties, and by the great abihty 
of their leaders. Besides Duke Richard, the chief commanders of the 
Yorkists were his son Edward, whose military skill was superior 
even to that of his father, and, during a certain time, the intrepid earl 
of Warwick, surnamed the maker and destroyer of kings. The real 
head of the Lancastrians was queen Margaret, a princess of masculine 
courage and wonderful constancy, which she displayed in the most 
distressing circumstances that can perhaps ever befall a queen, a wife 
and a mother. 

This fatal and sanguinary contest is well known under the deno- 
mination of the two roses, from the white rose, the distinctive badge of 
the house of York, and the red rose, that of the Lancastrian family. 
Various were the alternations of success ; and King Henry VI fre- 
quently passed from the state of a sovereign to that of a captive, and 
again changed his prison for the throne. His partisans seemed to 
prevail in 1460, when, being strongly upheld by the queen, they 
gained at. Wakefield a signal victory against the duke of York, who, 
with many of his followers, lost his life in the conflict. But this 
success of the royal cause was not of long duration. Prince Edward 
not only retrieved the losses and fully repaired the defeat of his party, 
but even marched to London and caused himself to be proclaimed 
king without further delay. Returning to the northern counties, he 
overtook the Lancastrians near Towton, and completely defeated 



346 MODERN HISTORY. 



PartVL 



ihem, after a most furious and obstinate conflict, which cost the lives 
of thirty -eight thousand combatants (a. d. 1461). 

This battle was decisive against the royalists. The unfortunate 
Henry fled to Scotland for refuge j but his queen and his son had to 
encounter very strange adventures. On one occasion, as the young 
prince and his mother were crossing a mountainous district, they 
were surprised by a troop of banditti, who stripped them of their 
money, jewels and other arti(;les of value. It is probable that they 
concealed their qualhy ; otherwise, such distinguished captives would 
have been more carefully guarded. The ruffians began to quarrel 
about the division of the booty; menaces were Uttered, and swords 
drawn; when Margaret, watching her opportunity, grasped her son 
by the arm, and plunged into the thickest part of the wood. She 
had not proceeded far, when another robber made his appearance. 
The queen, with the intrepidity of despair, advanced to meet him, 
and taking young Edward by the hand, "Friend," she said, *'I 
intrust to you the son of your king." These words so moved the 
robber, that he took them both under his protection, and conducted 
them to a place of safety. 

How desperate soever the cause of the red rose might now appear, 
the courage and spirit of Margaret were not yet subdued. Indefati- 
gable in her exertions, she frequently crossed the sea, in order to 
obtain foreign assistance, and often re-appeared at the head of her 
partisans in England. Her hopes were cheered by a temporary 
gleam of success, particularly in the year 1470, when, by the secession 
of the earl of Warwick from the Yorkist to the Lancastrian side, and 
by the sudden, though momentary flight of King Edward, Henry VI 
was once more replaced upon the British throne. But no later than 
the following year 1471, the fatal battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury 
for ever blasted the fruit of so many efforts. The unfortunate mo- 
narch again fell into the hands of his implacable enemies, was again 
recommitted to the tower, and shortly after deprived of life. His 
royal consort, and his son, then eighteen years of age, being now 
destitute of all resources, were also taken prisoners. The young 
prince was immediately led to the conqueror's tent; and, having been 
asked the reason of his appearance at the head of an army, replied 
with equal boldness and candor: **To preserve my father's crown 
and my own inheritance." Edward, enraged at this answer, bru- 
tally struck him on the face with his gauntlet; and the assistants 
imitating his barbarity despatched him with their swords. As ta 
Margaret, after having supported to the end the cause of the Lancas- 
trian family, and having outlived her fortune, her friends, her hus- 
band and her son, she was ransomed for fifty thousand crowns, and 
died in France a few years after. 



D. 1479— 14D-3. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 347 



Edward IV remained in the undisturbed possession of the English 
crown: but, after his death, which happened in the year 1483, dis- 
sensions again disturbed the peace of the royal family. Of his two 
next successors, Edward V, his son, and Richard III, his brother, the 
former was dethroned, imprisoned and put to death by the latter, a 
faithless and ferocious prince, who did not long enjoy the fruit of his 
detestable ambition. Notwithstanding all the precautions of his artful 
and tyrannical policy, a strong party was formed in favor of another 
rival, Henry Tudor, earl of Richmond, member of the house of Lan- 
caster by a collateral and female line. A single battle fought at Bos- 
worth in the year 1485, decided the important quarrel ; Richard lo«t 
his life, and the victorious army presently proclaimed his rival king 
of England under the name of Henry VII. The title of this prince 
was afterwards confirmed by an act of parliament; and his marriage 
with Elizabeth the heiress of the house of York, uniting together the 
claims of both families, put an end to the protracted feuds of the 
Plantagenets, and to the civil war which had deluged England with 
blood during the space of thirty years. 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.— FINAL OVERTHROW OF THE 
MOORS IN SPAIN.— A. d. 1479—1492. 



At this period, Isabella, princess of Castile, who succeeded her 
brother Henry IV on the throne in 1474, married Ferdinand of Arra- 
gon, who inherited the crown of his father Juan II, in 1479. This 
marriage permanently cemented the chief states of Christian Spain in 
one extensive empire. The. Spanish monarchy became thus, almost 
on a sudden, more respectable and powerful than it had been ever 
since the flourishing times of the Visigotlis. This however was 
owing less perhaps to the fortunate union of the two crowns in one 
family, than to the uncommon abihty and perfect accord with which 
Ferdinand and Isabella governed their dominions. By vigorous 
enactments and still more vigorous measures, they checked the tor- 
rent of disorders and crimes to which the preceding civil wars had 
given rise; destroyed the castles and fortresses from which restless 
lords issued forth to infest all the country round; revoked the grant 
of gratuities, that exhausted the pubhc treasury ; rescued the people 
from the oppression of the nobles ; and subjected the nobles them- 
selves to the control of the royal authority. It was at this epoch 
(a. d. 1480) that they established in Spain the famous, and, we may 
add, tl^e so much and yet so little known tribunal of the Inquisition.* 

* See note K. 



318 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VI 



In the mean time, the Moors having, notwithstanding the existing 
truce, imprudently recommenced hostihties, Isabella and Ferdinand 
conceived the just and glorious design of annihilating their poYiT^er in 
the peninsula. Hitherto, these sworn enemies of the Christian name 
had maintained themselves in the southern provinces, and, though 
they had gradually lost an immense portion of their territory, they 
still remained masters of the flourishing kingdom of Granada, which 
contained a great number of fortified places and three millions of 
inhabitants. But the time had now come, when, after a struggle 
of nearly eight centuries against the Christians, they were to be 
stripped of their last possession in Spain. The two sovereigns 
skilfully took advantage of the imprudent step of the Mussulmans 
and of the bloody factions which began to prevail among their 
princes; they declared war against them, and prosecuted it with 
vigor. During the space of eight years (1482 — 1490), the different 
towns and fortresses of the kingdom of Granada fell successively into 
the hands of the Castilians, and there remained, in 1491, only its 
capital to be subdued. 

This was, it is true, a very difficult and perilous attempt. Two 
mighty fortresses, a thousand towers, walls of prodigious size, and 
thirty thousand warriors defended that superb capital. But all these 
obstacles did not deter Ferdinand and Isabella from pursuing their 
favorite plan with wonderful activity; and Granada was invested 
by a gallant army of fifty thousand men, whom the presence of their 
sovereigns, stimulated with unconquerable ardor, patience and con- 
stancy. In that siege, the Spaniards neither made use of artillery, 
nor attempted an assault, their only object being to reduce the city by 
famine, and repel the sallies of the garrison. During six months, 
the spot between Granada and the Spanish camp was a theatre of 
almost continual skirmishes, and innumerable exploits were per- 
formed by the knights of both parties ; but never could the Moors 
bring their opponents to a general engagement. Ferdinand was too 
prudent to expose the issue of an expedition in which he was nearly 
certain of success, to the hazard of a battle: he contented himself 
with protecting his troops by solid entrenchments ; and then, to let 
the Moors fully understand his fixed determination to conquer Gra- 
nada, he built, at the suggestion of Isabella, in the place of the en- 
campment, a regular city with its houses and streets, under the name 
of Santa Fe, a name which it still retains. 

The inhabitants of Granada, and Boabdil, their king, were driven 
to despair, when they beheld the unshaken resolution of an enemy 
who spared neither time, nor expense, nor fatigue, to attain his 
oijject. The first pangs of starvation, and the fear of still greater evils 
in future, induced them to enter into a negotiation with the besiegers. 



A. D. 1479 -1492. FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 349 

Having obtained a truce for two months, during which no opportu- 
nity presented itself of averting their impending ruin, they finally 
consented, under the condition of mild and honorable treatment, to 
surrender into the hands of the Castilian sovereigns. 

Isabella and Ferdinand took possession of Granada in the begin- 
ning of the year 1492, after having granted to Boabdil extensive 
estates and an annual income of fifty thousand ducats in exchange 
for his kingdom. Notwithstanding these advantages, the unhappy 
monarch could not leave his capital without shedding a flood of tears; 
and when he gazed at it for the last time from the summit of a neigh- 
boring hill, he repeatedly exclaimed : " O splendid city ! O Lord 
God of hosts! What misfortunes have ever been equal to mine!" 
Upon which, his mother ironically said to him : " You do well to 
lament, like a woman, the loss of a kingdom which you did not 
know how to defend like a man." Bein-g soon disgusted with his 
new situation, he, after the example of his uncle El Zagal, who had 
long contended with him for the crown, sold his estates to Ferdi- 
nand, and passed over to Africa, where, having lived twenty years 
longer, he was at last killed in a battle fought by the king of Fez 
against the sovereign of Morocco. 

The other Moors, besides the king and his attendants, had also, 
with due proportion, obtained valuable advantages from their new 
sovereigns. By the treaty of peace, they were allowed either to retire 
to the African continent with their families and riches, or to stay in 
the peninsula, with privileges scarcely inferior to those enjoyed by 
the Spaniards, and such as induced great numbers to remain. 
Unhappily, the course of time showed their submission not to be 
very sincere and constant; and experience taught the Spanish go- 
vernment the necessity of adopting severer measures to check their 
present, and hinder their future rebellions. In fine, towards the year 
1609, some proofs having been obtained that they were planning a 
general insurrection, they were expelled from the Spanish territories 
by an edict of King Philip III, those only being excepted who had 
become sincere Christians, and whose descendants still subsist in the 
southern districts of Spain. 

The wonderful abilities of Isabella and Ferdinand had founded on 
a permanent basis the greatness of the Spanish monarchy ; by the 
conquest of Granada, it was raised to an eminent degree of splendor; 
and, within a few years, a variety of other successful events gave it 
that mighty preponderance, which it enjoyed in Europe during this 
and the two following reigns. 
30 



350 MODERN HISTORY, Part VI. 



REMARKS ON THE DISCOVERIES MADE DURING THE SIXTH 
PERIOD OF MODERN HISTORY. 



Before we leave this period, we will make some remarks on the 
important discoveries in which it abounds. 

The celebrated Roger Bacon, an Englishman, who flourished 
towards the end of the thirteenth century, is said to have prepared 
the way for the invention of gun -powder; but the invention itself is 
more generally ascribed to Schwartz, a German, who lived at the 
same time, or shortly after. The use of that composition produced 
a material change in military tactics, cannon and musketry gradually 
taking the place of bows, catapults, balisters, battering rams, and 
other warlike engines. During the course of the fifteenth century, 
the application of artillery to the different parts of warfare, sieges, 
naval combats-, etc., became general among civilized nations ; and it 
is a remarkable fact that, from that time, battles have been less cruel 
and bloody than they were during the foregoing ages.* 

* We do not read or hear of any combat having been, ever since the uni- 
versal adoption of gun-powder, half so bloody as many were before, v g. 
the battles of Ancyra (a. d. 1402), Tarifa (1340), Murandal (1212), 
Tours (732), Chalons (451), all which have been mentioned in this his- 
tory; and, in more remote ages, the battles of Arbela (b. c. 331) and Pla- 
tea (b. c. 479), said to have cost the lives of nearly three hundred thou- 
sand Persians ; and particularly the awful fight of the kings of Juda and 
Israel, Abia and Jeroboam (b, c. 958), in which, according to the unex- 
ceptionable account of the sacred writer, there fell, on the part of the Is- 
raelites alone, five hundred thousand men slain or wounded (II Paral. xiii, 
17) ; whereas, in the most terrible battles of latter times, v. g. Austerlitz, 
Jena, Leipzic, Waterloo, the actual loss of the vanquished hardly exceeded 
thirty or forty thousand. 

Reason itself, if we reflect ever so little, confirms our assertion concern- 
ing the great difference to be remarked between recent and ancient battles. 
It is manifest, all other circumstances being equal, that armies fighting at a 
distance with cannon and musketry, are not exposed to so shocking a mode 
of spilling blood, nor to such cruel animosity, nor to such terrible destruc- 
tion, as when fighting hand to hand with swords, spears and battle-axes. 
For, in the first case, besides the length of time required to fix the bat- 
teries, and the vast number of shots which miss their object, if either of the 
two armies begins to suffer too severely, it may, generally speaking, avoid 
further destruction, by retiring beyond the reach of the enemy's guns. — 
In the second case, the hostile troops being frequently within the reach of 
the sword, and, as it were, minded together, a dreadful slaughter must un- 
avoidably follow, both during the regular fight, and also after it, owing to 
the closeness of the pursuit. 

To these facts and reflections we cannot reasonably oppose the frightful 
disaster of the French army in Russia (a. d. 1812), because it was the 
effect of a whole campaign, not of a single battle, and of intense cold, want 
of food, and the crossing of difficult rivers, more than of the Russian can- 



REMARKS ON THE DISCOVERIES, ETC. 351 

In 1410, painting in oil was invented at Bruges, by John Van- 

Eyck. 

To the year 1417 is referred by some the useful invention of 
making paper from linen rags. 

A still more important invention was that of the art of printing, 
the authors of which, according to the more common opinion of 
learned men, were Faust, SchcefFer and Guttemberg, at Mentz, about 
tne year 1440.* It was soon followed by engraving and etching on 
copper. 

Towards 1470 post-horses were established by King Louis XI. 

In fine, the last years of this age were signalized by the discovery 
of America, and that of the passage of the cape of Good Hope to 
the East Indies ; two events of paramount importance, an account of 
which belongs to the seventh part of Modern History. 

non. The only plausible objection perhaps that can be made against our 
view of the subject, is, that e^un-powder being a powerful means of destruc- 
tion added to those which already existed, must consequently be reckoned 
a real and very great evil — but it should also be remarked that it is rather a 
means which has superseded others that were more cruel, more bloody, and 
more dreadfully murderous both in public wars and private quarrels ; and, 
since there have always been, and unfortunately always will be quarrels 
among individuals, and wars among nations, we are authorized to conclude 
that the invention of gun-powder, instead of being a great misfortune, as is 
commonly imagined, has been, on the contrary, a real and valuable service 
rendered to humanity. 

* The first printers carried their types about in bags, and printed small 
pamphlets, letters, etc., in noblemen's houses. The first entire book issued 
from their press, was the Psalter in Latin, printed at Mentz (a. d. 1457), 
of which there are yet two copies extant, one in the imperial library at 
Vienna in Austria ; the other was bought by King Louis XVIII for the sum 
of 12,000 francs. A complete edition of the Bible in Latin, a copy of 
which was purchased by the same king for 20,000 francs, came out in two 
folio vols., also at Mentz (a. d. 1462). From that epoch, the progress of 
typography was so rapid, that, even before the close of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, a variety of editions of the Bible, and an incredible number of other 
useful books, were published in the different parts of Europe. 

It is certain that the art of printing, by removing for ever the evil of the 
scarcity of books, has been highly conducive to the greater diffusion of 
religious truth and literary instruction ; but, alas ! it has also become a 
powerful vehicle of error, incredulity, sophisms, immorality, infamous and 
slanderous tales, etc.; so apt are men to abuse the very best things which 
lie within their reach. Indeed, what can be more deplorable than to see 
the vast number of irreligious, impious, and scandalous productions of every 
kind and every size, with which the world is deluged ? However, since 
the abuse of any good art or object does not detract from its intrinsic value, 
the application of the art of printing to matters of this description cannot 
be a sufficient motive to inveigh against the art itself, and we ought rather 
gratefully to consider it as a gift of Divine Providence, intended to be, as 
it really has been, one of the chief instruments towards completing the re- 
vival of science and letters, and securing the triumph of the true religion 
over error and infidelity. 



PART VII. 



PROM THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA (A. D. 1492), TO THE TREATY OT 
VERSAILLES OR PARIS, IN WHICH THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE T7NI- 
TED STATES WAS SOLEMNLY AND UNIVERSALLY ACKNOWLEDGED 
(A. D. 1783). 



PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON AMERICA. 

It is a well founded opinion that America was known to some 
among the nations of antiquity, particularly the Egyptians and Car- 
thaginians. Besides the mention made by Plato, in his dialogues, 
and the description ascribed to Solon, of the great island Atlantis, 
whose existence and identity with the American continent may be 
called in question; there is in Seneca's Medea a passage showing that 
the ancients had truly the notion of an extensive portion of the world, 
which, though separated from them by the ocean, might be dis- 
covered in aftertimes.* Above all, a very ancient author, who is 
commonly supposed to be Aristotle, expressly affirms that the Car- 
thaginians, in one of their maritime excursions, discovered a vast 
and beautiful land, far beyond the straits of Hercules (Gibraltar) ; 
but that the senate, for fear of depopulating the republic, forbade 
other ships to go thither, and endeavored to suppress the notice of 
the discovery .f 

Whatever may be said on this point, the population of America 
itself and its descent from the inhabitants of the old world, form no 
longer a difficulty among learned men, and are satisfactorily ac- 
counted for in many different ways. 

* Venient annis secula seris, 

Quibus oceanus vincula rerum 

Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus, 

Tethysque novos detegat orbes. 

Nee erit terris ultima Thule. — Medea, Act. ii. 
\ See, on this interesting subject, Univers. Hist. vol. xxx. pp. 142 — 186, 
and vol. cxiv. p. 5. of the Introduct. to the History of America; — also BibU 
Vengee de Duclot, vol. i, Observations preliminaires ; — Dr. Wiseman, Lec- 
tures on the connexion between science and revealed religion^ pp. 82 — 86. 



PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 353 

The first is that of a regular and bold navigation^ by steering either 
westward from the coasts of Africa through the Atlantic, like the 
Carthaginians, several of whom, according to theaucipnt author just 
quoted, remained in the fertile and extensive country which they had 
discovered — or from the northwest of Europe, through Greenland — 
or from the eastern shores of Asia, viz. Japan, by the long and 
almost uninterrupted series of islands in the Pacific Ocean. This 
seems particularly to have been the course followed by the ancestors 
of the Peruvians and Mexicans; for, besides the wise conjectures of 
Hornius in his work de Origine Gent. American, and the solid proofs 
adduced by Mr. de Guisgnes in the History of the Ham and Researches 
on the Chinese navigation; there exists so striking a coincidence of 
monuments, hieroglyphic figures, strange customs, and arbitrary 
signs for the computation of time, between the Peruvians and Mexi- 
cans on one side, and the Egyptians, Thibetans and Moguls on the 
other, as to leave no doubt with regard to the identical origin of the 
nations of both continents, and the direction taken by the migratory 
colonies in their passage from one country to the other. 

A still easier means of communication between the two continents, 
was to cross, with boats in summer, and upon the ice in winter, the 
narrow strait of Behring, which separates North America from the 
north-east of Asia. That this means was really resorted to, must 
ajjpear evident to every one from the innumerable marks of resem- 
blance in color, size, constitution, manners, etc., between the inhabi- 
tants of the opposite shores of North America and Asia. Not long 
since, two learned travellers, Steller and Kracheninnikow, proved 
this truth to a high degree of certainty in the first volume of the His- 
tory of Kamtschatka. 

In fine, strong winds and tempests have been also justly reckoned 
among the very probable causes of the population of America, par- 
ticularly of the eastern parts of South America. How often, during 
the course of ages, may not ships have been surprised by storms, 
and driven from the coasts of Europe or Africa to the American 
shores'? Nor is this gratuitously supposed ; it seems rather to rest 
on well authenticated facts. When Alvarez Cabral, the Portuguese 
admiral, was going from Portugal to the East Indies, in the year 
1500, his fleet was hurried by a furious tempest, across the Atlantic, 
to the coasts of Brazil, of which he took possession in the name of 
his sovereign ; so that the New World would have become known 
in consequence of this accident, had it not been discovered eight 
years before by the genius of Columbus. In 1731, a boat carrying 
six men was driven in the same direction from the Canary islands 
to the mouth of the river Orinoco ; the men were still afive, although 
30* 



354 MODERN HISTORY. Pan VII. 

nearly starved. Is it not reasonable to believe that similar causes 
may have occasionally produced similar effects in preceding agesi 

Thus is the population of America in its close connexion with 
the inhabitants of the old world, easily and in many ways ex- 
plained. But, like many ancient nations shortly after the deluge, 
most of the American tribes were, at the time of their discovery, 
totally uncivilized, the only exception found by the Europeans being 
that of the empires of Mexico and Peru ; and even this Mexican 
and Peruvian civilization was, on several accounts, very imperfect, 
nor can it be traced farther back than three or four centuries. Yet, 
they had preserved the remembrance of some religious truths, v. g. 
of the immortality of the soul, and of a deluge which destroyed all 
mankind, except one family who repeopled the earth. This is a- 
new evidence of the identity of origin that links together all the 
branches of the human family, and of their descent from one com- 
mon stock, as the Scripture asserts (Acts, xvii. 26 j — -Rom. v. 
12; etc.) 



DISCOVERY OF AMERICA— CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 
A. D 1492—1506. 



The great man whose life connects the history of the ancient 
continent with that of the new, Christopher Columbus, was born of 
a wool-comber, at or near Genoa, probably in 1441. From his child- 
hood, he manifested a strong propensity for voyages, and, as soon as 
he was able, indulged it by partaking in the maritime expeditions of 
the Genoese his countrymen. In this employment, his natural genius 
acquired that practical knowledge and fertility of resource, that 
undaunted resolution and vigilant self-command for which he was 
afterwards so remarkable. Success increased his inclination for a 
nautical career, and existing circumstances gave it a peculiar direc- 
tion, which finally led to the discovery of America. 

About this time the Portuguese endeavored to find out a passage to 
the East Indies by coasting along the shores of Africa. Though they 
advanced but slowly, their attempts and their discoveries suggested to 
the mind of Columbus a still bolder idea: the study of both the 
ancient and recent geographical maps, together with the knowledge 
of the sphericity of the earth, led him to believe that, by steering 
directly to the west, across the Atlantic, one might easily reach the 
Asiatic continent. This theory included indeed a partial mistake, 
in as much as Columbus had not formed a correct estimate of the 
size of our globe, nor of the distance of the eastern extremity of Asia 



A. D. 1492-1506. DISCOVERY OF AMERICA^ ETC. 355 

from the west of Europe j but the principal idea was not^ on that 
account, less worthy of a great and mighty genius. 

A variety of circumstances concurred to impress his theory more 
and more upon his mind.. Reeds of an extraordinary size,, and such 
as were said to grow only in India, floated to the Azore islands from 
the west; pieces of wood carved in an unusual manner, and trees of 
an unknow:n species had been lately found drifting from the same 
quarter; above all, a canoe, driven by westerly winds, had been seen 
carrying the dead bodies of two men, whose features differed from 
those of any known race of people. These, and other facts of a like 
nature, confirmed Columbus in his belief of the existence of undis- 
covered lands in the west. 

Having thus formed his theory, he determined to carry it himself 
into effect; but this required the co-operation of some princely power, 
and Columbus had the mortification to see his proposal of the noble 
undertaking rejected, with more or less contempt, by the republic of 
Genoa and by the court of Portugal, to which he successively applied. 
Even in Spain, where he met with a reception more favorable to his 
views, many years elapsed in a course of fruitless negotiations and 
repeated disappointments, before obtaining the aid so earnestly desired. 
Indeed, having already despatched his brother Bartholomew to Eng- 
land, he himself was on the point of departing from Spain^ when, at 
the representations of some zealous and influential persons, Isabella 
and Ferdinand at length consented to furnish him with three small 
vessels, and ninety mariners, who were joined by several private 
adventurers and servants, maldng the whole number about one hun- 
dred and twenty persons. It was with the help of this weak squad- 
ron, that Columbus undertook to brave the dangers of unknown seas> 
in order to execute one of the boldest designs ever conceived. 

On the third of August of the year 1492, having, with his officers 
and crew, prepared himself by religious exercises for the hazardous 
undertaking, he sailed from the harbor of Palos in Andalusia, under 
the royal commission which appointed him admiral of the new seas, 
and viceroy of the lands he was going to discover. He stopped 
for some weeks at the Canary islands, to repair his vessels and 
refresh their crews, and then steered directly west. A gentle breeze 
blowing from the east, speedily wafted them over a tranquil sea; so 
that, at the end of four weeks more, they had come two thousand 
and two hundred miles. No land however yet appeared; and Cor 
lumbus had often to struggle against the murmurs and dismay of his 
companions, who loudly insisted on abandoning the voyage. Some 
even carried their mutiny so far as to propose in their meetings to 
throw him into the sea, and spread the report that he had fallen over- 
board while observing the stars with his astronomical instruments. 



356 MODERN HISTORY. PartV.i. 

Columbus, in order to pacify their clamors, had to use consummate 
prudence; he assured tliem that they would discover the land within 
the space of three days. That it was not- distant he knew from many 
certain signs : e. g. birds and fish of such kinds as never go far from 
the shore, and also green branches, which were seen near the vessels 
as they advanced. The three days had not elapsed, before land was 
descried; and, a few hours after, on the twelfth of October, the crews 
disembarked, to the very great surprise of the harmless natives. The 
country thus discovered was called by its inhabitants Guanahani, one 
of the Bahama islands. 

■ It would be difficult to conceive the respect which the Spaniards 
now manifested for the great man whom they so lately threatened 
with death; and still more so, to describe the feelings of Columbus 
himself at the sight of his happy discovery. As a memorial of the 
termination of those dangers from which he had been rescued, he 
gave the island the name of San-Salvador, and took possession of it 
for the Castilian sovereigns. Then again putting to sea, he disco- 
vered Cuba, and shordy after another extensive and beautiful island 
called jFfoi/fi, an Indian name it has resumed in these latter times, after 
having been successively called Hispaniola and San- Domingo. Every 
where, a fertile soil exhibited to the sight of the Spaniards produc- 
tions and animals unknown in Europe. In some places, gold was 
so abundant, that valuable pieces of it were easily obtained for little 
mirrors, small bells, and other trifles given in exchange, the simple 
and artless natives setting little value on that metal so much prized 
by other nations. Struck with astonishment at the dress, color and 
arms of the Spaniards, they took these new guests for so many super- 
natural beings descended from the sky, and accordingly received them 
with all imaginable kindness and respect. As Columbus always 
supposed that their country was the extremity of Eastern India, he 
gave them the name of^ Indians; an appellation which, notwithstand- 
ing the subsequent acknowledgment of the mistake, the aborigines of 
the new world have hitherto retained. 

Columbus now thought of returning to Spain, that he might be the 
first to impart to the sovereigns the news of his success and discove- 
ries. One of his vessels having run aground, he used the remains 
of the wreck, with the consent of the Indians, to build a fort upon the 
shores of Hayti, and leaving in it forty of his companions, sailed for 
Europe in January, 1493. In the middle of the ocean the two re- 
maining vessels were assailed by so furious a tempest, that Colum- 
bus, abandoning all hope, wrote a hasty account of his voyage, and, 
having surrounded the paper with a waxed cloth, put the whole in a 
cask, which he threw into the sea, hoping that the waves might 

drive it to the land. Happily, this precaution proved unnecessary; 



A. D. 1492-1506. DISCOVERY OF AMERICA^ ETC. 357 

the storm abated, and, on the fifteenth of March,, Columbus triumph- 
antly entered the harbor of Palos, from which he had sailed about 
seven months before. 

The fortunate admiral proceeded by land to the Spanish court, then 
at Barcelona; and, as a specimen of his important discoveries, offered 
to Isabella and Ferdinand a variety of golden ornaments and produc- 
tions of the nev7 world. The sovereigns, in return, gave him every 
mark of regard and esteem, and confirmed his title of admiral and 
viceroy. After their example, the courtiers and lords seemed to vie 
with each other in bestowing upon him proofs of personal considera- 
tion. As, however, there are never wanting mean characters, jea- 
lous of the reputation. of others, some persons of this description once 
publicly told him that, after all, he had not much reason to glory in 
the discovery of America, some little share of courage and a fortunate 
chance having been sufficient to bring the attempt to a successful 
issue, Columbus made no direct reply, but, taking an egg, invited 
the company to make it stand upon one end. As no one could do 
this, he struck the egg upon the table, so as to break the end, and 
left it standing on the broken part, showing, in this simple and plea- 
sant manner, that the most perplexing things may become the easiest 
to be done when we are once shown the way, but not before; and 
that such was exactly the case with regard to the attempt of going in 
search of unknown lands. 

The tidings of the great discovery made by Columbus rapidly spread 
throughout Europe, filling every one with astonishment, and diffu- 
sing among nations a lively spirit for maritime enterprise. The Span- 
ish sovereigns lost no time in taking means to secure their new ac- 
quisitions. A bull was obtained from Pope Alexander VI, granting 
them the investiture of all the land that had been or might be dis- 
covered in V\7'estern India, under the condition of planting and pro- 
pagating the Catholic faith among the inhabitants. But, lest the dis- 
(ioveries of the Spaniards should interfere with those of the Portu- 
guese^ which had likewise been secured by a papal bull, an ideal line 
was drawn, by order of the pope, from the northern to the southern 
pole, a hundred degrees west of the Azores. All land discovered to 
the west of this line was conceded to the crown of Spain ; all dis- 
covered in the opposite direction was to belong to Portugal.* 

In the mean time, great exertions were made in the Spanish ports 
to fit out a second expedition upon a larger scale. It consisted of 
seventeen ships, and about fifteen hundred persons, among whom 
there were laborers and artisans of all kinds intended for the projected 
colony, and twelve clergymen destined to impart religious instruction 

* See note L. 



358 MODERN HISTORY. t-art VII. 

to the natives. With these, Columbus sailed from Cadiz on the 
twenty-fifth of September, 1493, and had a favorable passage to 
Hayti; but his disappointment was very great to find there neither 
the fort which he had built, nor the forty men whom he had left 
for its defence. During his absence, their tyrannical and oppressive 
conduct provoked the hostility of the Indian population, who slew 
them and utterly demolished their fortress. 

The return of Columbus, his authority, his prudence and modera- 
tion, might have restored tranquillity in the island ; unfortunately the 
excellent views which he entertained, instead of being seconded by 
the zeal, were frequently opposed by the avarice, ambition and de- 
pravity of many of his new companions. In spite of his measures, 
of the orders of the sovereigns, and of the remonstrances of zealous 
clergymen, the Indians were cruelly oppressed; and the number 
of that unfortunate race daily decreased, from war, starvation and 
ill-treatment. 

Finding himself involved in difficulties, Columbus returned to 
Spain in 1495. His arrival at court easily dispelled the clouds 
which envy and calumny had thrown round his conduct and ad- 
ministration ; but he now saw how much more he would have after- 
wards to endure from his enemies. It was only after two years of 
fresh disappointments and tedious expectation, that he succeeded in 
obtaining a squadron of six vessels for a new voyage. From various 
considerations, he was induced to steer more to the south than he had 
ever done before. This course led him to the mouth of the great 
river Orinoco, where he for the first time beheld the continent, on the 
first of August (a. d. 1498); a most interesting discovery, of the im- 
portance of which Columbus himself was Httle aware at the tune. 
The continual dangers which he had to encounter in those un- 
known seas, together with a variety of other incidents, obliged him 
to hasten his return to Hispaniola, where he hoped to enjoy the rest 
he so much needed, before pursuing the great work of exploring the 
continent. 

But, while the admiral was thus undergoing all kinds of hardships 
for the service of Spain, the party of his enemies obtained the ascen- 
dency at court. Their charges against his administration were so 
continual, so artful and so numerous, that the Spanish sovereigns 
thought it proper to despatch a commissary to Hispaniola, for the 
purpose of investigating the real state of afiairs. This commissary 
was Francisco de BobadiUa, an intelligent, but at the same time a 
passionate man. After his arrival at San-Domingo, he acted with so 
great a partiality, that, while he readily listened to the accusations of 
the rabble against Columbus, he refused to hear his defence, and even 
went so far as to send him in chains to Europe (a. d. 1500). 



/L. D. 14^-1506. DISCOVERY OF AMERICA^ ETC. 359 

In the midst of these outrageous injuries heaped upon his cha- 
racter and person, Columbus displayed surprising magnanimity. 
When the vessel on which he embarked, put to sea, the captain, 
who was a man of feeling, wished to take off the fetters of the un- 
fortunate admiral J but he never would consent to it, and protested 
that he was resolved to wear them until they should be removed by 
the express command of his sovereigns. It is said that he ever after 
kept those chains hanging in his room, and gave orders that they 
should be buried with him, as a memorial of the ingratitude which 
the world returns for eminent services. 

The arrival of Columbus as a prisoner and a criminal, caused 
throughout Spain a general burst of indignation against his enemies. 
The king and queen disavowed the proceedings of Bobadilla, as con- 
trary to his instructions; they consoled the admiral by a most gracious 
reception, and promised to reinstate him in all his privileges and dig- 
nities. This, however, owing both to the untimely death of Isabella, 
and to the procrastinating policy of Ferdinand, never was effected. 
After all, temporal and mercenary considerations had but little weight 
with Columbus; nor could obstacles abate his zeal for useful discove- 
ries. Having obtained, after some delay, that a few vessels should 
be again placed at his disposal, he sailed once more from Cadiz, in 
the spring of 1502, accompanied by his youngest son Fernando, who 
afterwards wrote his father's life. 

Never had the admiral to suffer so much as in this his fourth and 
/ast voyage; yet never did he evince more wonderful presence of 
mind and greater resources of genius. This appeared chiefly in the 
following occurrence. After a long and perilous cruise on the bois- 
terous gulfs near the isthmus of Panama, the shattered state of his 
vessels obliged him, on his return, to run them ashore on the coast 
of Jamaica, and to remain there for several months. At first, the 
Indians were eager to supply the Spaniards with provisions, which 
they exchanged for trifling objects; gradually their ardor~ subsided, 
and their useful visits became less and less frequent. The scarcity 
daily increased in the little camp ; and all began to entertain horrible 
apprehensions of famine, when a most happy idea presented itself 
to the mind of Columbus. 

From his knowledge of astronomy, he ascertained that there would 
be, in three days, a total eclipse of the moon. He therefore sum- 
moned the principal caciques (Indian chieftains) to a conference, ap- 
pointing for it the day of the eclipse. When all were assembled, he 
first reproached them, through his interpreter, with their inhuman in- 
sensibility, and threatened them with the vengeance of the God of hea- 
ven, whom the Spaniards adored: as a token of this impending ven- 
geance, the moon, he said, would refuse its light to them on that 



360 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VII. 



very night. In fact, t'lu! eclipse commenced a few hours after, and 
struck terror and disuxay into the hearts of the Indians. They fell at 
the feet of Columbus, and entreated him to ask. pardon for them of 
the God of heaven, assuring him that they would thenceforth bring 
to the Spaniards whatever should be required. He feigned to yield 
with reluctance to their request, and, shutting himself up for some 
moments in his cabin, came out to them again, and said, that, under 
the strict condition of their future fidelity to their promises, he had 
-obtained their pardon from the Almighty j in sign of which they 
would presently behold the light of the moon. 

The admiral, before speaking thus to them, had waited for the op- 
portune moment when the eclipse was about to terminate. Tiie 
moon began to appear, and soon recovered all its brilliancy, to the 
inconceivable joy of the Indians, who were scarcely able, from ex- 
cess of astonishment, to testify their admiration, reverence and grati- 
tude for Columbus. They hastened to propitiate him with gifts, 
and, from that time forward, not only supplied the Spaniards with 
abundance of provisions, but carefully avoided giving them the least 
displeasure. At last, two vessels arriving from Hispaniola, delivered 
the admiral with his companions from this perilous kind of exile, and 
conveyed them to a safer -place. As soon as the state of his affairs 
permitted, he reembarked for Spain, which, after a passage marked 
by new adventures, he reached on the 7th of November of the year 
1504, with a constitution shattered by so long a series of anxieties, 
hardships and sufferings. 

About this time, Columbus lost his constant protectress, Q^ueen 
Isabella, and, with her, every well founded hope of ever being rein- 
stated in his former dignities. It was in vain that he had mcrre and 
more deserved the gratitude of the court by new services and disco- 
veries; in vain too, that he urged the execution of the royal promise; 
the pohtic Ferdinand always deferred, under various pretences : till 
the admiral, who had led since his return a lingering life, died at 
Valladolid, at the age of about sixty-five (a. d. 1506). His last suf- 
ferings were sanctified by his usual resignation, his last moments 
devoted to all the pious practices of religion, and his last words, those 
of the Royal Prophet, Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit. — 
Psalm XXX, 6. 

What has been already said of Columbus, clearly shows that he 
possessed all the characteristics of a truly great man — a noble soul, a 
vast genius for discovery, and a surprising sagacity in finding out 
expedients and resources in the greatest dangers. His piety was 
genuine and fervent; his heart, benevolent and generous; and his con- 
duct, in unison with the feelings of his heart. Instead of ravaging 
the newly found countries, like many of his contemporary discoverers. 



». D. 1497-1515. PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS. o6l 

who were intent only on immediate gain, he sought to colonize ami 
cultivate tiiem, to civilize the natives, and subject every thing to the 
control of law^ order and religion. If the noble attempt failed, the 
whole history of this great xnan proves that the failure cannot be laid 
to his charge. 

When Columbus, by his death, ceased to excite the jealousy of 
the Spanish court, great honors were paid to his memory ; yet, he 
never obtained the recompense which he had best deserved, that of 
giving his name to the New World. His just claims were defeated, 
in this particular, by Amerigo Vespucci, a native of Florence, who 
in 1499 visited the same coast of Paria which Columbus had dis- 
covered in 1498, and pubhshing a relation of the important fact, as 
if he had first of all perceived the continent, caused it to be called 
Jlmerica. But even admitting the merits of Vespucci, he cannot 
claim the honor of the discovery ; to him alone it belongs, who was 
the first to conceive, mature and execute the bold design of crossing 
an unknown ocean in search of a New World. 



PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS IN ASIA.— a. d. 1497—1515. 

Numerous expeditions followed the enterprise of Columbus. Most 
of them started from the harbors of Spain, and were conducted by 
Spanish adventurers eager to enrich or distinguish themselves by new 
and important discoveries; but others were also undertaken by foreign 
nations. About the same time that Columbus and Vespucci descried 
Terra Firma in the south, the celebrated navigator, Sebastian Cabot, 
sailing in the service of Henry VII, king of England, discovered and 
explored the coasts of the northern continent of America. Not long 
after, Canada and the river St. Lawrence were visited by James Car- 
tier and other French seamen ; but the Portuguese, by following a 
different .direction, did something still more remarkable. In 1497, 
Vasco de Gama, sent by Don Emmanuel, king of Portugal, suc- 
ceeded in doubling the cape of Good Hope, and after a voyage of 
thirteen months arrived at the fertile shores of East India. During 
the ensuing years, the Portuguese made, throughout that extensive 
country, acquisitions and settlements nearly equal in value to those 
of the Spaniards in the New World. 

The East Indies had always held a conspicuous rank among the 
states of the Asiatic continent, and had been looked upon, from the 
time of the ancient Assyrians, Persians and Greeks, as an important 
and enviable country. At later periods, India witnessed frequent re^ 
rolutions, and was exposed to frightful calamities from the incursions 
31 



362 MODERN HISTORY. Part \il 

of the Saracen, Tartar and Mogul conquerors. Towards the epoch 
which now occupies our attention, and during the two following 
centuries, it comprised many independent states, the most powerful 
of which, and probably the most opulent in the world, was the 
empire of Hindostan, abounding in pearls, gold and silver, and 
enriched both by its commerce and the productions of the soil. 

Greater resistance was made by the Indians of Asia than by those 
of America to their European aggressors. It was only after many 
toils and hardships, after many struggles, battles and persever- 
ing efforts under the command of intrepid leaders, Gama, Cabral, 
Pacheco, and Albuquerque, that the Portuguese were enabled to 
establish settlements all along the Indian coast, at Goa, Cochin, 
Malacca, etc., and in various islands of the Southern ocean. Nor 
was their power throughout these countries of long duration, mosrt 
of their Asiatic possessions being soon wrested from them by the 
Dutch and English, during the course of the seventeenth century. 

The Portuguese had also extended their commercial relations to the 
eastern extremities of Asia, as far as China and Japan. These coun- 
tries, although hitherto little known to the nations of Europe, were 
ancient and flourishing empires. The Chinese, particularly, claim a 
very high antiquity, their nation having been founded about two 
thousand yei^rs before the coming of our Lord, and governed, since 
that remote period, by two hundred and forty emperors, of twenty- 
two different families. Still their history, with respect to the ages 
preceding the epoch of their great legislator Confucius (towards the 
year 500 e, c), is involved in obscurity. 

China is the most populous empire in the world, containing nearly 
three hundred millions of inhabitants, and several cities, if not supe- 
rior, at least equal in extent to the largest among the European and 
American cities. The established religion is a mixture of theism and 
Idolatry 5 there are also Mahometans and Jews, though in small 
numbers. In the seventeenth century, Christianity obtained numer- 
ous proselytes among the Chinese, under their celebrated emperor 
ICang-hi; but since that time, the Christians have been always 
harassed and persecuted with more or less rigor. 

The northern frontier of this extensive region is protected by a wall 
twenty-four feet high, thirty or forty feet thick, and fifteen hundred 
Wiiles long, crossing not only valleys and mountains, but even rivers, 
over which it passes in the form of bridges. Its gates and towf is 
are almost every where of a colossal size, and defended by numerous 
troops. It was built two thousand years ago, as a defence against 
the Tartars, whom it did not however prevent from twice invading 
and subdumg China, first under Genghis-Kan and his sons, and 
again in the seve^teeftth ceiaturv. 



a- 9. 



1497-1515. PORTUGUESE SETTLEMENTS. 363 



The Chinese are generaUy witty and polite, intelligent and indus- 
trious, but only to a certain degree; and they are vain-glorious, self- 
conceited, and excessively prepossessed in favor of their nation. 
Although great lovers of architecture, mechanics, painting, astro- 
nomy, natural philosophy, etc., they advance but little in these various 
departments of the arts and sciences. They could not conceal their 
surprise and jealousy, when the Jesuit missionaries appeared two 
hundred years ago in China, at seeing those foreigners much more 
versed than themselves in all the branches of mathematics and natural 
history. Even the knowledge and use of the mariner's compass, of 
printing, of gun-powder and artillery, which they seem to have pos- 
sessed before our European ancestors, have always been among them 
in a state of comparative imperfection. Their armies, how numerous 
soever, scarcely deserve the name of a military force, and their vessels 
that of a navy ; whilst, in point of morality, their inhuman treatment 
of iafants, their want of uprightness towards foreigners, their pride, 
and other vices, place them far below most other nations. 

Japan is likewise a civilized and mighty enapire^ consisting of 
many islands, not far from the eastern part of Asia. The revenue 
and forces of the empire are immense, the formtar being, it is said, 
nearly two hundred millions of dollars, the latter amounting, if re- 
€|uired,to four hundred thousand infantry and sixty thousand cavalry. 
The government is absolute and despotic; very little otherwise is 
known of this nation, owing to the jealousy with which foreigners 
are excluded. 

Towards the middle of the sixteenth century, St. Francis Xavier and 
other zealous missionaries preached the gospel in Japan wil^ suck 
wonderful success, that, half a century later ^(inl6G5), it contained 
no less than eigMeen hundred thousand Ohristians. Unfortunately, 
at that time, powerful and profligate princes undertook to destroy this 
illustrious portion of the Church, and succeeded in the impious at- 
tempt. A dreadful persecution arose, which shed torrents of Chris- 
tian blood in various provinces of the empire ; nor did it cease until 
there remained no more ^i^tims to be immolated by the sword of the 
perseeiitors. From that epoch, the avenues of Japan have been 
closed against foreigners, and the Dutch are the only Europeans 
admitted into one of its harbors for the purposes of trade. 



864 MODERN HISTORY. Part Vll, 



DECLINE OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS,— WARS FOR THE 
POSSESSION OF ITALY. — CARDINAL XIMEJNES. — POPE 
LEO X.— A. D. 1494—1517. 



The discovery of America and of the passage of the cape of Good 
Hope, whilst it proved of the greatest advantage to Spain and Por- 
tugal, naturally occasioned the decline of the Italian republics. Up 
to this period, foreign commerce had been mostly in the hands of the 
Venetians, Genoese, and other maritime nations of Italy, who, from 
the shores of the Adriatic and Mediterranean seas, communicated 
with the Red sea through the Isthmus of Suez, and thus could carry 
on trade with all the nations of the East, The two great events just 
mentioned gave a new direction to the ideas, projects and commerce 
of the European nations; and Venice, with the other commercial 
states of the peninsula, saw her traffic decline in proportion as Portu- 
gal and Spain increased in wealth and power. 

Another and a still heavier calamity that afflicted Italy at this 
period, was the almost uninterrupted series of bloody wars in which 
it was involved during-a great number of years. The first oc(;asioa 
of these calamities was the envied possession of the kingdom of 
Naples. Since 1443, it had been under the princes of the house 
of Arragon; but the French monarchs looked with a jealous eye at 
that beautiful country, which had once belonged to princes of their 
family. King Charles VIII, the successor of Louis XI whose whole 
reign had been spent in endeavoring to weaken the power of the great 
vassals of the crown, undertook to reconquer Naples in 1494. He 
executed his design in the beginning of the following year, but soon 
lost all his conquests. The Italian princes had now united against 
him, and, although he gloriously repelled them in the battle of For- 
novo, the only advantage he derived from this victory was to save 
the' remains of his army, and return without further obstacle to 
France. 

A second expedition for the same purpose took place in 1501, 
under Louis XII, successor of Charles VIII. It was attended with 
similar circumstances and exactly the same result as the first: grea? 
success in the beginning, followed by great disasters in the end; at 
first, repeated advantages obtained over the Neapolitan army by the 
French troops, and afterwards their own signal defeats at Cerignola, 
Garigliano, etc., by the Spanish commander, Gonzales of Cordova, 
surnamed the great general. A treaty almost entirely to the advan- 
tage of Spain, was then concluded between the rival powers, and 
terminated these contests for the kingdom of Naples. 



A. D. 1494-1517. DECLINE^ ETC. 365 

But there were not wanting other motives or pretences for renew- 
ing the war. In 1508, a powerful league was formed at Cambraf 
between the emperor of Germany, the kings of France and Arragon, 
and some other sovereigns, against the republic of Venice, whose 
pretensions and conquests had provoked their anger, or awakened 
their jealousy. None of the confederates acted with as much vigor 
as Louis XII, and none derived less advantage from the defeat of the 
Venetians. His very exploits and his brilliant victory at Agnadei 
(a. d. 1509), having soon rendered him an object of alarm to the 
other princes, the Jeague turned against him -, and the French, not- 
withstanding their new and bloody victory at Ravenna, where they 
lost their young heroic leader, the duke of Nemours (a. d, 1512), were 
again expelled from Italy. 

France itself was invaded, on one side by the Swiss, who, having 
conquered the duke of La Tremoille, at Novara, advanced into Bur- 
gundy as far as Dijon; on the other, by the emperor Maximilian and 
Henry VIII, king of England, whose combined armies gained the 
battle of Guingamp, also called the battle of Spiirs, because in it the 
French cavalry used their spurs more than their weapons. In fine, 
the king of Scotland, James IV, an ally of France, was also defeated 
by the English at FJodden-field, where he lost his life in the conflict 
{a. d. 1513). The conquerors however made but little progress, and 
Louis happily succeeded in making them consent to a truce, which 
afforded him some respite. He died at this juncture, without male 
issue, and was succeeded on the throne by his cousin, the earl of 
Angouleme, who took the name of Francis I. 

This new monarch, being in the flower of his age, resolved to 
conduct the war with fresh vigor. He therefore crossed the Alps at 
the head of a gallant army, and pressed forward till he was attacked 
by the Swiss near Marignan, on the 13th of September, 1515. These 
brave highlanders had neither cavalry nor artillery, and yet fought 
with the most undaunted courage. Notwithstanding the dreadful 
havoc wliich the cannon made among them, they repeatedly renewed 
the charge, and several times were on the point of breaking through 
the French line. It was only after a furious engagement of two days, 
and the slaughter of several thousands of them, that the survivors 
retired from the field. A French general, the marshal of Trivulce, 
who had been present at seventeen other battles, said that none of 
them, for the obstinate valor displayed on both sides, could be com- 
pared with that of Marignan. He consequently called it the battle 
^giants, under which name it is also known in history. 

Francis I evinced on that trying occasion a rare intrepidity. He 
met in person the most vigorous charges made by the Swiss, without 
ever losing, in so long a conflict, his presence of mind, and his confi- 
31* 



366 MODERN HISTORY. Part vil 

dence of success. At last, the timely arrival of the Venetians, hia 
allies, under the command of their celebrated general Alviano, entirely 
turned the day in his favor. 

Great were the fruits of this splendid victory for France. Some of 
her opponents presently desisted from further hostilities ; and the 
Swiss in particular acceded to a treaty of reconcihation with such 
wiQingness and sincerity, as to become, from that time, her most 
faithful ally. King Ferdinand still endeavored, it is true, to protract 
the war; but, exhausted by mental fatigues and bodily infirmities, he 
died in the following year (1516), after an almost uninterrupted ca- 
reer of glory, tarnished, however, on some occasions, by a want of 
gratitude towards useful men, and of fidelity to his promises. In 
royal qualities and political achievements he had certainly no equal 
among the sovereigns of his age, if we except his heroic and vir- 
tuous consort Isabella, who moreover surpassed him in pure, noble 
and delicate feelings. 

The chief personages who contributed most efficaciously with 
Ferdinand and Isabella to the glory of their reign, were beyond doubt 
Christopher Columbus, Gonzales of Cordova, both already noticed 
in the foregoing pages, and Cardinal Ximeues, archbishop of Toledo, 
the ablest politician, the most zealous minister of state, the most 
penetrating genius, in a woid, all things taken into consideration, the 
greatest man that ever Spain produced. Immense and innumerable 
were the services which he rendered to the Church, to the state, to 
his sovereigns and to the people, during the twenty-two years of his 
episcopal and civil administration (1495 — 1517). Magnificent, great, 
generous, the constant protector of merit, virtue and innocence, he 
conceived and executed projects the best calculated to advance the 
cause of religion, humanity and learning. To him the Spanish na- 
tion was indebted for several of her best and most useful establish- 
ments, and the literary world for the publication of the first Polyglot 
Bible* which he, with incredible care and expense, caused to be 
printed at Alcala, in six folio volumes (a. d. 1515). 

From this epoch we may date the complete revival of literature and 
of the arts and sciences. The French king, Francis I, distinguished 
himself in this respect by his patronage of learning and of learned 
men. But no one favored their cause and promoted their success, 
with greater zeal than Pope Leo X, whose name has in consequence 
been adopted to designate the first part of the sixteenth century con- 
sidered as a literary age. Endowed with the most exquisite taste, he 
imparted to all around him that relish for the fine arts, for true elo- 

* Or, Bible in several languages. — ^There exist three other celebrated Poly- 
glots: that of Antwerp, a. r. 1572;— of Paris, 1645 ;— and of London, 1658 



A. p. 1517-1529. LUTHER^ ETC. . 367 

quence and poetry^ which is the usual forerunner of masterly produc- 
tions Scholars and artists, roused to uncommon exertions by his 
signal protection and encouragement, frequently vied with the most 
elevated geniuses of antiquity, and Italy again beheld, as in the time 
of the Caesars, a multitude of her children, Raphael, Michael Angelo, 
Ariosto, Tasso, Vida, Bembo, Sadolet, etc., astonishing the world, 
some by their masterpieces of painting and architecture, others by 
their beautiful poems and various kinds of writing, which we still 
admire, both for their delicacy and for their pure and elegant style.* 



LUTHER AND THE REFORMATION.— a. d. 1517—1529. 

At the termination of the wars of Italy in 1516, there was a pros 
pect of a general and lasting peace among Christian nations, wheu 
unforeseen events unexpectedly excited anew all the human passions, 
and carried to a still higher pitch, the disturbances of Europe. The 
chief and first cause of these fresh commotions, was the religious 
revolution effected by Luther in Germany. 

Martin Luther was born in 1483, at Eisleben, a small town of 
Saxony. After having studied with great success in the Latin schools 
of Magdeburg and Eisenach, he completed his education in the uni- 
versity of Erf art. In the year 1505, he took the degree of Master of 
Arts, which authorized him to deliver lectures on Physics and the 
Ethics of Aristotle. But in consequence of an extraordinary eventf 
which happened to him about this time, and produced a deep impres- 
sion upon his mind, he formed the design of becoming a religious, 
and accordingly joined the order of the Augustinians at Erfurt. 

The life of the young monk (he was then twenty-five years of 
age) appeared regular, and in many respects edifying. He mani- 
fested however, in several instances, particularly when he was op- 
posed or corrected, a warm and irritable disposition. His talents and 
learning caused his superiors to recommend him to the elector of 
Saxony, as a professor of divinity in the newly erected university of 
Wittemberg; and when he afterwards began to preach, the vehemence 
of his discourses, the boldness of his eloquence, and a nervous kind 
of expression added to a copious flow of words in his mother-tongue, 
soon acquired for him the reputation of a good preacher. 

In the year 1517, Pope Leo X having solemnly published indul- 
gences to be gained by those who, being truly repentant for their 

* See note M. 

t The death of one of his companions, who was killed by a thunderbolt 
"at his side, when they were walking together. 



368 MODERN HISTORY. Part VIl. 

sins, should contribute by their pious offerings, to the rebuilding of 
St. Peter's church in Rome, and to the expenses of an intended cru- 
sade against the Turks, the Augustinians could not see without some 
jealousy, the publication of these indulgences intrusted by the arch- 
bishop of Mentz, not to them, as had been usual, but to the Domini- 
can order; and as it was reported, on the other hand, that great abuses 
existed in the pubhcation and distribution of these indulgences by the 
Dominicans, Luther was commissioned by his superiors to preach 
and write against these abuses. This commission he fulfilled with 
a great deal of warmth; but he did not stop there. In the heat of 
the dispute, he passed insensibly from abuses which the whole Church 
condemned with him, to the things abused, and soon began to attack 
the indulgences themselves; and to maintain his first position, he 
was gradually led to deny also the efficacy of the sacraments, the 
invocation of the saints, the sacrifice of the mass, and many other 
tenets universally admitted in the Church. 

This bold step produced the greatest excitement all over the Chris- 
tian world : Luther himself was at first terrified at it. When he 
began the dispute, it was not his intention to carry it so far, still less 
to come to an open rupture. He had even expressed his perfect sub- 
mission to the Roman Pontiff in a letter which he wrote to Leo X, 
and which he concluded with these remarkable words: '* Therefore, 
most holy father, prostrate at the feet of your Holiness, I place my- 
self at your disposal, with all that I am and all that I have. Vivify, 
kill, call, recall, approve, disapprove, as you please; in your voice I 
will acknowledge the voice of Christ, who presides and speaks in 
you.'' But having in the interval gained over a strong party, he no 
sooner saw his condemnation pronounced in the papal bull of the 
fifteenth of June (a. d. 1520), than, yielding to his resentment, he 
suddenly broke asunder all the ties by which he still adhered to the 
Roman See, openly separated from it, and the better to seal his 
separation, he publicly burnt the bull in which his opinions had been 
condemned, together with the decretals of the popes and the writings 
of Eckius his principal adversary, in the presence of the professors 
and the students of the university, and an immense concourse of the 
inhabitants of Wittemberg. 

The die was cast ; Luther continued to vent his anger by calling the 
pope anti-christ, the man of sin, the minister of Satan, and enemy 
of all good : he used similar expressions, not only against the king 
of England, Henry VIII, who had written a book in refutation of his 
tenets, but also against the various universities and Catholic doctors, 
by whom his doctrine had been unanimously rejected. The vehe- 
mence of his discourses, his exhortations to shake off the yoke of 
sacramental confession, of penitential works, of religious celibacy,' 



*.. o. 1519-152P CHARLES V AND FRANCIS I. 369 

and his suggestions lo seize upon ecclesiastical property, vastly 
increased the nuniher of his followers. No later than the year 1523, 
the doctrines and practices of the reformation were introduced into 
Denmark, Sweden, and many other countries of the north of Europe ; 
whilst, on the other hand, Zuinglius, and, shortly after, Calvin, 
endeavored to effect similar or even greater changes in Switzerlaad 
and France, where they met however with more opposition and less 
success. 

In 1529, an imperial decree was issued at Spire for the purpose of 
checking the progress of religious dissensions, and restoring the unity 
of faith in Germany -, but it had very little effect. The partisans of 
Luther protested against it, whence came their name of Protestants; 
they moreover appealed to the sword in support of their pretensions, 
and commenced a civil war which disturbed nearly the whole reign 
of the emperor Charles V. These measures were adopted by them 
the more willingly, as Luther himself had declared that it was lawful, 
and even necessary, to take up arms in order to defend and propagate 
the reformation! 

Thus was completed a revolution, which split the great Christian 
family in Europe into many separate and opposite communities. Its 
chief promoter hved long enough to see not only the rise of the other 
branches of the reformation, but also the subdivision of his own estab- 
lishment into a multitude of parties. He died in 1546. During the 
same year, his various tenets, together with those of Zuinglius and 
Calvin, began to be discussed and subjected to the usual form of 
Ecclesiastical condemnation in the council of Trent, the last of the 
general councils, first convened in the end of 1545, and, after two 
interruptions, finally closed in 1563. 



CHARLES V AND FRANCIS I.— a. d. 1519—1529. 

Another cause of the disturbances and evils which afflicted 
Europe at this unfortunate period, was the obstinate jealousy of two 
rival and powerful sovereigns. The imperial throne of Germany, 
left vacant by the death of Maximihan I in 1519, had been simulta- 
neously claimed by Francis I, king of France, and Charles, archduke 
of Austria, who had lately succeeded his grand-father Ferdinand on 
the throne of Spain. The former indeed was a brave and generous 
prince, but the latter possessed more prudence and skill, and, being 
moreover of German extraction, he was easily preferred to his com- 
petitor. He received the imperial crown at Aix-la-Chapelle, on the 
twenty-third of October (a. d. 1520). 



370 MODERN HISTORY. Part VJt. 

Francis could not, without deep sorrow, see his hopes disap- 
pointed; and, imagining himself injured, availed himself of his other 
pretensions with regard to the kingdoms of Navarre and Naples, to 
commence hostilities. During the first campaigns, success was 
almost equally divided between the two parties, till the high-constable 
de Bourbon, dissatisfied with the French court, and basely abandon- 
ing the cause of his sovereign and country, went to offer his services 
to the emperor. Immediately after, the French lost all their posses- 
sions in Italy, together with the brightest ornament of their chivalry, 
the illustrious Bayard, surnamed the knight without fear and without 
reproach. 

Francis now resolved, in order to repair his losses, to take upon 
himself the conduct of the war. He crossed the Alps at the head of 
a fresh army, and marched as far as Pavia which he besieged, the 
imperial troops under the command of de Bourbon, hastening at the 
same time to the relief of the garrison. At their approach, Francis 
was advised by his ablest officers rather to abandon the siege, than 
expose his wearied soldiers to an attack from superior forces; but his 
mind, too much attached to the point of honor, could not brook the 
idea of retreating before the enemy : he therefore determined to abide 
the issue of a battle. 

It seemed, in the beginning, that victory would declare for the 
French. Their well-conducted artillery mowed down whole ranks 
of their opponents, when, on a sudden, the imprudent valor of the 
king destroyed his prospect of success. Anxious to fight with the 
sword, he rushed forward, and most indiscreetly placed himself be- 
tween the enemy and his own cannon, which, being thus prevented 
from firing any longer, of course became useless. This conduct was 
deservedly followed by a complete overthow. The imperialists, hav- 
ing nothing more to fear from the French artillery, rallied and fell 
with fury on the squadron commanded by the king. In a few mo- 
ments, the scale of fortune was inclined ; Francis saw all his atten- 
dants fall by his side; and after having fought with the most despe- 
rate courage, and killed seven of the assailants with his own hand, 
he was forced to surrender himself a prisoner. Of the French 
army, one-half had been destroyed, the remainder evacuated Italy 
(a. d. 1525). 

The unhappy monarch was, according to his own request, con- 
veyed to Madrid, the capital of Spain. He was detained there for 
several months, and could not rescue himself from his tedious cap- 
tivity otherwise than by promising the full cession of several pro- 
vinces, which he either actually possessed, or had hitherto claimed. 
No sooner was he set at liberty, than he bitterly complained of the 



A. D. 15J0-1532. CHARLES V AND SOLIMAN II. 371 

rigor ot these conditions, and availed himself of the opposition with 
which tlie treaty met in the council of state, to leave it unexecuted. 

This conduct could not but highly displease the emperor. The 
feelings of both parties were thus more exasperated than ever; 
the war was renewed, and carried on with redoubled violence, espe- 
cially by the treacherous constable de Bourbon, who, having no 
funds to pay his army chiefly composed of Lutheran soldiers from 
Germany, promised, in order to make Pope Clement VII repent of 
his kind disposition towards France, to enrich them by the pillage of 
Rome. Accordingly he led his troops to the attack of this capital ; 
and, although he fell by a musket ball as he was mounting a ladder 
for the assault, the city was taken, and being abandoned for two 
months to a licentious and infuriated soldiery, suffered more from the 
German adventurers, than it had formerly done from either the Goths 
or the Vandals. Still, as neither this nor any other event of the war 
could be looked upon as a decisive action, both parties became tired 
of hostilities, and equally desirous of a speedy accommodation of 
their differences. This was effected in 1529 by the treaty of Cam- 
bray, which, although less adverse to the interests of the French 
monarch than that of Madrid, secured many advantages to the 
emperor. 



CHARLES V AND SOLIMAN II.*— a. d. 1520—1532. 

The chief motive which had urged Charles V to conclude peace 
with France, was, that he needed all his troops to defend his heredi- 
tary dominions against the Turks. The invading spirit of those 
infidels was still as remarkable as under Mahomet II. Not only had 
they, within the last years, extended their conquests in Europe and 
Asia, but even Egypt, the richest country of Africa,' was entirely 
subdued by them in 1517, notwithstanding the brave resistance of its 
possessors, the Mamelukes, 

Soliman II, who succeeded his father, Selim I, in 1520, carried 
still further the glory of the Ottoman name. More fortunate than 
Mahomet himself, he successfully invaded Hungary; and Belgrade, 
no longer protected by the sword of Hunniades, fell, after a siege 
of six weeks, into the hands of the Turks. Many other towns 
were successively carried by storm, or obliged to open their gates. 
After this expedition, the sultan not thinking it advisable, for the 

* Called Soiiman I by several authors, who do not reckon Soliman, the 
ison of Bajazet I, among the Turkish sultans, owing probably to the short 
and precarious duration of his reign. 



372 MODERN HISTORY. Part VU. 

present, to advance farther in that direction, prepared himself for 
another conquest which he deemed still more important. 

In 1522, four hundred vessels and two hundred thousand men 
appeared in sight of Rhodes, and laid siege to the capital of th.s 
island which had now been in the possession of the Knights Hospi- 
tallers for more than two hundred years. The Grand-Master was 
Villiers de PIsIe Adam, a hero not inferior in any respect to Peter 
d'Aubusson, but less favored by existing circumstances. The nations 
of Europe being too actively engaged in the struggle between Cnarles 
V and Francis I, to send him any assistance, all the forces he could 
oppose to the multitude of the assailants, consisted merely of five 
thousand soldiers and six hundred knights. Still, with this harldful 
of warriors, he held out, during six months, against all the efforts ol 
the Janizaries and all the exertions of Soliman, who had now arrived 
to conduct the siege in person. Such was the valor of these generous 
defenders of Rhodes, that, in a general assault, the Turks lost no 
fewer than twenty thousand, and in other attacks, a proportionate 
amount of their most intrepid warriors. 

At the sight of this dreadful slaughter of his troops, the sultan, 
driven almost to despair, thought of abandoning the siege, when the 
secret, but fatal advice of an infamous traitor, one of the chief com- 
manders in the town, encouraged him to stay and redouble his 
efforts. The treason indeed was detected, and visited almost instant- 
ly with capital punishment; but it was too late for the liberation of 
Rhodes, now in great want of ammunition, and almost reduced to 
the last extremity. Although the knights continued, with their usual 
heroism, to repel every assault of the enemy, and seemed determined 
to bury themselves under the ruins of their capital, the inhabitants 
were not endowed with the same degree of fortitude. Justly dread- 
ing the horrors of a city carried by storm, they urged with entreaties, 
and even with threats, the acceptance of an honorable and advan- 
tageous capitulation offered by Soliman. 

It had thus become an indispensable necessity to yield, and all 
subsequent resistance would have been of no avail; however, the 
few remaining knights could not leave, without deep regret, the spot 
which had been the theatre of their exploits. Above all, the depar- 
ture of the Grand-Master, at his advanced age, for a distant country, 
was an afflicting scene, which the sultan himself could not witness 
without compassion. Like the Trojans of old, under the conduct of 
(Eneas, these noble fugitives, carrying along with them the fortunes 
and destinies of their Order, wandered for some time over the seas, 
in search of a hospitable land. After a short stay in Candia, they 
reached the shores of Italy, where they met with the most consoling 
and cordial reception, and obtained at length from Charles V the 



A. D, 1&S)-1532. CHARLES V AND SOLIMAN II. 373 

possession of the small island of Malta, in fhe middle of the Mediter- 
ranean sea, a situation well adapted to their religious and military pur- 
poses. They fortified this new residence, so as to make it, like the 
former, the bulwark of Christendom and the centre of their exertions 
against the infidels. 

The heavy losses which Soliman had sustained in Rhodes, taught 
him not to be hasty in undertaking any new expedition. He there- 
fore passed the three or four ensuing years in promoting the interior 
prosperity of his empire, and securing among his subjects an ade- 
quate distribution of justice; till a revolt of the Janizaries warned 
him again, very unhappily for Europe, not to let those restless war- 
riors live any longer in idleness. Having quelled the sedition, he, 
for the second time, invaded Hungary, at the head of two hundred 
thousand men. King Louis II, with only twenty-five or thirty thou- 
sand soldiers, fearlessly met him in the plains of Mohats, but was, 
after a sharp contest, overwhelmed by numbers, and lost on the same 
day his army, his crown, and his life (a. d. 1526). The sultan, no 
longer opposed in his march, now laid waste the surrounding country, 
took Buda, an important place, and advancing westward towards 
Vienna, laid siege to that city, the capital of the Austrian dominions. 
Fortunately, Vienna was better supplied than Rhodes with troops 
and provisions: twenty thousand brave soldiers, under the command 
of the count Palatine and the earl of Salm, composed the garrison, 
and all of them displayed so undaunted a courage, as finally to com- 
pel the Turks to retire, after twenty useless assaults, and the loss of 
eighty thousand warriors (a. d. 1529), 

SoKman however did not yet give up his hostile designs against 
Austria. He reappeared in 1532, with an army of three, some say, 
five hundred thousand men. Charles V marched against him with 
thirty thousand horse, and ninety thousand well disciplined infantry, 
besides prodigious swarms of irregulars. At the sight of these 
powerful monarchs and of their formidable hosts advancing against 
each other, all Europe stood in awe and in expectation of a tremen- 
dous conflict; yet, when the armies approached, instead of a decisive 
battle, there were only a few skirmishes between the advanced par- 
ties. Soliman did not think proper to risk a defeat; and, retreating 
in good order, rather chose to turn his arms against the less warlike 
nations of Asia. Nor did the emperor undertake to pursue him m 
this retrograde march, but, being hirnself satisfied to see the coun- 
try free from invasion, he disbanded his own forces, and set out 
from Germany to visit his provinces of Italy, and his kingdom of 
Spain. 

32 



374 MODERN HISTORY. PartVU. 



CONQUEST OF MEXICO.— HERNANDO CORTEZ. 
A. D. 1519—1523. 



Whilst Charles V caused his power to be obeyed or feared all 
over Europe, his name was carried to the extremities of the earth by 
the celebrated Magellan, who was the first to undertake the circum- 
navigation of the globe; and other intrepid adventurers, about the 
same time, were subjecting to his sway vast and opulent countries 
in the New World. Such was,- indeed, especially during this period, 
the heroic spirit, partly religious and pardy chivalrous, diffused 
among the Spaniards, that nothing seemed impossible to their activi- 
ty, valor and perseverance. This the reader will easily perceive in 
the impartial and detailed account of the manner in which a few 
warriors of that magnanimous nation succeeded in conquering the 
mighty empires of Mexico and Peru, the former in North, the latter 
in South America. 

In one of their excursions upon the American continent, the Span- 
iards were informed that there existed, at no great distance from the 
coast, a rich and flourishing empire called Mexico. The governor 
of Cuba, Velasquez, having conceived the design of establishing 
colonies in that extensive country, fitted out a fleet for that purpose, 
and placed it under the command of Hernando Cortez, one of his 
oflticers, whom he considered as a man equally capable of bringing 
the most arduous enterprise to a happy issue, and at the same time 
incapable of ever aspiring to independence. His conjectures as to 
the abilities of Cortez were perfectly correct; for it would have been 
impossible to find an individual possessing more sagacity and pru- 
dence, more energy and boldness : but, as the sequel will show, he 
had completely mistaken the turn of his mind and his real cha- 
racter. 

Cortez sailed from Cuba on the tenth of January (a. d. 1519), with 
eleven small vessels carrying six hundred men, sixteen horses and 
six pieces of artillery ; not hesitating with this inconsiderable force to 
undertake the conquest of an empire which exceeded in extent all the 
European dominions of Spain.* He had not proceeded far, when 

* Intelligent readers will easily understand that we here make use of the 
word ccniquest, only through an anticipated view of the event. The projects 
of Cortez, as both his words and conduct invariably testified, were wholly 
humane and pacific. It is true, he provided himself, and that very pru- 
dently, with means of self-defence and even of warfare, for the case of 
stern necessity: but he always intended to treat the natives with due mode- 
ration and kindness, and with a sincere desire of their own grejtte;- good ; 
nor did he deviate from this rule, until compelled to do so by thf ir Icimita- 
bie hostility of the Indians. 



i.. D. 1519-1523. CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 375 

Velasquez began to entertain suspicions against the new general, 
ajid wished to revoke his commission; but it was too late. Cortez, 
protected not only by the affection of his soldiers, but also, says Solis, 
by the justice of his cause, continued his voyage, and landing on the 
continent, caused himself to be proclaimed independent of the gover- 
nor of Cuba, and accountable to none but the Spanish monarch for 
the use of his authority. Immediately after this, he founded the colony 
of Vera Cruz, and the better to inspire his troops with desperate 
courage, burnt all his vessels, thus taking from them ail hope of 
return. 

The undaunted Spaniards began to advance through a populous 
country towards the Mexican capital, concerning which they had ob- 
tained new and more ample information. It was then under the 
sway of Montezuma, a prince who governed with absolute despotism. 
Many of his subjects and tributaries, especially those at a distance, 
tired of the yoke that lay heavy upon them, looked upon Cortez 
as a deliverer, entered into an alliance with him, and supplied him 
with provisions and every kind of assistance. The republic of Tlas- 
cala, however, did not follow their example; on the contrary, it pre- 
pared to repel the strangers by open force. Many battles were 
fought, in which that people displayed uncommon bravery; but they 
could not long withstand the arms and tactics of the Europeans. 
Finding themselves constantly overpowered, the Tlascalans at length 
consented to treat the Spaniards as friends, and in fact became thence- 
forth their most faithful and useful allies. They aided Cortez won- 
derfully in the prosecution of his enterprise, particularly in subduing 
the great city of Cholula, and inflicting a severe chastisement on its- 
inhabitants for a dreadful conspiracy which had endangered the lives 
of all the conquerors. 

In the mean time, Montezuma was endeavoring, by every expe- 
dient in his power, to impede the progress of the Spaniards; but 
Cortez overcame all obstacles, and, after a few days, finally came 
within sight of the vast and populous city of Mexico, which con- 
tained no fewer than sixty thousand houses with a proportionate 
number of inhabitants. It was surrounded by a lake, well fortified, 
and adorned with a great number of temples, palaces, and other pub- 
lic buildings, evincing a certain degree of civilization. Cortez entered 
the town, under his assumed quality of ambassador of the Spanish 
monarch, and was received with great pomp by Montezuma, who 
lodged him together with the other Spaniards, in one of his palaces. 
But whilst these things took place in Mexico, an attack had been 
directed by a Mexican general against the colony of Vera Cruz. No 
sooner was Cortez informed of all the circumstances of this new act 
of perfidy than, in order to secure himself against the dangers of his 



376 MODERN HISTORY. Pan VD 

situation, he conceived and executed the boldest and most extrac 
dinary design of which history makes mention, that of arresting tl>« 
emperor himself in open day, and in the very presence of his officer? 
and subjects. Taking with him a small band of resolute men, he 
went to the imperial palace, surrounded Montezuma, and compelled 
him to come with them to their residence as a hostage. In that new 
abode, the astounded monarch agreed to acknowledge himself a vassal 
of Charles V; and, in consequence of this agreement, dehvered into 
the hands of the Spaniards a large sum of gold and silver, which 
Cortez distributed among his officers and soldiers with admirable dis- 
interestedness and equity. 

Every thing until now had been successful, and according to the 
most sanguine wishes of Cortez; but this course of prosperity was 
soon to meet with new obstacles. On the one hand, the Mexicans 
began to evince a strong indignation at the long sojourn of their 
sovereign among foreigners, and at the protracted stay of the Span- 
iards in Mexico ; on the other hand, intelligence was received that . 
the governor of Cuba, Velasquez, had despatched eighteen ships and 
nine hundred men to attack Cortez as a rebel. This rendered the -« 
position of the latter extremely perplexing. Should he remain m 
Mexico, or march against his new opponents, there was in either case 
equal danger of losing all the fruit of his past labors. He therefore 
adopted a middle course, not less daring indeed than the other two, 
but which offered a greater chance of succeeding on one side, without 
losing ground on the other. Leaving one hundred and fifty men in 
the imperial city under the command of Alvarado, a brave and in- 
trepid officer, to preserve the advantage he had already obta^ined ; he 
set out with about two hundred and fifty others, to meet his hostile 
and imprudent countrymen. By prodigies of courage and activity, 
he not only surprised and defeated the nine hundred Spaniards, but . 
even disarmed them all, made Narvaez, their general, prisoner, and 
taking the vanquished troops of that unskilful commander into his 
own service, returned in triumph to Mexico. 

His joy was not of long duration. The open insurrection of the 
Mexicans, which had commenced during his absence, became gene- 
ral after his return. The Spaniards were surrounded, and repeatedly 
attacked in their intrenchments. As, on one occasion, the danger 
appeared more pressing, Montezuma, made his appearance, in 
order to quell the sedition ; but the unfortunate monarch was struck 
by a stone thrown by one of the assailants, and expired after three 
days of great suffering. His death proved fatal to the Spaniards, in 
whose preservation and welfare he seemed, in the end, to take a sin- 
cere interest. Under Quetlavaca, his successor, the attacks of the 
Mexicans were carried on with redoubled fury ; and, although thou- 



4. D. 1519-1523. CONQUEST OF MEXICO^ ETC. 377 

sands of them were daily destroyed by the swords and cannons of the 
Spaniards, others fearlessly rushed forward in crowds to fill up the 
places of the slain, and to maintain the sangmnary contest. 

In all these occurrences, Cortez made exertions and displayed a 
valor which seemed to be almost above nature. One day for instance, 
ne fought, though painfully wounded, during three hours, till he 
forced the Mexicans to abandon a post from which they considerably 
annoyed the Spaniards. On another occasion, having driven the as^ 
sailants to a distance, and being entirely occupied in continuing the 
pursuit, he at length found himself cut off by a numerous body of 
enemies from his own troops. In this imminent danger, he endeavored 
to reach a neighboring street, which he supposed might afford him a 
greater facility for escape. Scarcely had he advanced in that direc- 
tion, when he met another party of Mexicans, and saw in the midst 
of them his intimate friend Duero, whom they were dragging to a 
temple of idols, to immolate him to their gods. Cortez, forgetful of 
his own peril, immediately rushed against them,*dispersed their troop, 
and delivered Duero, who was even so fortunate as to find his horse 
and spear at a small distance. Then the two noble friends riding to- 
gether, pierced the crowd of their enemies, and safely rejoined their 
soldiers, who had just completed the defeat of the Mexicans. Cortez 
always considered, this adventure as one of the most fortunate of 
his life. 

It became necessary, however, for the present, to abandon Mexico. 
The requisite preparations for a retreat were made with extraordinary 
diligence and care; and the Spaniards began their march, a little 
after midnight, on the first of July, 1520. Silence and obscurity 
favored them at first; but all their motions had been watched by a 
vigilant foe, and no sooner had they begun to cross a breach in the 
causeway, than a shower of darts, arrows and stones assailed them 
from different sides. Dismay and confusion pervaded their ranks, 
and the preposterous conduct of many who were intent on preserving 
their riches, was an additional cause of disasters. This awful night, 
which justly retained the name of JYoche triste, cost the retreating 
army, several hundred Spanish, and more than a thousand Tlascalan 
soldiers, with nearly all the horses, treasure, artillery and baggage. 
Cortez appeared inconsolable, and was seen on the following day, 
when the troops resumed their march, shedding abundant tears, thus 
giving a mark of paternal sensibility, that endeared him to his sol- 
diers, as much as his consummate prudence and valor caused him to 
be respected. 

The Spaniards continued their retreat in good order, notwithstand- 
ing some skirmishes which they had occasionally to repel. It was 
rather matter of surprise, that they did not meet with more formidable 
32* 



378 MODERN HISTORY. Part VII, 

attacks; but the sixth day of their march taught them the new 
schemes contrived by the enemy for their destruction. The Mexican 
forces had been secredy directed to the valley of Otumba, through 
which the Spanish troops vv^ould be obliged to pass, on their way to 
Tlascala. When Cortez reached the neighborhood of that spot, the 
whole valley was already occupied by a hostile force amounting, it 
is said, to the number of two hundred thousand Indians, who had 
been collected from different tribes, as appeared from the variety of 
their banners and ornaments. In the midst of them, the general of 
the empire appeared conspicuous, borne upon a splendid litter, from 
which he gave his orders. He carried in his hands the imperial 
standard, which was never intrusted to any one but himself, and 
never unfurled except on the most important occasions. 

At the sight of this vast multitude of enemies, Cortez fervently 
implored the divine assistance, and plainly told his followers, that 
there was no alternative now left them but to conquer or die. His 
plan was, to open for his troops a passage through the Indians in 
the narrowest part of the valley, where the confined nature of the 
spot would more easily render multitudes useless. Accordingly, he 
disposed his infantry in the form of a column, the files of which were 
composed alternately of arquebusiers or archers and lancers. As to his 
cavalry, which terrified the Indians by the mere motion of the horses, 
it was placed partly in front, to break the first rank of the enemy, 
and partly in the rear, to prevent them from reuniting. In this order, 
the Spaniards descended the hill, in order to commence the perilous 
conflict. 

The first discharge of the fire-arms was made with such success, 
that the Mexicans who were facing the Spanish column, had no time 
to shoot their arrows. They were instantly attacked with swords 
and pikes, whilst the cavalry pushed forward, and dispersed or 
crushed all who fell in their way. Considerable advantage was 
gained by this first onset. Similar charges produced similar results; 
hut so great and obstinate was the bravery of the Indians, that, after 
the cavalry had forced them to retire, they fearlessly returned to the 
charge, and regained the ground which they had just lost, the valley 
of Otumba, in the mean time, resembling a stormy sea agitated by 
the perpetual motion of its waves. Cortez, who, at the head of the 
horsemen, was making a terrible slaughter wherever he directed his 
steps, began to fear that this mode of warfare would finally exhaust 
the strength of his little army. His uneasiness increased every mo- 
ment; when he suddenly conceived one of those bold ideas which 
great danger sometimes suggests, but only in men of uncommon 
( nergy of soul. 

At the sight of the imperial banner waving in the distance, Cortez 



3.. D. 1519-1523. CONQUEST OF MEXICO, ETC. 379 

remembered having heard that the fate of battles was considered by 
the Indians as dependent on its loss or preservation. He immediately 
called around him his bravest officers, Sandoval, Olid, Alvarado, 
with some other courageous men, and, at full gallop, forced his pas- 
sage towards the banner. Whilst his companions were despatching 
or putting to flight all who had dared to await their approach, he him- 
self attacked the Mexican general, wounded him, and by a powerful 
stroke of his lance brought him to the ground. 

As soon as the venerated banner disappeared from the sight of the 
Mexicans, they lowered the other ensigns, and, throwing down their 
arms, fled precipitately towards the woods and mountains; so that 
the valley was in a few moments entirely cleared. Aware how im- 
portant it was to complete their dispersion and 'overthrow, Cortez 
ordered his men to pursue them. He himself was suffering from the 
blow of a stone, which had broken his helmet and made a large con- 
\usion on his head. Both his orders, and the knowledge that he 
was wounded, so animated the Spaniards, that, notwithstanding the 
dreadful fatigue of the day, their strength seemed to be revived, and 
<heir fury to redouble in the pursuit of the enemy. According to the 
Spanish authors, twenty thousand Indians perished in this famous 
fcattle, which may be justly reckoned the greatest and most glorious 
ever fought by the Europeans against the aborigines of America.* 

This brilliant victory removed all obstacles from the way of the 
Spaniards. A few days after, they safely reached the friendly city 
of Tlascala, where a kind reception made some compensation for the 
innumerable hardships which they had hitherto endured, and pre- 
pared them for new and more decisive efforts against Mexico. 

The attention of Cortez was constantly directed to the grand object 
his mind had previously in view; and difficulties rather increased 
than diminished his courage. Having granted his troops the repose 
which they needed, and given permission to reembark in the ships 
of Narvaez to those among his followers wlio were afraid of another 
expedition, he devoted all his time and care to the levying of a suffi- 
cient force. His good fortune, of rather Divine Providence, seconded 
his efforts beyond his expectation. Bands of brave soldiers , with 
arms and ammunition, successively came to him from different quar- 
ters of the Spanish settlements; the sulphur of a neighboring volcano 
enabled him to provide nearly as much gun powder as might be 
wanted; thousands of the Tlascalans and other tribes in the neigh- 
borhood offered to assist h-im in the conquest of Mexico: in fine, 

* The interesting particulars of this battle may be seen in the Spanish 
historian Solis, Conquista de la Nueva Espana, lib. iv, cap. 20 ; — also in 
the English authors of Univ. Hist. nol. cxiv, pp. 354 — 357; — in La Harpe, 
Abrege de Vhisioire des voyages, vol. xiv. pp. 484 — 488 ; etc. 



380 MODERN HISTORY. Part VII 

there were found sufficient materials to build as many brigantines, 
as would be nececessary to secure the command of the lake by which 
the city was surrounded. 

When all things were in readiness^ Corlez, for the third time, 
approached the capital of the Mexicans, and commenced the regular 
operations of a siege. By his command, the attack was made under 
the direction of Sandoval, Olid and Alvarado, at three different points 
along three causeways leading to the town. Each of these brave 
captains had under him thirty or forty thousand Indians, with two 
hundred Spaniards and two pieces of artillery. Cortez reserved to 
himself the attempt to gain possession of the lake, as being the object 
on the attainment of which the success of all their exertions chiefly 
depended. His penetrating mind having easily perceived that this 
was the surest way to conquer Mexico, he fitted out for this purpose 
a flotilla of thirteen brigantines, each of which had, besides sails, 
twelve Indian rowers, twenty-five Spanish soldiers with a captain at 
their head, and a piece of ordnance. Cortez selected for himself the 
swiftest of these vessels, that he might the more easily afibrd assis- 
tance wherever it should be needed. 

The brigantines, disposed in a single line, advanced across the lake 
towards Mexico. At some distance from the shore, a small island, 
or rather a large rock, on which was a castle defended by bodies of 
Indian troops, attracted the notice of the Spanish general. When he 
drew near, the Mexicans, believing their post to be inaccessible, 
loaded the Spaniards with insults and threats. Cortez thought that 
such insolence ought not to go unpunished, especially in the sight 
of the capital and in the presence of its inhabitants, who were ob- 
serving from their balconies the movements of the European flotilla. 
He therefore landed, for a moment, with one hundred and fifty men, 
and the castle was assaulted at two different points with such vigor 
and success, that one part of the garrison fell by the sword, and the 
other was obliged to escape by swimming. 

This easy triumph gave occasion to another of much greater im- 
portance. Whilst Cortez and his troops were detained in the island 
the Mexicans had sufficient time to collect their canoes on the othet 
side of the lake, to the number of at least four thousand, with which 
they advanced towards the enemy. This incredible number of boats, 
the agitation of the waves, the glitter of the arms and ornaments ol 
the Indians, presented a spectacle at once magnificent and terrific. 
Cortez however beheld it without the least emotion, and merely con 
sidered it as a warning to prepare for the combat ; only, in order ttr 
oppose a larger front than before to the enemy, he now caused his 
ships to be drawn up in the form of a crescent. No sooner had he 
given the signal for the attack, than all the brigantines, urged forward 



A. D. 1511^-1523. CONQUEST OF MEXICO^ ETC. 381 

at the same time by the oars and by a favorable breeze, bore down 
upon the Indian boats with irresistible impetuosity, and, notwith- 
standing the gallant resistance of the Mexican chieftains, threw them 
into a state of confusion more easily conceived than described. Nor 
was the result for a moment doubtful, as the arms of the Spaniards, 
a favorable wind, and the very bulk of their vessels, gave them, from 
the beginning of the action, a decided superiority. Great numbers 
of the Indian canoes were broken to pieces by the artillery, sunk by 
coming in contact with the brigantines, or dashed against one 
another; the remainder, closely pursued by a victorious enemy, made 
a narrow escape. 

This great naval victory made the Spaniards masters of the lake^, 
and considerably hastened the capture of Mexico. The three divi- 
sions of the land army being now aided by their victorious fleet, gra- 
dually advanced along the causeways, and proceeded into the very 
streets of the imperial city, not, however, without terrible obstacles and 
several bloody conflicts, the Mexicans being occasionally successful 
in repelling the attacks of the besiegers, and disputing every inch of 
ground with incredible obstinacy. In these desperate encounters, the 
Indians were animated by the example of their young and magnani- 
mous emperor, Guatimozin, who had lately succeeded Q,uetlavaca, 
and who left nothing untried to save his country and empire. But 
the combined efforts of the sovereign and of his subjects served only 
to place in bolder relief the consummate abilities of the Spanish c^ene- 
ral. His measures were so well concerted, and the attack so admira- 
bly conducted by himself and his officers, that, m spite of every ob- 
stacle, the three divisions of the army reached the centre of Mexico 
nearly at the same time. The other parts of the city were soon 
forced to surrender; and, as the provinces quickly shared the fate, 
and followed the example of the capital, the capture of Mexico, in - 
August, 1521, may be considered as the real epoch of the downfall 
of the Mexican empire. The siege had lasted three months, and cost 
the lives of one hundred and fifty thousand Indians. 

The emperor, with his court and family, had endeavored to escape, 
but all were taken prisoners. The Spanish soldiery gready disap- 
pointed in the amount of treasures which they had expected to obtain 
in the city, determined, in order to discover them, to put the unfortu- 
nate Guatimozin and his chief minister to the rack. That prince 
endured the torture with invincible constancy. Most historians 
relate-that hearing his fellow-sufferer complain, he turned to him and 
said : "And myself, am I on a bed of roses'?'^ Cortez rescued him 
on this occasion, from the hands of the soldiery ; but Guatimozin 
beiiig afterwards accused of treason and conspiracy, was condemned 



382 -^ MODERN HISTORY. Part VII. 

and put to death about the year 1523. Thus perished the last empe- 
ror of Mexico. 

Cortez himself soon experienced the vicissitudes of fortune. The 
conquest of an empire at first acquired for him from Charles V the 
honorable title of viceroy of the rich and extensive regions which he 
had subdued^ and his indefatigable activity in improving and enlarg- 
ing his conquests entitled him more and more to honors and rewards. 
But he was doomed^ like Columbus, to be the victim of envy. Twice 
was he obliged to cross the ocean, in order to vindicate his innocence j 
and although he defended it with success, he saw his authority gra- 
dually declining, until, through the influence of his enemies, it dis- 
appeared entirely. His great services now seemed to be forgotten : 
the conqueror of Mexico was treated with a sort of indifference by 
the court of Spain, and could scarcely obtain an audience from his 
sovereign. It is said that, as he one day made his way through the 
crowd which surrounded the carriage of the emperor, Charles asked 
him who he was: "I am," replied Cortez, "the man who gave 
more provinces to your majesty than you inherited towns from your 
ancestors." In fine, baffled in all his hopes of recovering his former 
dignities, he retired to a little town near Seville, where he died at the 
age of sixty -two years (a. d. 1547). 

The life of Cortez exhibits a variety of exploits so extraordinary, 
that, were it not for the testimony of the best historical documents, 
they would rather appear to exist only in the imagination. The 
burning of his fleet, after landing on unknown shores j his attack of 
a powerful empire with a handful of men ; the capture of Monte- 
zuma in the midst of his own capital; the defeat of Narvaez; the 
victory of Otumba; the siege and conquest of Mexico, with aU their 
circumstances, present a series of truly wonderful events — events 
almost unparalleled in the annals of history. Even amongst the greatest 
conquerors, few possessed, in as high a degree as Cortez, prudence 
in counsel, sagacity in his plans and measures, intrepidity in their 
execution, and energy of soul in the severest trials. The greater were 
the dangers and hardships to which he was exposed, the more did his 
courage, presence of mind and mihtary genius appear. To these 
brilliant qualifications he joineda religious mind; a sincere modesty, 
which made him think it no disgrace to ask for advice; a constant 
probity and generosity, which gained him universal confidence and 
esteem ; in fine, a dignified gravity in his public deportment, and an 
amiable kindness and decent gaiety in the ordinary course of .social 
and domestic life.* 

* It would be unjust to charge this hero with certain acts of cruelty com- 
mitted during the Mexican war. He was perhaps too hasty in consenting, 
though he did so with reluctance and for fear of worse consequences, to the 



A. D. 1534-1534. CONQUEST OF PERU^ ETC. 383 

It is certain then, notwithstanding the attacks of envy and preju- 
dice, that the conqueror of Mexico was every way deserving of the 
extraordinary success which attended his arms. If jealousy endea- 
vored to depreciate his transcendent merit during life, justice openly 
proclaimed it after his death j and posterity will ever distinguish 
Hernando Cortez among the many eminent personages of whom 
Spain so justly boasts, as one of her most conspicuous heroes. 



CONQUEST OF PERU.— FRANCIS PIZARRO.— a. d. 1524—1534. 

The same is to be said of the conqueror of Peru, Francis Pizarro, 
a man whose courage, energy and magnanimity were not inferior to 
those of Cortez, though he had fewer occasions to display them on 
the field of battle. Having entered into a compact with Diego de 
Almagro, another intrepid adventurer, and collected a small band of 
followers, he sailed, in 1525, from Panama, and began to explore the 
shores of the Pacific ocean. His first attempts at discovery were 
attended with little success. A variety of obstacles, contrary winds, 
distempers, and the like incidents, often impeded his progress, and so 
dispirited his companions, that nearly the whole crew once aban- 
doned him and returned to Panama, not more than thirteen hardy 
men consenting to remain with him upon a desert coast, until he 
should receive a fresh supply of soldiers and provisions. By his 
persevering efforts, he succeeded, under the sanction of the Spanish 
government, in collecting a body of about two hundred men, for the 
beginning of the year 1531. With new ardor he advanced into the 
very heart of Peru, an extensive monarchy governed by sovereigns 
called Incas, and the richest country in the world for mines of gold 
and silver. 

torture and execution of Guatimozin; but, whatever may have been the 
fury of some soldiers, all historians agree in praising the habitual modera- 
tioii and generosity of Cortez. He waged, it is true, a terrible warfare 
against the Mexicans, but it should be remarked, first, that he did not com- 
toence hostilities until he had been treacherously and repeatedly attacked 
by them ; in the second place, that, even in the midst of his victories, he 
constantly offered them peace, which they refused ; and, in fine, that he had 
to fight for the noble cause of humanity against enemies not less ferocious 
than implacable, and addicted to the barbarous custom of immolating hu- 
man victims, to the niimber of at least twenty thousand every year. The 
project of extirpating this monstrous barbarity was, on the principles of the 
ablest divines and civilians, Suarez, Grotius, etc., sufficient of itself to jus- 
tify the miUtary expedition of Cortez, and to render it a just and honorable 
enterprise. 



384 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VIL 



The Peruvians were not less awed than the other nations of 
America, at the sight of men mounted upon formidable animals, and 
carrying thunder in their hands. The whole country was divided at 
that time into two hostile parties headed by the late InCa's sons, who 
had just made an appeal to arms for the decision of their quarrel con- 
cerning the succession to the throne. Huascar, the elder, was at 
first victorious : but being afterwards defeated, he fell into the hands 
of his younger brother, Atabaliba, who committed great cruelties on 
this occasion. Both princes were anxious to secure the protection 
of the strangers, and Pizarro did not fail to take advantage of circum- 
stances so favorable to his views. Without manifesting his real 
designs, he marched on to meet the usurper, and, after some useless 
conferences, so vigorously attacked the Peruvian troops, whose number 
amounted to upwards of thirty thousand men, that four thousand of 
them were killed, and the others dispersed, without the loss of a 
single soldier on the side of the Spaniards. The proud monarch was 
made prisoner, and, being soon tired of his captivity, he offered for 
his ransom to fill up with pieces and vessels of gold a room twenty- 
two feet long and seventeen broad, as high as his hand could reach, 
and double that quantity of silver. The stipulated sum was paid to 
the Spaniards : still Atabahba did not recover his liberty ; but on cer- 
tain charges of an odious treason, and also as a punishment for his 
brother's murder, he was put to death in the year 1533. 

The two principal cities of Peru, Q,uito and Cusco, surrendered to 
the Spaniards, with scarcely any show of resistance (a. d. 1534). The 
rest of the empire was also subdued in a short time; and, the better 
to secure its allegiance, Pizarro founded, at a short distance from the 
sea, the rich and celebrated city of Lima. Unfortunately, obstinate 
and bloody quarrels began to arise among the conquerors themselves 
about the partition of their conquest. Pizarro prevailed for a time 
over the party of his opponents : but, disdaining to give credit to the 
intelligence of a conspiracy against him, he finally became its victim. 
On the twenty-sixth of June (a. d. 1541), he was suddenly attacked 
in his palace at Lima, by a crowd of vile assassins, who, in their 
fury, made the air resound with the cry, away with the tyrant. His 
friends and servants being either killed or dispersed, he remained 
alone, without betraying the least sign of fear. Surrounded as he 
was by murderers, he defended himself with heroic courage, killed 
some of the assailants, wounded others, and at last, having himself 
received a mortal wound, fell and expired in the midst of them, 
whilst recommending his soul to his Creatov. 

Such was the deplorable end of one of the most illustrious con- 
querors of the New World; of one, to whose undaunted valor and 
invincible constancy, Spain was indebted for the subjugation of 



A. D. 1538-1559. CHAKLES V^ ETC. 385 

the Peruvian empire^ and Charles V for the invaluable mines of Po- 
tosi. After his death, civil wars continued to desolate Peru^ until the 
chief leaders of the first expedition had all disappeared. It was only 
in 1548 that the virtuous governor Pedro de la Gasca succeeded, by 
his consummate prudence, in terminating those V/ars, and in estab- 
lishing the Spanish government on a permanent basis in that envia- 
ble country. The Spaniards acquired also, about the same time, the 
extensive territories of Chili and Paraguay ; and the Portuguese pro- 
fited by their example, to form valuable settlements along the coasts 
of Brazil. 



CHARLES V CONTINUED— ACCESSION OF PHILIP II, AND 
FIRST TRANSACTIONS OF HIS REIGN.— a. d. 1535—1559. 



' Whilst the empire of Charles V was thils increasing abroad to 
an immense extent, that prince continued to astonish Europe by the 
display of his military and political talents. War having been re- 
newed between him and Francis I, Charles generally maintained the 
superiority which he iiad previously acquired; still, when he at- 
tempted, in 1536, to invade Prance at the head of formidable forces, 
he was compelled to retire with considerable loss. 

The year before, the emperor had undertaken an expedition into 
Africa, for the purpose of checking the alarming progress of Barba- 
rossa, a famous pirate chieftain. Having met him near Tunis, he 
defeated him in a great battle, took the city and rescued from twenty 
to thirty thousand Christian slaves. Another expedition of the same 
kind, directed against Algiers, in 1541, was far from obtaining the 
same success ; dreadful storms both on sea and land destroyed half 
of the emperor^s fleet and army, and obliged him quickly to depart 
from those perilous shores. So unfortunate a result was so mucti 
the more painful to Charles, as he had conceived and followed up the 
project of conquering Algiers, contrary to the advice of the celebrated 
admiral Andrew Doria, and other able generals. However, through- 
iDut that series of disasters, he evinced such courage, firmness, mag- 
nanimity, and above all, so tender a solicitude for his distressed sol- 
diers, as fully to atone for the partial loss which he sustained in his 
reputation with regard to prudence and military glory. 

The same alternation of success and misfortune accompanied him 
iin his wars against the Protestant princes of Germany, He signally 
defeated them at Mulbert (a. d. 1547), but they recovered from this 
blow, and continued to give him considerable trouble till the yeap 
1552, when an agreemeot was enteral,! into by both parties, 



386 MODERN HISTORY. Part Vil 

After having been thus long the chief potentate of Europe, after 
having filled the whole world with the fame of his glorious achieve- 
ments,, this mighty emperor abandoned all earthly grandeur for an 
obscure and private life. He left the imperial dignity to his brother 
Ferdinand, resigned the Spanish crown with all its appendages and 
foreign doraimons to his son Philip, and retired into a monastery of 
Hierony mites in Spain (a. d. 1556). In that peaceful abode he lived 
two years, dividing his time between spiritual exercises and innocent 
employments. The manner in which he closed his mortal career 
was as extraordinary as his life. Stretching himself in a cofRn, he 
caused the funeral rites to be performed, and after the ceremony, re- 
ared, in a state of deep melancholy, to his apartments, where he was 
seized with a violent fever, and died on the twenty-first of September, 
in the fifty-eighth year of his age. His reign, together with that of 
his grand-father Ferdinand and that of his son Philip, undoubtedly 
forms the most brilliant part of the history of Spain. 

The'famous rival of Charles, Francis I, had descended before him" 
into the grave : he was succeeded by Henry II, a prince equal to his 
father as well in bravery as in his determined opposition to the house 
of Austria. This hostile feelmg Henry II had often evinced during 
the emperor's life ; new causes of excitement urged him to manifest 
it again in the beginning of Philip's reign. Accordingly, France and 
Spain continued to be engaged in war against each other under their 
new sovereigns; and, in consequence of the marriage of Philip II 
with the EngHsh queen Mary, England interfered in favor of the 
Spanish monarch. 

In the year 1557, the war assumed a most serious aspect. The 
confederates, amounting to seventy thousand, under the command of 
the duke of Savoy, invaded the French territory, and laid siege to St. 
duentin, a town of Picardy defended only by a handful of soldiers. 
The high-constable of Montmorency, at the head of an army of thirty 
thousand men, undertook to relieve the place, and really succeeded in 
augmenting the garrison; but, not having withdrawn in due time 
from the approaching enemy, he was overtaken by superior forces, and 
compelled to engage in a very unequal contest. His defeat was en- 
tire; his cavalry fled; five thousand of the infantry were killed or 
wounded, whereas the Spaniards did not lose more than eighty men, 
and several other thousand among the vanquished, together with 
their chief officers, the constable himself, eighty-eight banners, and 
and all the artillery and baggage, fell into the hands of the con- 
querors. 

The battle of St. Q,uentin might have proved the downfall ol the 
French monarchy, had the conquerors pursued their advantage witn- 
out delay. They wasted their time in taking some inconsiderable 



*, ft. 15(S-1588. ENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS. 387 

towns, until the autumnal rains obliged them to retire beyond the 
irontier, Henry improved the happy circumstance, by speedily mus- 
tering new forces, which enabled him, in the very next campaign, 
not only to stand upon the defensive, but even to attack with suc- 
cess. The duke of Guise, a general justly renowned for having a 
few years before compefled the emperor Charles to abandon the 
siege of Metz, was now placed at the head of the army, with the 
title of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. His prudence and valor 
fully answered the confidence reposed in him. After deceiving the 
allies by a skilful march, he suddenly appeared before Calais, and 
attacked it so vigorously, that this famous town, hitherto considered 
impregnable, was taken after a siege of eight days. It had been du- 
ring two hundred and ten years in the power of the English, who 
lest with it their last possession on the continent {a. d. 1558). 

At the news of this event, so unexpected, and, under existing cir- 
cumstances, so glorious for France, all nations admired the vigor of 
her national spirit and the extent of her resources. No later than 
the ensuing year, a treaty was concluded between Philip and Henry, 
in virtue of which they restored to each other nearly all their late 
conquests ; but Calais, with some other places, remained in the pos- 
session of tlie French. This loss sustained by the English, naturally 
leads us to mention the other great transactions both civil and reli- 
gious which took place in England under the government of the 
Tudors, 



ENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS.— a. d. 1509--1588. 

ArxER the prosperous reign of the first Tudor, Henry VII, the 
English sceptre passed in 1509, into the hands of his son, the famous 
Henry VIII. For the space of about twenty years, the new mo- 
narch enjoyed a great r-eputation, and increased the glory of his king- 
dom, by a wise administration at home, owing chiefly to the abilities 
of his prime minister. Cardinal Wolsey, and by brilliant success 
abroad, in his wars against the French and the Scots ; (see above, page 
365). A vile passion which he would not restrain, transformed him 
into a despicable prince and a cruel tyrant. Wishing to repudiate his 
lawful wife, Catherine of Arragon, for the purpose of contracting 
another marriage with Anne Boleyn, a lady of his court, he applied 
to Pope Clement VII to obtain a dispensation; but it was refused as 
opposed to the divine law. The dissolute monarch disregarded the 
refusal; and not content with marrying Anne Boleyn, he, in his 
anger, abolished the papal jurisdiction in his kingdom, and assumed 



388 MODERN HISTORY. Part VIL 

to himself the exercise of all spiritual supremacy over the English 
Church (a. d. 1534). From that time, he made his own will the only 
rule to be followed in Church and State ; persecuted both Catholics 
and Protestants ; and spared neither his wives nor his most illustrious 
subjects, such as Bishop Fisher and Chancellor More, who were put 
to death for refusing to admit the assumed po-wer, and to obey the 
wicked orders of the tyrant. This unhappy prince died in 1547. 

Under his son and successor, young Edward VI, and by the exer- 
tions of the regent, the duke of Somerset, the Protestant doctrine 
became the religion of England. Mary, the eldest daughter of Henry 
VIII, reestablished the Catholic worship in 1554; but, in 1563, it 
was again discarded by her sister Elizabeth, who founded the Church 
of England as it now exists. Mary, exasperated by the revolts 
which disturbed her reign, had treated the Protestants with great 
rigor; Elizabeth, without having any such cause, treated the Catholics 
with still greater severity, and, under the influence of unprincipled 
ministers, began to frame those oppressive statutes which disgraced 
the English legislation for nearly three centuries, and have in parti- 
cular weighed so heavily upon Catholic Ireland. 

Two other events of remarkable importance contributed to render 
the reign of EUzabeth for ever famous in a double point of view. 
The first was the death of the queen of Scotland, Mary Stuart, upon a 
scaffold, in 1587. This unfortunate princess, persecuted with invete- 
rate hatred by an unnatural brother, and other enemies of her faith, 
her authority and her person, had been obliged to seek a refuge in 
England, where, instead of an asylum, she found a dreary prison. 
After eighteen years of confinement, she was brought to a trial to 
which history affords no parallel, and, upon a variety of slanderous 
and atrocious charges, was condemned to capital punishment, which 
she suffered at the age of forty-two, with truly Christian fortitude. 
All Europe shuddered with horror at the crime of her enemies; and 
Elizabeth endeavored in vain, by affected tears, to wipe away the 
foul stain for ever imprinted on her own character by this deed of 
darkness. 

The other event alluded to, and which, in a political point of view, 
did great honor to the English queen, was her triumph over all the 
maritime forces of Spain. Hitherto, she had, by proper and constant 
encouragement, placed her own navy on a respectable footing. The 
famous admiral Drake successively attacked the coasts of San Do- 
mingo, Florida, Peru and Chili, laid waste the Spanish settlements, 
and each time returned loaded with rich booty. Afterwards, he 
attacked the coast of Spain itself, and captured or destroyed eighty 
vessels in the harbor of Cadiz. 

These attacks were too flagrant and too often repeated, not to pro- 



A. D. 1560-1571. WAR AGAINST THE TURKS. 389 

voke open hostilities from Pliilip II. After patiently suffering them 
for a time, he at last determined to take ample revenge, and prepared, 
at immense expense, a formidable fleet for the invasion and subjuga- 
tion of England. It was called the Invincible Armada, and consisted 
of one hundred and fifty enormous vessels, carrying nearly three 
thousand cannons, with numerous troops and the flower of the Span- 
ish chivalry. Nothing was spared to secure the success of the expe- 
dition; England trembled at the approach of this powerful armament: 
but she was soon relieved from her fears by the intrepidity and skill 
of her admirals. They carefully shunned a general action, confining 
themselves to partial engagements, in which they were constantly 
successful. After the Spaniards had begun to suffer various losses 
by this mode of warfare, a multitude of incidents aided the exertions 
of the English, and a series of violent storms completed the defeat of 
the Armada (a. d. 1588). 

The loss of the Spaniards iri this unhappy expedition was aston- 
ishing; but it produced not the least effect upon Philip, who received 
the disastrous intelligence with as much tranquillity as he would 
have done that of a signal triumph. '^^I had," said he, ''sent my 
fleet to fight against the English, and not against the winds. Let 
the will of God be done. I thank him that he has given me so many 
resources to repair this disaster." 



WAR AGAINST THE TURKS.— SIEGE OF MALTA.— LOSS Ot 
CYPRUS,— BATTLE OF LEPANTO.— a. d. 1560—1571. 



We may now revert to the affairs of the Turks, and to their new 
efforts against the Christian nations. At the time when Philip 11 
began to rule over Spain, Soliman, the conqueror of Rhodes and 
Belgrade, was still seated on the throne of Constantinople. A war 
having arisen between these two mighty sovereigns for the posses- 
sion of Tripoli in Africa, a great naval battle was fought in 1560, in 
which the Turks were completely victorious. This success embold- 
ened Soliman to undertake other conquests ; and resentment urged 
iiim to attack once more the knights of St. John, the greatest ene- 
mies of his power, and to drive them, if possible, from the new resi- 
dence which the liberality of Charles V had conferred on their Order. 
Accordingly, an army composed of forty thousand choice troops, 
under the command of three able generals, Mustapha, Piali and Dra 
gut, was landed in 1565 on the shores of Malta, and immediately began 
a siege which, from the uninterrupted vigor of the attack and defence 
33* 



MODERN HISTORYo Part VII. 

during the spac€ of four months, may be reckoned the most memo- 
rable event of this kind recorded in liistory. 

The number of the knights and soldiers in the whole island did 
not exceed nine or ten thousand men; but the Grand-Master, John 
Parisot de la Valette, was a host in himself. This worthy successor 
of Peter d'Aubusson and Villiers de PIsle-Adam, had, like them, a 
mind incapable of fear even amidst the greatest dangers, a wonderful 
prudence and ability much improved by experience, and an intrepid 
valor constantly animated by religious and patriotic principles. The 
plan which he adopted from the beginning of the siege, and which 
he followed up with unshaken constancy, was to defend, by the most 
vigorous exertions, every fort, every post, every inch of ground, 
against all the efforts of the Turks, hoping in this manner so to ha- 
rass them and diminish their numbers, as finally to compel them to 
evacuate the island. 

In consequence of this noble determination, sharp skirmishes daily 
took place, retarding the progress of the assailants. A little fort, 
called St. Elme, stopped their whole army for several weeks ; nor 
could they take it except by sacrificing eight thousand of their bravest 
warriors; which made one of their greatest generals exclaim : "If 
the son has given us so much trouble, what must we expect from the 
father!" The garrison of that fort, composed of a few knights and 
some hundred soldiers, exhibited a spectacle never seen before. They 
not only repelled the continual assaults of the Janizaries, as long as 
succor could be sent to them by the Grand-Master; but, even when 
all communication was cut off, and when they were reduced to a 
small band, they continued, though wounded and scarcely able to 
move, to defend the breach against thousands of assailants. As loss 
of blood and complete exhaustion did not permit some of them any 
longer to fight standing and with one hand only, they sat upon chairs 
and benches, and, wielding their swords with both hands, combated 
to their last breath. Fort St. Elme was not taken, till ^fter the 
death of all the knights who had generously devoted themselves to its 
defence. 

Still more awful and bloody was the struggle, when directed 
against the principal forts of the island, and against the town in 
which most of the knights resided. Desperate courage on the one 
side, undaunted intrepidity on the other, daily rendered the ram- 
parts of Malta a theatre of unparalleled feats of arms. The energy of 
the Grand-Master seemed to have been transfused into the souls of 
his brave companions, and the valor of the knights to have commu- 
nicated itself to all the inhabitants; and such was the admiration 
which the spectacle of their noble heroism excited, that all classes of 
the people wished to partake in their glorious exploits. ThuSj on 



i.. D. 1560-1571. WAR AGAINST THE TURKS. 391 

one occasion, a band of some hundred boys, with their sHngs, greatly 
contributed to repel a furious assault; on another, two sailors con- 
trived the best measure to defeat one of the most dangerous attacks 
of the infidels. Persons of every age and condition labored day and 
night in repairing the walls, or making new intrenchments, without 
being frightened by the scenes of carnage, and by the sight of the 
dead and of the dying. Even females, forgetting their usual timidity, 
went forward to help their fathers, husbands or sons, and fearlessly 
appearing upon the breach, threw upon the assailants boiling water 
and oil, melted pitch, fire-works, and even large stones, which they 
would not have been able to move in any other circumstance. 

As to the Grand-Master, besides continually watching every motion 
of the enemy, and properly directing all the efforts of the besieged, he 
seemed to multiply himself, in order to be present at every attack. The 
imminent danger of death, which he braved a thousand times, never 
caused him any fear or disturbance. Having, in one of the assaults, 
received a deep wound, he generously disregarded it, and continued 
fighting until the Turks were repelled. At another time, his nephew, 
a brave knight, whom he very tenderly loved, was killed at a short 
distance from him; La Valette contented himself with saying: '^^ To- 
-morrow we shall have time to weep for the loss of my nephew; let 
us now avenge his death, by forcing our enemies to fly." Being told 
that Mustapha, the commander-in-chief of the Turks, had sworn to 
put all the knights to the sword, and preserve the Grand-Master 
alone, to bring him before the sultan, "I will prevent him from doing 
(hat," coolly replied La Valette: "if, contrary to my expectation, 
the result of the siege should prove fatar to us, rather than suffer 
myself to be taken prisoner, I would put on the dress of a common 
soldier, throw myself into the thickest bands of the enemy, and fight 
until a glorious death should unite me to my brethren." 

This noble intrepidity, ably seconded by the undaunted courage 
of the knights and of the Maltise soldiers, could scarcely fail to be 
crowned at last with full success. Yet, the Turks were not dispirited ; 
and for a long time they seemed to derive new strength and ardor 
from their very defeats, their shame at not having hitherto been able 
to subdue a handful of warriors, making them perform prodigies of 
valor. Besides having recourse to the ordinary modes of warfare, 
they every day invented new engines to annoy the besieged. Some- 
times, by means of powerful machines, they threw barrels filled with 
gun-powder and case-shot, so prepared as to burst upon the ramparts 
and spread death among their foes. On other occasions, they pushed 
forward to the walls wooden towers, from the tops of which their 
musketeers might, with deadly aim, shoot down every human being 
that appeared upon the breach. The besieged, on their side^ were 



392 MODERN HISTORY. Part VIL 

not idle in their endeavors to prevent the effects of these murderous 
machines, either destroying them by the brisk fire of their artillery, 
or even turning them against their very contrivers. It was an awful 
spectacle to see the fatal barrels, before they had time to burst, hurled 
back upon the assailants, the wooden towers dashed in pieces, the 
ladders broken, and numbers of Janizaries crushed to death at the 
foot of the ramparts. 

Not only did Mustapha, in th^ese daily conflicts, lose many of his 
bravest soldiers, he had moreover the most gloomy prospect before 
him. Instead of reducing the inhabitants of Malta by famine, as he 
had, for a time, hoped to do, he began to feel the want of provisions 
and ammunition in his own camp. He moreover supposed the defen- 
ders of the besieged places to be much more numerous than they 
really were; and concluding that it was quite useless to continue the 
attack against the maritime forts, he turned his efforts against the city 
called JVotable, the capital of the whole island. Here also his hopes 
were entirely frustrated. In his perplexity, he resolved to resume 
the operations of the former siege ; when a body of troops, which had 
been promised by the king of Spain, at length arrived from Sicily. 
Although it consisted of only seven thousand men, this number was 
sufficient to raise the siege. Despondency and consternation had 
already begun to spread among the Turks; panic and despair suc- 
ceeded ; and, after a single powerless discharge of musketry, they 
hastily fled to the shore and reembarked for Constantinople. 

An end was thus put to the harassing and sanguinary conflict. 
At the arrival of the auxiliary troops and the departure of the enemy, 
there remained, in the residence of the knights, not more than six 
hundred men able to bear arms, and even most of that number had 
received many wounds. The Spanish and Sicilian allies could not 
refrain from tears at the sight of these truly invincible, but disfigured 
and emaciated warriors ; their beards and hair were in a dreadful state ; 
their garments, owing to the length of time that they had not been 
changed, were falhng to pieces, and covered with dust and gore. It 
was impossible, at such a spectacle, not to mingle lively feelings of 
compassion with the transports of joy caused by so happy a delive- 
rance. In order to transmit to posterity an authentic memorial of 
these surprising events, the small town, around which so many 
exploits had been achieved, received the appellation of victorious city, 
which it still retains. 

A great and truly noble object now occupied the mind of La Va- 
lette. In consequence of the furious siege just ended, most of the 
houses and fortifications were destroyed, the cannons were broken to 
pieces or greatly damaged, tfee stores and arsenals were without am 
munition, the coffers without money, the forts without sufficient gar- 



AD. 1660-1571. WAR AGAINST THE TURKS. 393 

risons, and those parts of the country which had been the theatre of 
the war^ almost without inhabitants j in a word, Maha was in such 
a state of desolation, that the bravest knights lost all hope of ever see- 
ing it recover its former prosperity, and expressed a desire that Sicily 
should be selected as the residence of the Order. But the Grand- 
Master, who, even in the utmost distress, had never consented to 
yield any .thing, was much less wilhng now to abandon that glorious 
soil so well fitted to produce new laurels. All the Christian princes 
applauded his magnanimous sentiments, and readily assisted him in 
carrying out his views. Having therefore chosen a favorable spot, 
he laid the foundation of a new city, which he destined to become 
the principal seat of the Order of St. John; and the work v^^as prose- 
cuted with so much diligence and activity, as to be nearly completed 
in the space of five years. The city took the name of her illustrious 
founder. La Valette, and being protected both by nature and art, was 
deservedly reputed the strongest place in Europe. 

The intelligence of his army's defeat threw Soliman into a pa- 
roxysm of rage; he trampled under foot the letter of his general, 
and swore vengeance against the Christians. He however thought 
it prudent not to attack again the heroes of Malta, and rather chose to 
vent his resentment against the Christian islands of the Archipelago. 
Afterwards, the indefatigable sultan led his Janizaries, for the fourth 
time, into Hungary (a. d. 1566). The storm at this period burst 
upon Sigeth, a small, but well fortified town, whose brave garrison 
of three thousand men, and its intrepid commander. Count Nicolas 
Serini, bound themselves by a solemn oath, if they could not conquer, 
at least to die together in defence of their religion and their country. 
Never was there a generous promise better and more resolutely ful- 
filled. For the space of two months, they successfully resisted an 
army of one hundred and fifty thousand Turks, destroying upwards 
of thirty thousand of the foremost among the assailants. At last, 
finding their own number reduced to two hundred and fifty, they 
threw open the gates of the fortress, and rushed into the midst of 
the Janizaries, where they all fell whilst fighting with desperate cou- 
rage; only two soldiers, who were left for dead on the field of battle, 
afterwards recovered from their wounds. Thus Sigeth fell under the 
power of the Turks, but not until it had become, as it were, a heap of 
ruins, without any one left to defend it any longer. Soliman had not 
the satisfaction to see the end of that destructive siege ; his disap- 
pointment, roused to fury by so obstinate a resistance, brought on an 
attack of apoplexy, of which he died three days before the last con- 
flict. As, however, the ultimate result was the consequence of his 
lexertions, the capture of Sigeth may be justly accounted as one of 



394 MODERN HISTORY. Part VII. 

the exploits, and as the last, but dearly-bought victory of that re- 
nowned sultan. 

Although implicit credit should not be given to all the encomiums 
bestowed on Sohman by the Turkish writers, since various instances 
of cruelty and restless ambition are found in his life, which are a 
stain on his memory ; still it must be confessed that his reign was, 
at least, one of the most brilliant and successful of the Ottoman dy- 
nasty. This prince nearly equalled Charles V, his cotemporary, in 
activity, prudence and warlike genius. A famous conqueror and a 
great general in the field, he was also an able politician and a wise 
legislator at home; he left behind him many useful institutions; he 
embellished Constantinople, built a powerful navy, protected learn- 
ing, and, by his munificence, justice and liberality, not only secured 
to his person and goverment the respect of his Mahometan subjects, 
but even on many occasions was an object of admiration to the Chris- 
stians themselves. 

Selim II, who succeeded Soliman on the Turkish throne, did no< 
possess the mihlary qualities of most of his predecessors, and yet suc- 
cessfully carried on their plan of aggrandizement and conquest. 
Looking with a jealous eye at the rich island of Cyprus, then in the 
possession of the Venetians, he equipped a numerous fleet and army, 
in order to bring it under his power. The greater part of the country 
surrendered without opposition, Nicosia and Famagusta being the 
only places that ventured to sustain a siege. The former was taken 
at the expiration of seven weeks; the latter held out four months, 
during which the Turks lost, it is said, forty thousand men, and were 
obliged to fire one hundred and fifty thousand cannon balls. They 
sullied their victory by shocking cruelties, and the defenders of Cy- 
prus expiated in tortures the guilt of their vigorous resistance. Above 
all, the resentment of the infidels vented itself on the intrepid comman- 
der of Famagusta, Marc Antony Bragadino, whose heroism on that 
occasion will be remembered by the latest posterity. This great man, 
being, contrary to the terms of the capitulation, cairied into captivity, 
experienced the most barbarous treatment from the Turkish general, 
Mustapha, and was finally flayed alive, without betraying the least 
symptom of pain, but piously reciting the fiftieth psalm, until he ex- 
pired in the hands of the executioner. 

This barbarity of the Turks roused the indignation, while their in- 
creasing power excited the fears, of Christendom. To avert the dan- 
ger which threatened at once religion and civilization in Europe, 
Pope Pius V exerted all his faculties, authority and zeal. He, on 
one hand, by letters and embassies, procured the conclusion of a 
powerful league, consisting of his own states, the kingdom of Spain 
and the republic of Venice; on the other hand, he endeavored to se^ 



A. o. 1560-1571. WAR AGAINST THE TURKS. 395 

cure victory to their cause by fervent supplications^ and by ordering 
the dismissal from the Christian host of all persons whose vices and 
immoraUty might provoke the wrath of heaven. This being done, 
the combined fleets consisting of about two hundred and forty vessels, 
under the command of Don Juan of Austria, a half brother to Phihp 
II, went in search of the Turkish fleet, which was still more nume- 
rous. The belligerent parties came in sight in the gulf of Lepanto; 
and nearly on the same spot where Augustus and Antony had for- 
merly contended for the Roman empire, were the Christians and the 
Mussulmans now about to fight for the possession of Europe. 

The seventh of October 1571, witnessed one of the most terrible 
naval battles recorded in history. For several hours the conflict all 
along the line was awful, and victory uncertain. At length, the per- 
severing courage of the confederates, the intrepidity of Don Juan and 
other generals, their superior skill in naval and military tactics, in 
fine, a strong and favorable breeze which arose just at the beginning 
of the battle, and carried clouds of smoke towards the Turks, gave 
the Christians a decisive victory. The fierce Ottomans lost in that 
memorable action thirty-five thousand soldiers, with their admiral and 
chief oflicers, fifteen thousand Chidstian slaves, about two hundred 
and fifty men-of-war and galleys, three hundred and seventy-two 
large guns, and an immense booty with which their vessels were 
loaded.* 

So signal an overthrow every where spread terror and dismay 
among the Turks, particularly in Constantinople; whereas the vic- 
tory of the confederates filled the Christian world with exultation. 
In Rome, Toledo, and other places, it was celebrated with extraor- 
dinary rejoicings; the Venetians, above all, manifested their enthu- 
siasm by forbidding any one to mourn for the loss of those who had 
perished in the glorious conflict. The conquerors, it is true, did not 
know how to pursue and improve their victory as much as might have 
been expected; yet, it cannot be denied that its result was of an im- 
mense advantage, since it proved not only a check to the progress of 
the Ottomans, but was also the beginning of their decline, at least as 
a maritime powder. 

* A more detailed account of the battle of Lepanto may be found in 
Univers. Hist. vol. lx ; — Mignot, Hist, de VEmpire Ottoman {reign of Se- 
hm II ) ; — Hist, du Bas-Empire, continuee par Ameilhon, vol. xxvii; — also 
in the Eccles. historians, Bdraut-Bercastel, and Fleury, or rather his con- 
tinuator, ad ann. 1571 ; and Alban Butler's Life of St. Pius F, under the 
fifth of May, with the notes. 



396 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VU. 



PHILIP II CONTINUED.— THE REPUBLIC OF HOLLAND.— 
FRANCE UNDER THE LAST VALOIS AND HENRY IV.— 
GENERAL STATE OF EUROPE IN THE BEGINNING OF 
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.— a. d. 1566—1618. 



The prosecution of the Turkish war did not occupy the whole at- 
tention of Phihp II; he was also, during the same period, and for 
many years after, engaged in a series of hostihties against Holland. 
That country, which, had been dependent on Spain ever since the ac- 
cession of Charles V, began openly to shake off the yoke in 1566, 
under the pretence of political and religious tyranny. Neither the 
severity of the duke of Alva, nor the abilities of Don Juan, nor the he- 
roic quaUties of Alexander Farnese, duke of Parma, could reestab- 
lish in it the Spanish domination ; and, in spite both of conferences 
and arms, the repubhc of Holland, or of the Seven United Provinses, 
was proclaimed in 1581. It rapidly increased during the first part of 
the following century; and, by uniting an active spirit of trade and 
maritime enterprise witli great military skill and numerous exploits 
on land, it acquired such prosperity, wealth and power, as frequently 
to counterbalance the influence of the mightiest sovereigns of Eu- 
rope. H^owever, it was not universally acknowledged as a free and 
independent state before the year 1648, in the treaty of Westphalia. 

The Spanish monarch was more successful in his expedition 
against Portugal. Not long before, under the reign of Emmanuel 
and John III, this kingdom had reached the height of opulence and 
glory. One single act of imprudence on the part of the young king- 
Don Sebastian, in 1578, caused it not only to fall from the high rank 
which it held among European nations, but even to lose for a time 
its independence. Contrary to the advice of his wisest counsellors, 
that impetuous monarch obstinately wished to engage in an expedition 
against some princes in Africa. A battle was fought, in which he 
displayed surprising valor, but finally met with a complete over- 
throw: the Portuguese troops were cut to pieces, and he himself 
disappeared, and was never seen afterwards. As he left no issue, 
the crown of Portugal was claimed by many competitors, who pre- 
pared to support their pretensions by recourse to law, or by force of 
arms ; but Philip of Spain, who was beyond comparison the most 
powerful of all the aspirants to the throne, overcame his rivals. Por- 
tugal was subdued in one campaign, and, with its numerous settle- 
ments in other parts of the globe, remained annexed to the Spanish 
monarchy during sixty years, viz: from 1580 to 1640, when a sud- 
den and successful revohuion restored it to its native princes. 



A. D. 1566-1618. PHILIP II CONTINUED; ETC. 397 

By the addition of Portugal and its appendages to his hereditary 
dominions, Philip II became the sovereign of the most extensive 
monarchy that had hitherto existed. Several countries of Europe 
and Asia, and nearly all the regions of America until then disco vered„ 
obeyed his laws ; hence he was used to say, and with truth, that the 
sun never set on all his dominions at once. Nor was his mind un- 
equal to the task of regulating so vast and so complicated a machine. 
He was continually watching over the different provinces of his 
amazing monarchy, there being no department of the public adminis- 
tration with which he was not familiarly acquainted, no affair of im- 
portance to which he did not personally attend, no minister of state, 
no general of his army, whose public conduct he did not diligently 
observe, in order to keep all within the bounds of duty. 

Philip moreover exercised a considerable influence over the other 
states of Europe, particularly France ; he even cherished for a long 
time the hope of placing one of his children upon the French throne. 
That kingdom, after the vigorous reign of Henry II, had fallen into 
a deplorable state under his weak succcessors, Francis II, Charles 
IX, and Heriry III, owing chiefly to an almost uninterrupted series 
of civil wars between the Catholics, who wished to maintain the 
ancient faith, and the Huguenots or Calvinists, Avho were anxious to 
establish their own religious system. The evil was increased, in 
1572, by the massacre on St. Bartholomew's day, in which many 
hundred Protestants were, by an act of cruel retaliation, immolated 
to the resentment and vengeance of the court.* At the death of 
Henry III, who fell by the sword of an assassin in 1589, Philip II 
endeavored, by every means in his power, to exclude the nearest 
heir, Henry of Bourbon and Navarre, who was a Protestant, from a 
throne which had always been occupied by Cathohc monarchs; but 
the many victories of Henry, enhanced by his truly royal qualities, 
and finally his return to the Catholic Church,t baffled the projects 
and frustrated the hopes of the Spanish sovereign. All obstacles 
were removed in 1595, and the king of Navarre, the head of the 
Bourbon family, was universally acknowledged king of France under 
the name of Henry IV ; a name, notwithstanding the individual frail- 
ties of the monarch, ever to be held in grateful remembrance for the 

* See note N. 

\ The conversion of Henry IV was not, as the infidel Voltaire presumed 
to assert, owing to political and interested motives, but the fruit of doctri- 
nal conferences held in his presence. Havins; asked the Protestant divine« 
whether he could be saved in the Catholic religion, and being answered in 
the affirmative, he concluded that it was undoubtedly the safer step to be- 
come a Catholic. He immediately began to act up to this conclusion; and, 
from that time, never ceased to evince the most sincere and strong attach- 
ment to the faith which he had embraced. 
34 



398 MODERN HISTORYo 



Part "ViL 



return of happiness and prosperity which it secured to this long 
afflicted kingdom. 

In the mean time, PhiUp 11, worn down by age, infirmity and toil, 
was called from this world, and left his immense possessions to his 
son Philip III. His last moments, amidst the acute pains of a com- 
plicated disease, more and more manifested that firmness and energy 
of character which he had so frequently displayed during his long 
career. He died, after a reign of forty -two years, on the thirteenthi 
of September (a. d. 1598). Five years later, the famous queen of 
England, Elizabeth, also departed this life, and was succeeded by the 
son of the unfortunate Mary Stuart, James of Scotland, who was 
really the nearest heir to the British throne, when the posterity of Henry 
VIII became extinct by the death of EHzabeth. Being the first who 
reigned over the united kingdoms of England, Ireland and Scotland, 
James, on that account, took the title of King of Ch^eat Britain. 

Under these new and pacific sovereigns, Europe, generally speak- 
ing, enjoyed a profound peace during the first part of the seventeenth 
century. Still, a violent storm was preparing against the house of 
Austria, whose preponderance destroyed, in the opinion of many, 
the necessary equilibrium among the monarchs of Europe. It was 
the desire of the neighboring princes, and particularly of the French 
king, to weaken her power, and great preparations were already 
made for that purpose, when Henry IV fell by the poniard of a base 
assassin, on the fourteenth of May, in the year 1610. 

This tragical event delayed for a time the project of the confede- 
rates, and plunged France into the deepest affliction. At the news 
of Henry's death, all labor ceased ; commerce was interrupted ; in 
the towns, especially in the capital, nothing was heard but sobs and 
lamentations, and country people were seen to shed torrents of tears, 
thus testifying their gratitude for the truly paternal affection which 
the good king had always manifested for this class of his subjects. 
It was his wish that they could have a fowl to eat every Sunday, 
and his delight to talk with them about their toils, their profits and 
losses, and even their smallest concerns. In a word, to promote the 
happiness of his people may truly be said to have been his predomi- 
nant passion ; hence we need not wonder that he conciliated to him- 
self the love of the French nation, and won the admiration of all 
ages and countries. Even at present, the name of Henry IV reminds 
every one of a gracious, mild and beneficent king, who rendered 
himself still more commendable for the generosity of his feelings, 
than for all his other princely and royal quahties. 



ft. ». 1M&-1648. THE THIRTY YEARS WAR. 399 



THE THIRTY YEARS WAR.— a. d. 1618—1648. 

The intended war against the Austrian family, which had been 
postponed on account of the death of Henry IV, at length broke out 
in 1618, and lasted, almost without interruption, during the space of 
thirty years. Its commencement coincides with the beginning of the 
reign of Ferdinand II, an emperor whose magnanimity and other 
virtues won the admiration even of his enemies. His chief allies 
were the king of Spain, his relative, the king of Poland, and the duke 
\>f Bavaria : the principal among the belligerent powers on the oppo- 
site side were, at different times, Denmark, Sweden and France. 
The two first mentioned of these three nations had hitherto been little 
known, except from their quarrels with each other; but they now 
toegan to take an active part, and to exert a certain influence in the 
general affairs of Europe. 

The first manifestation of hostiUty in this sanguinary contest, was 
made by the Bohemians, who had revolted against the Austrian 
domination, and by Christian IV, king of Denmark, who supported 
them with a powerful army ; but both the Danes and Bohemians 
were entirely overthrown by the imperial troops. In a few cam- 
paigns, Tilly and Walstein, two distinguished generals, compelled 
the enemies of Ferdinand II to desist from their hostile designs, and 
submit to the" conditions which he thought proper to impose on them 
(a. d. 1629). 

Unfortunately, the victorious emperor refused to comprise Sweden 
in the treaty of peace. This kingdom was at that time under the 
sway of Gustavus Adolphus, a young hero, with whose abilities, 
energy and resources Ferdinand II and his allies were but sUghtly 
acquainted. Deeply offended at the refusal, Gustavus immediately 
prepared to renew the struggle ; and, like another Annibai, resolved 
to attack his enemies in the centre of their possessions. His very 
first appearance in the north of Germany, at the head of a brave and 
well disciplined host, inclined the scale of fortune in his favor. All 
fled before him, and Tilly, who attempted to stop his progress, was 
himself, after an obstinate engagement, completely defeated in the 
plains of Leipzic (a. d. 1631). A second battle was equally unfa- 
vorable to that great general, who died a few days after of his 
wounds, having lived, it was said, one year too long for his reputa- 
tion and glory. 

Walstein then assumed the chief command, and hastened with 
fresh troops to oppose Gustavus. The armies again met near the 
village of Lutzen, and fought with such animosity, that victory was 



MODERN HISTORY. rm ¥H. 

for a long time doubtful. At length, the Swedes, by uncommon and 
desperate efforts, remained in possession of the field, but lost their 
invincible leader, who was slain during the hottest part of the action 
(a. d. 1632). This accident was more fatal to them, than the defeat 
of their army would have been. For, although several able com- 
manders, by order of their senate, continued the war with great vigor, 
yet they wanted his penetrating genius; and no later than the yeat 
1634, the Swedish army was signally overthrown by the imperialists 
ki the battle of Nordlingen. This victory of Ferdinand raised his 
party again, whereas the loss of eighteen thousand men weakened 
his opponents to such a degree, that France, their most powerful 
ally, was obliged, from that time, to take the principal share in the 
prosecution of the war. 

The French throne was, at this period, occupied by the son oi 
Henry IV, Louis XIII, a just, brave and religious prince, who had 
given many proofs of great personal courage and of a successful 
administration. Louis, it is true, did not seem much inclined of him- 
self to make foreign conquests; but he possessed in the person of 
Cardinal Richelieu, a minister of state equally skilled, in conceiving 
mighty plans, and in carrying them into execution. This powerful 
genius had hitherto rendered very important services to his sovereign 
and country, by destroying the excessive power of some of the lords, 
and giving the last blow to the feudal system; by crushing the rest- 
lessness of the Huguenots, rooting out the seed of new civil wars, 
and subduing La Rochelle, the principal seat of discontent and rebel- 
lion; in fine, by establishing the French academy, and laying the 
foundation of the glory of the following reign. He had just raised 
the kingdom to this state of prosperity, when the Swedes experienced 
that defeat at Nordlingen, which obliged their allies to make greater 
exertions against the common enemy. Hostilities were now carried 
on principally between Austria and France. As each nation pos- 
sessed brave troops and skilful generals, numberless exploits were 
achieved on both sides ; still no decisive action took place for several 
years, so that neither the emperor Ferdinand II on one hand, nor 
Louis XIII and Richeheu on the other, lived to see the termination 
of the war. 

It continued under Ferdinand III, and during the minority of the 
young king Louis XIV, who began, at the age of five, a glorious 
reign which lasted seventy- two years. Its very beginning, in 1643, 
was marked by a brilliant victory. The duke of Enghien, better 
known under his subsequent name of the prince of Conde, had been, 
a short time before, placed at the head of the French army. The 
first act of his military career was to conquer and destroy, near Ro- 
croy in Champagne, the Ibrmidable Spanish infantry so renowned 



A. ». 1625-1650. CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND^ ETC. 401 

for its discipline and valor ever since the time of King Ferdinand V. 
This victory, gained by a general scarcely twenty-two years of age, 
gave France a decided superiority, which the same prince, together 
with his rival in glory, the marshal of Turenne, strengthened more 
and more by his subsequent triumphs at Friburg, in 1644, Nordlin- 
gen, in 1645, and Lens, in 1648. 

So many victories for one party and losses for the other terminated, 
towards the close of the year 1648, in the famous treaty of Munster 
and Osnaburgh, commonly called the treaty of Westphalia. By that 
treaty, the authority of the emperor was reduced to narrower limits, 
and by a natural consequence, which the French plenipotentiaries 
endeavored in vain to avert, the Catholics lost much of their influence 
in Germany. Holland was formally acknowledged as an independent 
state, and valuable possessions were acquired to France and Sweden. 
Thus was peace restored in the greater part of Europe; but, the treaty 
of Westphaha not having been fully accepted by the Spanish king, 
Philip IV, who still cherished the hope of retrieving his late defeats, 
hostilities continued for some years longer between him and France. 
As to England, she had been, nearly all that time, too deeply engaged 
at home by dissensions and civil wars, to take any active share in 
these distant broils of continental Europe. 



CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND.— COMMONWEALTH.—RESTORA' 
TION.— A. D. 1625—1660. 



The whole reign of James I had passed in comparative tranquil- 
ility ;* but this was rather a deceitful peace, and one of those calms 
which prognosticate a storm. At his death (a. d. 1625), he left to 
his son Charles I, an empty treasury, a refractory parliament, a 
kingdom given up to religious disputes and distracted by rival socie- 
ties, the principal of which were the Episcopalians or Anglicans and 
the Presbyterians or Puritans. James had always desired to put down 
the latter of these two parties, but he left the work to be accomplished, 

* It was under this reign that some infuriated persons, nominal Catholics, 
formed the horrid project, called the gun-powder plot, of blowing up the 
parliament-house during the session. The plot was detected, and its 
authors met vpith condign punishment : unfortunately, several innocent per- 
sons were involved in their ruin, and prejudice went so far as to throw the 
blame upon the whole body of Catholics ; as if Catholics at large could be 
accountable for the conduct of a few desperadoes whose plot they never 
knew — or the code of Catholic principles answerable for a crime which it 
jilways condemned and abhorred ! 
34* 



402 MODERN HISTORY. lartVII. 

if possible, by his successor; and when Charles made the attempt, he 
met with a resistance which proved the cause of his own ruin. 

An order had been issued for the general adoption of the Anglican 
doctrine and liturgy even in Scotland. The Puritans, who were 
numerous and powerful there, boldly opposed the royal decrees, and 
swore to defend their manner of worship against every attack, from 
whatever quarter it might proceed. In order to quell the insurrec- 
tion, Charles marshalled an army, and led it towards the frontiers; 
still, yielding to his inclination for peace, he consented to come to 
an agreement with the Scots, though at the risk of diminishing his 
authority. This act of condescension, instead of dissolving the Scot- 
tish covenant, seemed rather to give it new strength; and the cove- 
nanters grew bolder than ever, especially when they saw their cause 
openly supported by the English parliament, which was still more 
opposed to the court than themselves. 

This parliament seemed absolutely resolved to thwart the monarch 
in all his views, and to strip the crown of its best prerogatives. 
Charles yielded on many points ; but, finding all his condescension 
of no avail in reestablishing concord and tranquillity, and moreover, 
'never receiving the necessary subsidies, he had recourse to arms, 
and summoned around him those who were still attached to his 
person, his govejAment, or his fortunes. The parliament also raised 
troops; the exasperation of both parties burst into an open flame, 
and civil war in every part of the realm was the dire consequence 
(a. d. 1642). 

This revolution seemed at first favorable to Charles, who gained in 
person great advantages, and forced one of the parliamentary armies, 
under the command of the earl of Essex, to capitulate and surrender. 
But these successes of the royal cause were counteracted by the loss 
of the bloody battle of Marston Moor, fought in the north of England 
(a. d. 1644) ; and, on the fourteenth of June of the ensuing year, the 
still more fatal battle of Naseby deprived the king of nearly all his 
resources. Believing that there was no safer way to escape from the 
fury of his enemies than to take refuge among the Scots, he deter- 
mined to throw himself upon their loyalty, and to surrender himself 
into their hands. This was running from one danger into another; 
the Scottish army (not the nation at large), after a short hesitation , 
shamefully delivered him to the English parliament for the sum of 
four hundred thousand pounds. 

A new party had now arisen in England, very appropriately called 
the Independents, because in reality they claimed an entire indepen- 
dence in all matters both civil and religious. At their head were 
Fairfax and Cromwell, two men famous in the history of those times, 
the former for, his valor and skill in the command of armies, the 



A. ». 163&-1660. CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND^ ETC. 403 

latter for his intriguing genius and uncommon talent in every sort of 
political and military transactions. With a boundless ambition, which 
he artfully concealed under the veil of modesty and religious zeal 
all means, whether just or criminal, were equally good in his sight 
provided they would promote the object of his designs. In a shoiv 
time, his ability raised him to the chief command of the troops, his 
refined intrigues to the first rank in his party, and his artful ambition 
to the sovereign power. 

Cromwell had contributed more than any one to the overthrow of 
the royalists in the battles of Marston Moor and Naseby. Possessing, 
on that account, vast influence in the army, he made himself master 
of the king's person, and, confining him in a prison, defeated all the 
attempts that were made to set him at liberty. Afterwards, the 
bold usurper appointed a committee, which he took care to compose 
of his warmest partisans, for the trial of the royal captive. Charles 
indeed refused to acknowledge the competency of that tribunal, and 
answered the absurd charges laid against him by a dignified silence 
or a smile of contempt; still, the proceedings went on with unusual 
rapidity : after a mock examination, he was outlawed, condemned to 
death as if he were a foe to the English nation, and, in fine, exe- 
cuted in London on the thirtieth of January (a. d. 1649). His most 
faithful defenders and friends soon experienced the same fate 3 and 
England saw with dismay her most distinguished lords perish on the 
scafibld. On this sanguinary foundation a commonwealth arose in 
the place of the ancient monarchy, a new constitution was published, 
and shortly after Cromwell was acknowledged as head of the govern- 
ment under the title of Protector. 

In the mean while, great and numerous were the obstacles which 
he had to encounter every where. No sooner had the intelligence 
of the king's death spread abroad, than parties were formed in Ire- 
land, Scotland, and England itself, against the usurpers. A man of 
ordinary talents would have sunk under these accumulated obstacles ; 
Cromwell overcame them all by his prudence and activity. After 
giving in charge to some of his generals to quell the insurrection in 
England, he himself rapidly passed over to Ireland, compelled by the 
superiority of his forces the inhabitants to submit, and, returning 
with the same celerity, advanced against the Scots, whom he sur- 
prised and defeated at Dunbar (a. d. 1650). This overthrow did not 
prevent Charles, the eldest son of the late monarch, from penetrating 
into England at the head of fourteen thousand men. But Cromwell 
closely followed him, met the royalists again near Worcester, and 
gained over them a complete and decisive victory; Charles succeeded, 
with extreme diflSculty, in saving his life, and escaped into France 
by crossing the channel in a boat. 



404 MODERN HISTORY. Part VI I. 

Cromwell returned in triumph to London, and thenceforth occu- 
pied himself in securing the prosperity of the realm by a vigorous 
and wise administration. Ahhough the government was called a 
republic, he acted more absolutely than perhaps any English king 
had ever done, dissolving the parliament whenever it opposed hia 
views and measures. Tranquillity was restored to England 3- htera- 
ture, arts and sciences were protected, and useful laws enacted, as 
well against blasphemy and luxury, as for the maintenance of order 
and justice. Commerce also was revived, and the navy greatly 
increased. 

Whilst he was thus securing the prosperity of his government at 
home, Cromwell caused it to be also respected abroad. " I wish," 
said he, " to see the British commonwealth as much honored by 
other nations, as the Roman republic once was." Accordingly, the 
English vessels triumphantly swept every sea; haughty conditions 
were imposed on the rival powers of Europe ; and the Dutch, who 
alone ventured to question the superiority of the British flag, were 
soon compelled to respect it in a series of great naval battles, in the 
last of which tiiey lost their celebrated admiral Van Tromp. 

Cromwell received still greater honor, in beholding his alliance 
sought with equal eagerness by France and Spain. Between these 
two nations, war had already lasted more than twenty years, although 
of late it had begun to languish, owing to the civil feuds which dis- 
turbed the minority of Louis XIV and divided the attention of the 
French court. After some hesitation, the Protector preferred the 
alliance of France, and afforded the young king such assistance in 
troops and vessels, as to destroy the equilibrium which had so long 
protracted the war against Spain. As a compensation for this effi- 
cient aid, and an indemnity for the expenses incurred, he required 
that the important city of Dunkirk should be besieged, and the keys 
delivered into his hands, and that France, moreover, should afford 
no refuge or protection to the exiled sons of Charles I. 

In consequence of this treaty, preparations were made for two 
grand expeditions. A British fleet, under the command of Blake, 
went in search of lhe Spanish forces, and gained two victories neai 
the shores of Spain and Africa; and Jamaica was also conquered- by 
the English, in whose possession it has since continued. On land. 
Marshal Turenne, already famous for many glorious campaigns and 
victories, led his army, composed of French and English troops, to 
the siege of Dunkirk. The Spaniards, on their side, were not idle ; 
they approached the French Hues for the purpose of raising the siege, 
but were entirely defeated in the celebrated battle of Dunes, the more 
honorable to Turenne, as he vanquished at once three able generals, 
viz. Don Juan the commander-in-chief, and also the prince of Conde 



BRITISH AND FRENCH COLONIES^ ETC. 405 

and the duke of York, both of whom, discontented with the court ot 
France, had gone over to the party of the Spaniards (a. d. 1658). 

Within a few days Dunkirk capitulated, and, according to the 
previous agreement, was surrendered to the EngUsh. Two other vic- 
tories, and the capture of several q^her towns, terminated that deci- 
sive campaign, which was soon followed by the conclusion of peace 
between Spain and France on terms very advantageous to the latter. 
The prince of Conde was included iu the treaty between the two 
crowns. 

Cromwell did not witness the termination of the war, having died 
a short time before, just when the prosperous issue of his alliance 
jWith France had raised him to the zenith of his glory. However, 
neither in this nor in any other successful scheme had he ever en- 
joyed real happiness. From the moment in which he was invested 
j v/ith the supreme power to that of his death, his mind labored under 
! a constant dread of assassination ; nor were his numberless precau- 
5 tions and multiplied guards able to remove his fears. The nights es- 
pecially he passed in a most feverish anxiety, never sleeping twice, 
or more than twice in succession, in the same chamber, and taking 
care that, besides the principal door, there should be some other se- 
cret one for the facility of escape. He died at the age of fifty-nine 
(a. d. 1658), on the third of September, the anniversary of the vic- 
tories obtained by him at Worcester an.d Dunbar, the former seven, 
the latter eight years before. 

Almost simultaneously with Cromwell fell the form of government 
which he had estabhshed. Richard, his son, was, it is true, appointed 
Protector in his place ; but, possessing neither the abilities nor the 
ambition of his father, he soon resigned the office, and the English, 
'being at length tired of so precarious a state of things, agreed to re- 
'call the royal family of the Stuarts. The whole affair, admirably 
'.well conducted by General Monk, afterwards called the duke of Al 
bemarle, was finally accomplished in May 1660, when Charles II 
was, with universal satisfaction and applause, replaced upon the 
throne of his ancestors. 



BRITISH AND FRENCH COLONIES IN NORTH AMERICA. 



These successive changes of government were adopted, without 
much difficulty, by the numerous settlements which England already 
possessed in North America. It would have been impossible for 
ithese rising colonies, especially at such a distance, efficaciously to re- 
:8ist the course of events that took place in the mother-country; 



406 MODERIf HISTORY Part VII. 

the more so^ as many of the emigrants had a long and bloody strug- 
gle to maintain against the Indians, whom, it must be acknowledged, 
they rather harshly treated almost from the beginning, and who, in 
return, frequently opposed with ail their might the rise and progress] 
of the EngHsh settlements. Notwithstanding these obstacles, the 
colonies gradually improved, and, at length, by dint of labor, indus- 
try and courage, became very prosperous. 

The most remarkable of them were established under the govern- 
ment of the Stuarts, and in the following chronological order: Vir- 
ginia, in 1607, by Episcopalians j — JVew Amsterdam, or JVew York, 
in 1614, or thereabouts, by the Dutch; this colony lost the former, 
and took the latter name in 1664 or 1665, when it passed under the 
power of the Enghsh; — Massachusetts and Boston, in 1620 — 1630;* — 
Maryland, in 1632 — 1634, by Catholics, according to the plan of Sir 
George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a nobleman of liberal character and 
distinguished abilities, and under the direction of his sons Cecilius 
and Leonard Calvert j the city of Baltimm^e was not however built i 
till a much later period: — -Pennsylvania and Philadelphia, in 1681 — { 
1682, by Gluakers, under the celebrated WiUiam Penn, to whom thatj 
portion of the American territory was ceded by the British court as a' 
reward for the services of Admiral Penn, his father. 

In these two last States, a system of equity, humanity and meek-i 
ness was adopted with regard to the Indian tribes, which did great! 
honor to the first settlers, and greatly contributed to their rapid in-{ 
crease and early prosperity. A still more distinguishing feature of the: 
colony of Maryland is the example of Christian moderation and \ 
mildness which she gave to her sister colonies ; an example hitherto i 
unknown in the history of America. For, whilst Virginia and New 
England were dooming, the former to exile, the latter to still harsher 
treatment, all who dissented from their respective creeds. Lord Balti- 
more and his associates, without in the least admitting religious in- 
difference, being themselves sincere Catholics, removed however all 
idea of religious persecution, and legally recognised, from the begin- 
ning, that civil freedom of conscience which has since been adopted 
by the Constitution of the United States. 

It was also chiefly during the course of the seventeenth century, 
that the French made regular settlements in those parts of North 

* Some years later, were founded most of the other New England States 
Those of Delaware and New Jersey were first settled by Swedes and 
Dutch, shortly after New York. Lord Clarendon and other English emi- 
grants commenced, in 1663 — 1670, the establishment of Carolina ; but it 
was only in 1729 that the country was completely divided into North and 
South Carolina. Georgia was settled in 1732 — 1735. The other States of 
the Union, besides those mentioned above, are of much more recent date. 



REIGN OF LOUIS XIV, 407 

America, which they had previously discovered, particularly in Cana- 
Ja. Champlain, an active and enterprising officer, founded (Quebec 
n 1608 J and in 1642, Montreal began to rise, and soon after to pros- 
3er under the active care of zealous settlers, and especially of the 
congregation of the Sulpitians, to whom the whole island was ceded 
ibout this time. Louisiana also became one of the French colonies, 
hough somewhat later. New Orleans not having begun to exist be- 
bre the year 1718. Florida belonged at that time to the Spaniards. 



SPLENDOR OF THE REIGN OF LOUIS XIV. 



When the restoration of the Stuarts to the throne of England 
Dok place, Louis XIV of France had been king for seventeen years; 
lut, as he fully relied upon the experience of his mother, Anne of 
\ustria, and on the consummate skill of his prime-minister. Cardinal 
klazarin, he at first interfered little in the government of his king- 
dom. However, even at that time, he occasionally evinced such an 
nergy of character, as plainly to indicate what he might effect in a 
'ubsequent period. Mazarin died in 1661, and Louis, then twenty- 
iree years old, took the reins of government into his own hands, 
nd never afterwards relinquished them, nor ceased to hold them in 
'[ manner suitable to his power and dignity. 

He soon verified a saying of the deceased cardinal, that there was 

1 him suflacient material to make four kings. Every branch of the 

ublic administfation assumed under him a grand and majestic as- 

; ect. He settled with precision the extent of power to be exercised 

[Y each one of his ministers; required them to come to an account 

[nth him at stated hours; and, whilst he encouraged them by sincere 

I larks of confidence, carefully observed their proceedings, lest they 

lould abuse their authority. His manner of governing, alike dig- 

ified and courteous, secured to him the respect of foreigners and the 

Section of his own people. Military discipline was enforced, the 

ublic revenues were managed with prudence and wisdom, and strict 

rder was observed in the courts of justice. Safe and capacious har- 

3rs were in a short time constructed and made ready to receive all 

inds of vessels ; the canal of Languedoc, a work not unworthy of 

Ue genius of ancient Rome, opened an easy communication between 

|ie Atlantic and the Mediterranean Sea, and a powerful navy was 

[ quipped, to contend for the empire of the ocean with the chief 

ifiaritime forces then in existence. 

Under this mighty impulse given to every improvement, commerce 
■Qd industry increased, splendid manufactories arose, which aston- 



408 MODERN HISTORY. 



PartVll 



ished the world by tV,e beauty and elegance of their productions in 
porcelain, looking' glasses, tapestry, etc. The academies of sciences, 
belles-lettres, sculpture and painting, were no sooner established than 
they issued master-pieces of every description. Architecture dis- 
played all its magnificence in the palaces of the Louvre and of Ver- 
sailles. All the fine arts, with the various branches of literature and 
useful knowledge, were encouraged, enlivened, protected both at 
home and abroad ; and no fewer than sixty learned men, in the dif- 
ferent countries of Europe, received from Louis presents and other 
marks of esteem, with letters no less honorable to the monarch than 
to themselves. France alone produced at that epoch an incredible 
multitude of personages highly distinguished for their qualifications ; 
and the same age which saw with admiration Conde and Turenne, 
Luxembourg and Villars at the head of armies, Duquesne and Tour- 
vilJe in the navy, Louvois and Colbert in the cabinet, beheld also 
with astonishment the transcendent merit of Bossuet, Fenelon, Bour- 
daloue, Massillon, Flechier, in sacred eloquence; of Mabillon, Mont- 
faucon, Thomassin, Petavius, Huet, in sacred learning; of Pascal 
and Descartes in mathematics and philosophy ; of Lamoignon and 
d'Aguesseau, in jurisprudeace; of Corneille, Racine, Boileau, J. B. 
Rousseau, Lafontaine, in poetry; etc. 

In a word, the reign of Louis XIV was, in every respect, the reign 
of taste and genius ; one, during which the capital of France seemed 
to have become another Rome or Athens, so as to render that age, if 
not superior, at least equal to the most brilliant ages of antiquity. 
Hence the name of Louis was respected among the remotest nations 
of tlie earth, and ambassadors came from the eastern extremities of 
Asia to court his alliance and friendship. 

Nothing however can appear so honorable to the memory of that 
monarch, as the great zeal which he constantly evinced for the 
interests of religion. He encouraged and promoted the diffusion of 
Christianity in the various parts of the world. It was chiefly during 
his reign, that crowds of pious and learned missionaries set out from 
France, to preach the gospel in North and South America, in China, 
Persia, Egypt and other countries, where they rendered invaluable 
services as well to the Church, as to science and to the cause of 
humanity. In his own kingdom, he extended the same protection to 
all good and useful institutions, he checked by severe edicts the practice 
of duelling and the profanations of the name of God, and also enact- 
ed various laws for the preservation of good order, tranquillity and 
justice. As for himself, although his personal conduct was not 
always irreprehensible, he however always remained strongly attached 
to religion, always set the example of modesty in prayer and pro- 
found respect in church, and ultimately atoned for the faults of youth 



A. D. 1664-1669. WAR OF FLANDERS^ ETC. 409 

by the practice of solid virtues and the exercises of genuine piety in a 
more advanced age. 

With regard to the glory of arms, never perhaps did either France 
or any other country behold a greater and more brilliant display of 
mihtary talents than under the reign of Louis XIV. This v^rill be 
the object of the following sections. 



WAH OF FLANDERS— OF CANDIA, ETC.— a. d. 1664—1669. 

The reader has already noticed the glory and advantages acquired 
by Prance in the last war against Spain and Austria. Spain was 
again humbled, in 1667 — 1668, by the arms of Louis, and such was 
the rapidity of his conquests both in Franche-Comte and Flanders, 
that a confederacy of the neighboring nations was thought necessary 
to stop his progress. A league was therefore concluded, under the 
name of the triple alliance, by England, Holland and Sweden, the 
contracting powers agreeing among themselves to settle the differences 
of France and Spain upon reasonable terms, capable of reconciling 
their opposite pretensions. By a subsequent treaty signed at Aix- 
la-Chapelle, the French monarch was permitted to retain his con- 
quests in Flanders, and the Spanish king, now Charles II, was con- 
tented with the restoration of Franche-Comte, 

In the year preceding the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1667), a simi- 
lar transaction had taken place at Breda between the English and 
the Dutch, for the adjustment of their own differences, A new con- 
test had previously arisen among them, which laged for some years 
with great fierceness, much bloodshed, and enormous expense; seve- 
ral naval battles had been fought, equally obstinate and undecisive; 
however, the final result was favorable to the English, who obtained 
from the Dutch, by the treaty of Breda, the unqualified cession of 
extensive and valuable settlements in America, 

Louis XIV was not so much engaged in these great concerns of 
war and peace with his neighbors, as not to take an active share in 
the interests of more distant nations. In the year 1664, he sent a 
body of troops to assist the emperor Leopold against a fresh inva- 
sion of the Turks. This and other succors granted by different 
princes enabled Montecuculli, the commander-in-chief of the Austria^ 
forces, to fight, near the river Raab, the celebrated battle of St. Go- 
thard, in which the Turks were entirely defeated, and compelled to 
postpone their projects of invasion. -* 

Four years later, a similar though less successful assistance was 
gent by the French king to the Venetians^ for the defence of the i^Hud 

35 



410 MODERN HISTORY, PartVIl, 

ol Candia now vigorously attaclred by the same infidels. The 
siege, or rather blockade of the capital, also called Candia, had 
already lasted twenty years, when the grand-vizier, Achmet Kiuperiy, 
determined to bring it, by redoubled efforts, to a speedy issue. He 
himself landed in the island, and closely invested the town with an 
army no less formidable for its numbers than for its valor and disci- 
pline. The siege still lasted two years and a half, being thus one 
of the most celebrated in either ancient or modern ages, for the obsti- 
nacy of both parties and the mighty exertions performed on each side. 
The besiegers stormed the place no fewer than fifty-six times; and, in 
the intervals, their artillery, consisting of three hundred cannons, 
played with such incessant fury, as to make the ramparts of Candia 
80 many heaps of ruins. The besieged, on their part, fired againsi 
their foes upwards of five hundred thousand bombs or bullets, 
expended fifty thousand barrels of gun-powder, and, besides repelling 
all the assaults of the enemy, made ninety-six sallies against the 
Turkish intrenchments. 

So terrible and obstinate a warfare could not fail to be extremely 
destructive. According to the most moderate account, the Turks, 
before they could take possession of Candia, lost one hundred and 
twenty, and the Christians, thirty thousand soldiers. There was not, 
all around the city, one spot which had not been moistened by the 
blood of many heroes. But the garrison being now reduced to a 
handful of men, mostly wounded, or exhausted by their exertions, it 
appeared evident that the place could hold out no longer; and the 
Venetian commanders were at length induced to surrender it upon 
the terms of an honorable capitulation, which Kiuperiy granted and 
faithfully executed (a. d. 1669). In all this, the grand-vizier acted 
with a moderation that did him no less honor than his manner of 
conducting and concluding the siege. This great man, still more to 
be admired as a minister of state than as a general, presently applied 
to rrpair in the island the numberless calamities it had suffered 
from so furious a war, and his efforts aided by the natural salubrity 
of the climate and the fertility of the soil, were soon attended with 
complete success. He then returned to Constantinople, where, 
under the young sultan Mahomet IV, he continued to govern the 
state with prudence and ability until the moment of his death, which 
happened in 1676. 

To return to Louis XIV; this monarch was more successful in 
checking the depredations of the Algerine pirates, than he had been 
in saving Candia from the arms of the Ottomans. Squadrons which 
lie despatched at different times, obliged those pirates to disappear for a 
while, and restored security to commerce on the Mediterranears se^i. 



A.11.1JW3-1688. WAR OF HOLLAND, ETC. 411 



WAR OF HOLLAND— AND SUBSEQUENT EVENTS TILL THE 
LEAGUE OF AUGSBURG.— a. d. 1672—1686. 



A still greater design engaged at the same time the attention of 
Louis. Ttie Dutch iiaving of late given him many causes of com- 
plaint, he resolved to humble their pride and chastise their ingrati- 
tude. In the year 1672, a well disciplined force of one hundred and 
t€n thousand men, commanded by the king in person, and by Conde 
and Turenne under him, crossed the Rhine, and overran a great part 
of Holland with little or no opposition. Their march was so rapid 
and successful, that, in the space of tv/o months, three of the seven 
united provinces were subdued, and forty fortified towns captured. 
The army continuing to advance, and the conqueror refusing to 
grant peace except on rigorous and humiliating terms, the Dutch, in 
their despair, came to the determination of opening their dykes and 
inundating the country. This bold measure saved them from utter 
ruin, and the French finding themselves in the midst of waters, were 
at last compelled to retreat. 

In the mean while, William, Prince of Orange, who had been just 
appointed stadtholder of the republic, was using all his efforts to 
rouse the great European powers against Louis XIV. His exertions 
easily induced the king of Spain, the emperor of Germany, and the 
elector of Brandenburg, all of whom were alarmed at the views of 
the French monarch, to declare in favor of the Dutch ; England 
alone remained at this time an ally to France, and that for two years 
only. In 1673, great naval battles were fought in the channel be- 
tween the fleet of Holland and the combined fleets of England and 
France, without any considerable advantage for either party. Three 
other engagements which took place on the Mediterranean sea, were 
more decisive; in the first, the celebrated Dutch admiral, Ruyter, 
was worsted by the French under Duquesne; in the second, he lost 
his life near Messina, a maritime town of Sicily ; and shortly after, 
his fleet, attacked for the third time, was almost entirely destroyed 
(a. d. 1676). 

Still more important events happened on land, particularly along 
the frontiers of Germany and Flanders. Franche-Comte now be- 
came inseparably annexed to the French crown, being a second time 
subdued by the king, who commanded in person an army on that 
side. Conde, with another, attacked, near Senef, the united forces of 
the allies, surprised their rear, and, before it could receive reinforce- 
ments, cut it in pieces. He then bore down upon the main body of 
fheir troops, and, after a sharp engagement, forced them to abandon 



412 MODERN HISTORY. Part VH. 

the field of battle. Not satisfied with this, and, like Ceesar, accounting 
nothing to have been done as long as there remained something to do^* 
the victorious prince pushed forward, and, for the third time, attacked 
the confederates in a strong positioQj where all their forces were as- 
sembled under the command of the Prince of Orange. Here the 
conflict was most obstinate and bloody, the slaughter on both sides 
being carried on from ten in the morning till eleven at night, so as to 
cost the lives of fifteen, some say, twenty-seven thousand combatants. 
The allies, though not positively defeated, retired first from this 
melancholy scene of carnage, and perceiving that they were yet too 
closely followed by the French, withdrew to a greater distance from 
the frontier (a. d. 1674). 

Whilst Conde drove his opponents before him in the Netherlands, 
Turenne, with twenty thousand men, had to oppose, near the Rhine, 
sixty thousand German troops, who aimed at nothing less than the 
conquest of Alsace and Lorraine, whence they might after winter, 
strike terror into the very heart of France. The French general, who 
had until then separately defeated the different bodies of their army 
before a junction could be effected by them, now seemed to be fright- 
ened at the approach of their joint numbers, so superior to his own. 
He therefore left the banks of the Rhine, and retiring as far as the 
confines of Lorraine, abandoned the whole province of Alsace to the 
enemy. This retreat, though admirably well conducted, and achieved 
without the loss of a single man, seemed contrary to the promise 
which Turenne had previously made to save the French territory from 
invasion, and was to every one a subject of astonishment, and the 
more so as he had, at the same time, countermanded fifteen thousand 
men who were advancing through Lorraine to reinforce his army. 

In the mean while, the German troops freely overran all Alsace, 
choosing the best positions for their winter quarters, and acting with 
as much security as if they had been in their own native land. This 
was exactly the opportunity that Turenne wanted for the execution 
of a design which he had been maturing for two months. Having 
divided his troops into different bodies, he put them all in motion in 
the dead of winter, and without disclosing his intention to any per- 
son in the army, commanded them to march on by different and dif- 
ficult roads across mountains and defiles, and to meet at the same 
time and place, both of which were specified. After a month of 
separation and painful marches, they found themselves all collected 
in one spot, with Turenne at their head, not far from the first of the 
enemy's posts. 

* Nil actum credens, qutim quid superesset agendum. 

Lucan, Zt6, ri, I. 657- 



A. ». Iff»-1686. WAR OF HOLLAND, ETC. 4iS 

The chief commanders of the allies refused to believe the first in- 
formation that was given them of the return of the French ; but their 
incredulity was soon obliged to yield to the evidence of the fact. 
Their posts were briskly attacked and obliged to surrender, their 
scattered troops fell into the hands of the assailants, and those only 
who had been stationed at a great distance, avoided the snare laid for 
their destruction. Such as could escape, precipitately retreated to- 
wards Colmar, where their leaders had appointed the general rendez- 
vous. Although their number had been greatly diminished, it still 
surpassed that of the conquerors ; and having, besides, taken a very 
advaatageous position, they could scarcely believe that the French 
would attack them in this their last and strongest intrench ment. But 
Turenne was too skilful either to lose the opportunity of striking a 
decisive blow, or to forget any thing that might ensure success. No 
sooner had he arrived in sight of the enemy, than he posted the 
greater part of his forces just opposite to their front; and he himself, 
making a wide circuit with some squadrons and regiments, suddenly 
appeared on their flank. The attack then commenced, and was con- 
ducted, on the side of the French, with such vigor and skill, that th« 
dispirited imperialists soon began to waver; a general flight ensued, 
and the sad remnant of their forces availed themselves of the dark- 
ness of the night to retire to Strasburg, whence, by recrossing th« 
Rhine, they speedily returned to their own territory. 

This wonderful campaign filled up the measure of Turenne's re- 
putation and glory. In hearing its details, not only France, but all 
Europe was filled with admiration; especially, when from a letter 
written two months before by the marshal himself to the secretary 
of state, it became publicly known, that so many encampments and 
marches, even the movements of the allies and the ultimate result of 
the expedition had been foreseen and planned in his mind exactly as 
they happened.* 

The ensuing year (1675) again beheld Turenne at the head of the 
French army near the Rhine. He had now to fight against the earl 
of Montecuculli, an opponent in every way worthy of him on account 
of his consummate ability and experience. During four successive 
months, these two great men exhausted against each other all the 
stratagems and resources of military tactics, without either of them 
being able, all that time, to surprise his enemy in any faulty or incon- 
siderate measure. Turenne, however, by his masterly mancEuvres be- 
gan to obtain some slight advantage, and gradually gaining ground, 
drove the Germans from station to station, till they reached the village 
of SalsDach. Here he made his last preparations to give them battle, 

* See AnquetU, Hist, de France, ad arm. 1674 , — and Raguenet, Hisioire 
d . Vicomte de Turenne, p. 249. 
85* 



414 MODERN HISTORY. Part Vll. 

and was already expressing to those around him his full confidence of 
victory, when, at the commencement of the cannonade, a bullet 
struck him dead on the spot (twenty-seventh of July, 1675). The 
whole army bewailed with bitter tears the loss of that incomparable 
leader, whose beneficence, generosity and other Christian as well as 
military virtues, had gained their most devoted affection. His death 
was equally lamented throughout all France ; and Louis, the better to 
honor his memory, caused him to be buried with extraordinary pomp 
in the sepulchre of the French kings at St. Denis, a. privilege which 
had been granted to no private individual before, except to Du Gues- 
clin, in the time of King Charles V. 

Immediately after the death of Turenne, in order to compensate 
his loss, if possible, and fill his place in the army, no fewer than 
eight new marshals were created; but Conde was then in truth the 
only general capable of following up with success the plan of the 
deceased hero. He not only stopped the progress of the imperig lists, 
who had once more invaded Alsace, but obliged them to retire 
again beyond the Rhme; after which he himself was compelled by 
the gout to withdraw from the array. MontecucuUi also resigned 
the command of the imperial troops, not judging it worthy of his 
taputation to fight against newly appointed generals, after he had had 
the honor of opposing Turenne and Conde. Thus the year of our 
Lord 1675 closed the military career of three among the chief heroes 
of modem times; just as the year 183 b. c. terminated that of Anni- 
bal, Scipio and Philoposmen, three of the most illustrious generals of 
antiquity. 

Conde and Turenne left behind them skilful disciples in the ait of 
warfare ; and Crequi, Luxembourg and others maintained the supe- 
riority which the French monarch had already acquired. The king 
himself, with his brother, the duke of Orleans, frequently appeared 
at the head of his armies, and gained so many advantages, that the 
allies were at length induced to come to a treaty of peace, which they 
all signed at Nimeguen, on the conditions he had proposed (a. d. 
1678 — '79). It was then that the surname of Great was conferred 
upon Louis, for his manifold triumphs, military and political, over the 
multitude of his enemies. 

Even the time of peace was improved by the victorious monarch 
to consolidate his power at home, and to extend it abroad. He re- 
voked the privileges which had been granted to the Huguenots by the 
edict of Nantes in 1598, and which had proved, many times smce, 
an occasion of great disturbances.* Genoa, Tripoli and Algiers 
having dared to brave his authority, were so severely bombarded by 

* See note O. 



K. D. 168&-1697. 



LEAGUE OF AUGSBURG. 415 



his navy, as to leave them no other resource than to send deputies to 
apologize for their conduct. Nor did he act less vigorously on land 
against Strasburg, then a free town, virhich had been repeatedly- 
guilty of a breach of faith in his regard; twenty thousand men sud- 
denly invested it, and in his name took immediate possession of 
that city, one of the most important in Europe for its position and 
strength. 



LEAGUE OF AUGSBURG.— a. d. 1686—1697. 

REVOLUTION IN ENGLAND. 

This continual increase of power again alarmed the neighboring 
states, and a new league, destined to check it, was formed at Augs- 
burg in 1686, by the emperor of Germany, the king of Spain, the 
republic of Holland, etc. Louis might have found an ally in the king 
of England, James II, who had lately succeeded his brother Charles 
II; but James, by granting universal liberty of conscience in his 
kingdom, and being perhaps too eager in favoring the hitherto op- 
pressed Catholics whose religion he had embraced, incurred the aver- 
sion of his other subjects. Seeing himself betrayed and almost univer- 
sally abandoned, whilst his son-in-law, the famous Prince of Orange, 
advanced to dethrone him, he fled, and sought refuge in France; so 
that the whole ejffort of the league of Augsburg, now rendered still 
more formidable by the accession of England, was directed exclu- 
sively against the French monarch. 

The first campaigns produced few important events; but, in 1690, 
the struggle became most animated in the various provinces which 
were the theatres of the war. The exiled king having, with a strong 
armament passed over to Ireland, where the majority of the popula- 
tion was favorable to his cause, attacked, with more resolution than 
prudence, the formidable force of his enemy near the river Boyne. 
The Irish and French began indeed to fight bravely, but without 
much order ; and victory soon declared in favor of superior numbers 
aided by valor and discipline. James retreated, and giving up too 
soon all further hope of success, departed from Ireland, which in a 
short time was entirely surrendered to the conquerors. Many how- 
ever of its inhabitants, through a heroic attachment to a dethroned 
and fugitive prince, followed him into France, which they accus- 
tomed themselves to consider as their own country, and whose battles 
they fought in subsequent years with such determined valor, that her 
great monarch bestowed on them the flattering name of his brave Irish. 



416 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VII. 



Just at the time of the defeat of James in Ireland, an important 
action took place at sea. Admiral Tourviile attacked in the channel, 
near the Isle of Wight, the combined fleets of England and Holland, 
and, with very trifling loss on his side, burnt or captured fifteen of 
their vessels. He was not so fortunate two years after (1692). Hav- 
ing to oppose, off cape La-Hogue, ninety or ninety-nine sail under 
the command of admiral Russel, with only sixty-three, or, as some 
say, only forty-four ships of the line, he maintained indeed the une- 
qual contest for twelve hours, but could not prevent fifteen or seven- 
teen of his finest vessels from being destroyed by the English. This 
was a fatal blow to the French navy, of which France at this period 
was justly proud. England, on the contrary, recovered her maritime 
preponderance, and every probable hope of James II towards the 
recovery of his kingdom was extinguished for ever. 

The defeat of La-Hogue was the only severe check then suffered 
by the arms of Louis XIV ; the e:3^editions of his land forces were 
much more prosperous, and, for the space of several years (1690 — 
1695), they oflered one continued series of victories and conquests. 
Whilst the king in person took the important places of Mons and 
Namur in the Netherlands, the dukes of Noailles and Vendome sub- 
dued a considerable part of the province of Catalonia in Spain ; Mar- 
shal Catiuat completely defeated the duke of Savoy at Stafarda and 
Marsiglia, and conquered nearly all his dominions : in fine. Marshal 
Luxembourg, by mere superiority of talent, gained the splendid vic- 
tories of Fleurus, Steinkirk and Nerwinde, over the chief army of the 
confederates, taking from them so great a number of colors, that 
these trophies, being sent to Paris, and serving to ornament the 
cathedral, acquired for the victorious general the singular but honora- 
ble appellation of Tapissier de JVotre-Dame. 

So many triumphs reflected immense glory on France; but her 
very victories, which she did not obtain without great exertions and 
expense, gradually exhausted her strength, whereas the allies, from 
their superior numbers, were, like the heads of a hydra, no less pow- 
erful and formidable after their defeats than they were before. This 
chiefly appeared at the death of Marshal Luxembourg, whom an at- 
tack of apoplexy carried off" in the beginning of the year 1695.* The 
confederates availed themselves of his absence from the French army, 

* At that awful moment, this general, one of the most skilful, active and 
successful that France ever produced ; who never experienced a defeat, 
and who filled the world with the renown of his military exploits : this 
celebrated man, publicly acknowledged the illusion and emptiness of 
all earthly glory. "Alas!" he exclaimed, "what will my victories 
avail me at the tribunal of my sovereign Judge ? Would to God that I 
could offer him, instead of so many useless laurels, the merit of a cup of 
water given to the poor in his name !" 



A. D. 1700-1715. SUCCESSIOJV OF SPAIJV^ ETC. 4 17 

to besiege and retake the important city of Namur. Both parties be- 
ing now tired of the war, nothing of great consequence was performed 
on either side during the ensuing year 1696; France, however, made 
in 1697 a new and vigorous effort, which enabled her generals to ob- 
tain some advantages in Catalonia and Flanders. Moreover, her 
naval squadrons, under the command of Tourville, d'Estrees, Forbin, 
Duguay-Trouin and John Bart, all of them excellent mariners, 
every where annoyed the commerce of the enemy, and bore off im- 
mense prizes from the maritime towns and colonies of England, Hol- 
land and Spain. 

These multiplied losses, and the withdrawing of the duke of Sa- 
voy from the confederacy, at length induced the allied powers to ac- 
cept of the moderate conditions Louis XIV had for a long time 
been offering to them. On the twentieth of September (a. d. 1697), 
a treaty of peace was signed at Ryswick, by which the victorious 
monarch consented to resign nearly all his late conquests, especially 
those made upon the Spanish territories. Many persons found fault 
with that great moderation, the secret causes of which they did not 
perceive; but time soon disclosed the wisdom of the king's mea- 
sures and the depth of his policy. 



SUCCESSION OF SPAIN.— DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. 
A. D. 1700—1715. 



Charles II, king of Spain, being about to die without issue, ap- 
pointed for his heir and successor the duke of Anjou, his grand- 
nephew by his sister Maria Theresa, and grand-son to Louis XIV. 
The French court, after mature deliberation, accepted the impor- 
tant though dangerous inheritance, and the duke was proclaimed^ in 
the year 1700, king of Spain, Naples and West Indies, under the 
name of Philip V. This momentous transaction again excited the 
jealousy and awakened the fears of Europe, and particularly of the 
German emperor, Leopold I, who claimed the same succession for 
his second son, the archduke Charles. In the course of two or three 
years, Holland, England, Prussia, Savoy and Portugal, either from 
an apprehension that the house of Bourbon might become too power- 
ful, or from a desire of their own aggrandizement, were induced to 
embrace the party of the emperor. The allies of France and Spain 
were the electors of Cologne and Bavaria; neutrality was ob- 
served only by the Ecclesiastical State, Venice and Switzerland. 
As this was also the time when Charles XII, king of Sweden, en- 
; gaged in an obstinate and bloody contest against Poland and Russia 



418 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part Vil. 



It thus happened that the earhest period of the eighteenth century be- 
held the blaze of war rekindled throughout nearly all Europe, so as 
to spread its ravages from the shores of the Atlantic to the vast plains 
of Russia, and from Gibraltar to the northern pole. 

The British king, William III, who had been the principal leader 
in the two last confederacies against France, was again preparing 
to take a prominent part in this new league 5 but he died just in the 
beginning of the war (a. d. 1702), with the reputation of a skil- 
ful though rather unfortunate general, of whom it has been said 
that none perhaps could boast of having lost more battles. His 
chief qualification was that of a profound politician; and, upon the 
whole, he proved to be the most successful opponent of Louis XIV. 
The death of that prince caused, however, ho alteration in the 
plan of the allies ; his views were followed up by his sister-in-law, 
Anne, who succeeded him on the throne, and his absence from the 
army was more than compensated by the duke of Marlborough at 
the head of the English, and by Prince Eugene of Savoy at the head 
of the imperial troops. These were the two great generals destined 
to interrupt the long course of the prosperity of Louis. 

France, it is true, also possessed at that time skilful and brave 
commanders, among whom the duke of Vendome and Marshal Vil- 
lars were conspicuous J both gained several advantages during the 
first campaigns: but as they could not be present in every place 
where their cooperation was needed, the year 1704 witnessed a total 
change of fortune. Eugene and Marlborough having united their 
forces, attacked, near the village of Blenheim, the combined armies 
of the French and Bavarians, commanded by the Elector-Duke and 
by Marshals Tallard and Marsin. The battle was a decisive one ; 
the Austriansand English lost indeeed twelve thousand men, but the 
French and Bavarians lost about forty thousand, including the slain, 
wounded and prisoners. The artillery, ammunition, baggage, in a 
word, every trophy that can distinguish a complete triumph, fell, witn 
Marshal Tallard, into the hands of the victors. Moreover, the whole 
electorate of Bavaria became their prize; and not only were the van- 
quished driven from the plains of Hochstadt near the Danube to the 
banks of the Rhine, but even the remnant of that army, which had 
first spread terror to the gates of the Austrian capital, was obliged to 
take shelter within the frontiers of France. The conquerors, finding 
no further obstacle, crossed the Rhine, entered Alsace, and the strong 
place of Landau surrendered to them before the close of the cam 
paign; whilst, in a very distant quarter, the English captured also 
the important fortress of Gibraltar, which has ever since remained 
in their power. 

Louis XIV possessed in an eminent degree that Christian fortitude 



D. 1700-1 71 o. 



StrCCESSION OF SPAIK^ ETC. 419 



which enables the soul to bear misfortunes with composure and re- 
signation. Although accustomed to victory, he received without 
dismay the sad intelligence of the ruin of his army at Blenheim, 
and took the most vigorous steps to check the progress of the allies. 
Understanding that the duke of Marlborough meant to carry the war, 
by the river Moselle, into the heart of France, he assembled, on 
that side, an army of seventy thousand men under Villars, whose 
conduct was so masterly, that he prevented Marlborough from effect- 
ing any measure of consequence during the whole of the year 1705. 
In Italy likewise, the French under Vendome maintained their su- 
periority against all the efforts both of Prince Eugene and the duke 
of Savoy. 

The ensuing year (1706) presented one continued series of defeats 
and losses for France and Spain. In the peninsula, Philip V saw 
his fairest provinces conquered by the allies, his very capital invaded, 
and his rival, the archduke Charles, proclaimed king in his place. 
In the Netherlands, Marlborough completely defeated Marshal Ville- 
roi in the battle of Ramillies, which was followed by the reduction 
of all Brabant and nearly all Spanish Flanders. The sudden over- 
throw of the French armies in Italy was the finishing stroke of that 
eventful year, the most singularly disastrous perhaps that France 
ever experienced. The duke of Vendome having been recalled to 
oppose Marlborough on the northern frontier, the command of the 
troops in Piedmont was given to the duke of Orleans, assisted by the 
duke of La Feuillade and Marshal Marsin, all of them full of zeal 
! and courage, but destitute of the talent and experience of the former 
{general. They were besieging Turin, when Prince Eugene, by 
a masterly and successful march, arrived from Germany at the 
head of fresh forces to relieve the town. The French were attacked, 
and in spite of their courageous resistance, were forced in their in- 
trenchments. Their loss on the field was dreadful, their defeat entire; 
and the battle, as disastrous at least as those at Ramillies and Hochs- 
tadt, made them lose all their conquests in Italy. 

Never had the arms of the conquering Louis received so severe a 
check as during this fatal campaign. He made proposals of peace 
suggested by his situation, and yet could not satisfy the enemies of 
Prance, who, elated with past success, expected greater advanta2:es 
from the continuation than from the cessation of hostilities. His 
affairs, however, as well as those of Philip V, seemed to take a more 
'avorable turn in 1707, when Marshal Villars defeated the imperialists 
it Stolhofen, and Marshal Berwick gained, at Almanza in Spain, a 
splendid victory over the united troops of the English, Dutch and 
Portuguese. But his return of good fortune did not last long; Philip 
iv\xii again driven from the capital of his kingdom, and obliged io fly 



I 



420 MODERN HISTORF. 



Par* VII, 



before his ri'/al: in Flanders, a hundred thousand men, under the 
dukes of Burgundy and Vendome, were routed at Oudenardeby 
Eugene and Marlborough; and neither that numerous army, nor the 
heroic exertions of Marshal Bouflers, could prevent the victorious 
generals from taking the city of Lille, the strongest bulwark of France 
m that direction. 

The dreadful winter of 1709 served to increase the misfortunes of 
the French nation. Nearly all the fruit trees were frozen, and the 
harvest having failed, distress and famine became so general as to 
render it scarcely possible to provide a scanty sustenance for the 
troops. It was under these trying circumstances that they had to 
fight against the superior force of the allies at Malplaquet ; and yet 
suchwas their ardor for the combat, that, although they had spent the 
day before without eating, they threw away half of the bread which 
they had just received, in order to rush the sooner against the enemy. 
The conflict was extremely fierce and bloody, the French especially 
fighting with desperate courage, till Marshal Villars being dangerously 
wounded, they began to give way; but although they left the field, 
their retreat after the battle was so well conducted by Bouflers, that 
not one man was taken prisoner. This victory of the allies, if vic- 
tory it may be called, cost them the lives of twenty thousand men; 
the French, though they retreated, had not lost half that number. 

The campaign not having been very unfavorable to Louis, he 
thought he could again without dishonor ask for peace; among other 
conditions he was required not only to abandon the cause of his 
grand-son, but even positively to concur in dethroning and expelling 
him from Spain. At the news of this harsh proposal, the king 
exclaimed that, since he must have war, he preferred to carry it on 
against his enemies rather than against his children. The whole 
nation, equally indignant at the haughtiness of the allies, approved 
of his generous resolution and appeared ready to sacrifice their pro- 
perty and their lives for the honor of the kingdom, the glory of their 
aged monarch, and the support of a just and necessary contest. In 
conformity with these sentiments, new soldiers enlisted for the army, 
and money was still found to bear the expenses of the war. 

Philip V, who had also been reduced to the greatest distress in his 
disputed kingdom of Spain, displayed the same constancy and 
obtained the same success. Well aware that his grand-father could 
not furnish him with troops, he contented himself with asking for 
the services of the duke of Vendome, a general in whom he placed 
entire confidence. His hopes were quickly realized : the duke had 
no sooner arrived in Spain, than soldiers, through esteem for his well- 
known abilities, flocked to his standard from all sides; in a short 
time, he had collected an army of thirty thousand men, with whom 



A. n. 1700-1715. SUCCESSION OF SPAIN^ ETC. 421 

he retook Madrid, and immediately went in search of the confede- 
rates, to give them battle. Having overtaken them on the ninth of 
December (a. d. 1710), he first surprised a body of five thousand 
Enghsh, who were all made prisoners with their general Stanhope, 
and, on the following day, he gained over the earl of Starenberg the 
decisive though long disputed victory of Villa Viciosa, which secured 
the Spanish crown upon the head of Philip. This prince was present in 
the battle, and fought with great courage; when worn out with fatigue, 
he slept upon the most glorious bed that a conqueror ever had, a 
bed made, by order of Vendome, of banners taken from the enemy. 

Another unexpected event greatly attracted the attention of the 
politicians of the age. The emperor Joseph I, who in 1705 had 
succeeded his father Leopold on the German throne, died in 1711, 
and his brother the archduke, who had so long contended for the 
sceptre of Spain, became emperor under the name of Charles VI. 
This entirely changed the prospect of the war; for, had this prince 
been allowed to reign both over Spain and the empire, that balance 
of power, for the preservation of which nearly all Europe had arisen 
against the house of Bourbon, would have been effectually destroyed 
by the unavoidable preponderance of the house of Austria. Influ- 
enced by this and other considerations, Great Britain began to listen 
to overtures of peace from France, and, besides dismissing Marlbo- 
rough from the command of the army, gradually withdrew her forces 
from the confederacy. 

This was an important point; but, as the remaining allies still 
maintained at the northern frontier a formidable force under the com- 
mand of Prince Eugene, and kept France in constant danger of inva- 
sion, much was yet to be feared for that monarchy. The king him- 
self, with all his firmness, could not conceal his anxiety when Villars 
took leave of him to go and rejoin the army in Flanders. "^Sire," 
. said the marshal with emotion, "this is your last army!" The king 
answered : " I rely upon your zeal, and upon the bravery of my 
troops. Go then, and fight the enemy wherever you can find him. 
If, by some accident, you happen to be conquered, write to me alone: 
, I know the devotedness of my people ; I will raise a hundred thou- 
: sand soldiers more; and we will go together, either to repair all our 
I disasters at once, or bury ourselves under the ruins of the monarchy" 
^(a. D. 1712). 

This magnanimous design was never put in execution, as it soon 

became known that Villars, by a skilful and bold attack, had destroyed 

J the army of prince Eugene at Denain, The different posts of that 

^army being too distant from each other, the French successively 

j assaulted theni with equal promptness and success, bore down every 

obstacle, and, besides destroying the enemy's best troops, tOQk a great 

36 



422 MODERN HISTORY. Pan VIL 

number of prisoners, with a prodigious quantity of ordnance, ammu- 
nition, provisions, etc. This brilHant victory not only saved France 
from utter ruin, but suddenly gave her a superiority of which it was 
no longer in the power of her enemies to deprive her, and, being fol- 
lowed by the rapid conquest of several towns and fortresses, accelerated 
the conclusion of peace. It was signed at Utrecht, in 1713, by nearly 
all the belligerent powers, who agreed upon a variety of mutual con- 
cessions, the principal of which was the solemn recognition of Phihp 

V as king of Spain and of the West Indies. The emperor, his rival, 
was offered, in compensation for the loss of Spain, several valuable 
provinces in Italy and the Netherlands; still, of all the allies, he was 
tne only one who refused the treaty. Hostilities therefore continued 
for some time longer near the banks of the Rhine, till Villars having 
gained new and important advantages over Prince Eugene, Charles 

VI thought it prudent to yield. A treaty was then concluded at 
Radstad (a. d. 1714) between that prince and France, upon terms 
substantially the same, yet a little less favorable to him than those 
which he had rejected at Utrecht. 

Thus did Louis XIV, after a long series of disasters, secure by his 
courage and unshaken constancy a peace more glorious than that 
which he had obtained at Ryswick by the splendid victories of Lux- 
embourg and Catinat. One year later (1715), this monarch, by far 
the most conspicuous of his age, ended at the age of seventy-seven, 
a magaificent reign of seventy-two years. He had lately seen most 
of the princes of his family, among others the pupil of the immortal 
Fenelon, descend before him into the grave; their loss, though most 
painful to his paternal feelings, he had sustained with his usual firm- 
ness and Christian magnanimity : the approach of his own death had 
no greater power to frighten or even disturb his noble soul. Nothing 
then appeared in him but piety, meekness and resignation. His last 
moments were those of a truly Christian and great monarch; of one 
who humbly acknowledges his faults in the hope of obtaining the 
divine mercy; who willingly leaves all earthly honors because he 
knows their emptiness, and departs this life even with joy, because 
he expects a much better and happier one in the heavenly kingdom. 



DECLINE OF THE TURKS.— a. d. 1683—1718. 

We shall now, after a long interruption, revert to the affairs of 
the Turks. The battle of Lepanto had long since proved that their 
progress could be checked; and the signal defeats they afterwards ex- 
perienced in Hungary and Poland, were no less calculated to remove 



&. D. 1683-1718. DECLINE OF THE TURKS. 423 

from their minds the notion that all Europe must pass under their sway. 
Yet, that warhke ardor which had so long animated their troops, still 
subsisted among them, and, being again stirred up by the conquest 
of Candia, could not be extinguished by the new losses which they 
suffered in Poland from the great general Sobieski. The Janizaries 
loudly called for new combats; and in 1683, Vienna, the capital of 
Austria, was invested by two hundred thousand men, Turks and 
Tartars. As there was not in all Germany a force sufficient to op- 
pose such a host of enemies, the emperor Leopold with his family fled 
at their approach; despondency and consternation reigned every 
where; and, though Vienna possessed a brave garrison, and an excel- 
lent commander in the earl of Starenberg, the ruin of that city seemed 
inevitable. 

In this new danger to which Christendom was exposed. Pope 
Innocent XI had raised his voice to solicit the succor of Catholic 
princes and nations, applying chiefly to the great Sobieski, whom 
numerous exploits and conspicuous virtues had lately raised to the 
throne of Poland. That hero had several subjects of complaint 
against Leopold ; but, generously sacrificing his resentment to the 
pubHc good, he hastened at the head of twenty -four thousand war- 
riors, and joined the imperial troops commanded by the duke of Lor- 
raine. As soon as this junction was effected, they descended the 
mountains, and attacked the Turkish camp at three different points. 
The Turks, seized with a sudden panic, were routed almost without 
resistance ; their spirits had already drooped in consequence of the 
length of the siege, and the numerous blunders of their general Kara 
Mustapha; and now their flight was so precipitate that they left 
behind them, among other spoils, one hundred thousand tents, three 
hundred pieces of artillery, and nearly five thousand barrels of gun- 
powder. 

The conquerors, not satisfied with the liberation of Vienna and of 
all Germany, were eager to improve their victory by a wamn pursuit 
of the fugitives. During this expedition. King Sobieski having on 
one occasion attacked the Turks too hastily, was repulsed with great 
loss ; but he took ample revenge two days after, by cutting in pieces 
a body of twenty -five thousand men near the banks of the Danube. 
He then returned to Poland, leaving the conduct of the war to the 
brave duke of Lorraine, who not only continued to drive the Turks 
before him, but also made important and extensive conquests. These 
advantages were secured by a new and brilliant victory gained (a. d. 
1687) in the plains of Mohats, the very same spot on which the 
Austrians and Hungarians had experienced an entire overthrow one 
hundred and sixty years before. 

During the following campaigns, until 1698, and also at the re- 



424 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VIL 



iiewal of the war in 1716, the house of Austria, well served all that 
time by zealous and skilful generals, again defeated the Ottomans in 
several battles. Their most formidable enemy, during this period, was 
Prince Eugene of Savoy, who gained over them the decisive victo- 
ries of Zenta, Peterwaradin and Belgrade. These bloody contests 
ended in the treaties of Carlowitz (1699) and Passarowitz (1718), 
both of which showed the enormous losses lately sustained by the 
Turks, and the incontestable superiority now possessed by Christian 
Europe over their once dreaded and formidable empire. 



RISE OF PRUSSIA AND RUSSIA.— PETER THE GREAT.— 
CHARLES XII, KING OF SWEDEN.— a. d. 1689—1725. 

The rapid decline of the Turks in the scale of power and political 
importance, coincided with the sudden rise of Prussia and Russia to 
a high rank among the European nations. Christianity and civili- 
zation had begun to be introduced into Prussia towards the close of 
the crusades ; since that time, it had been governed by the Grand- 
Masters of the Teutonic Order, and then by the princes of the house 
of Brandenburg, under the title of dukes. In 1701, it arose to the 
dignity of a kingdom, the title of king being then conferred by the 
emperor of Germany on the elector of Brandenburg, Frederick L 
Prussia became flourishing and powerful during the reign of the 
next monarch, Frederic William, and still more so under his son and 
successor, Frederick II, whom we shall see, after a short time, 
giving a strong and lasting impulse to the general affairs of Europe. 

Russia is also known to have been governed by a long series of 
dukes, and of princes called Czars, under whom it remained almost 
totally uncivilized, until the accession of Peter I, which took place 
in 1689. This prince, possessed of an active mind and a superior 
genius, incessantly applied himself to improve the condition of his 
nation, and to render it conspicuous above the neighboring states. 
He twice left his dominions, and travelled through different countries. 
in order to acquire, by experience, a knowledge of the various arts, 
institutions and practices which it might be useful to introduce among 
his subjects. Being attacked by conspirators and rebels, he overcame 
them all, and punished them with inexorable severity. 

In the year 1699, Peter formed with the kings of Poland and Den- 
mark a coalition against Charles XII, king of Sweden, in the hope 
of wresting some provinces from that young prince, then only in his 
eighteenth year; but it soon appeared that the allied monarchs had 
relied too much for success upon his youth. Charles already united 
the talents of a general with the intrepidity of a warrior. Fired with 



A. 0. 1689-1725. PRUSSIA AND RUSSIA^ ETC. 425 

indignation, and seconded by his brave Swedes, he successively over- 
ran Denmark, Saxony and Poland, crossing rivers, capturing towns, 
defeating armies, and carrying every thing before him. So continual 
and decisive were his victories, that the king of Denmark was very 
soon forced to accept such conditions as* it pleased Charles to impose 
en him ; and the king of Poland, who had offered a greater resistance, 
found himself compelled to resign his crown to Stanislaus Leckzin- 
ski, whom the conqueror protected. 

The exertions of the Swedish hero against the Russians were also 
for a long time extraordinarily successful. He defeated them in 
several engagements, particularly in the famous battle of Narva, 
where, with only eight thousand men^ he destroyed an army of 
eighty thousand Muscovites, fifty thousand of whom were slain, 
drowned, or taken prisoners, and the rest dispersed. Having at last 
advanced too far into Russia, he lost in two hours, near Pultawa, the 
fruit of nine years' success (a. r». 1709). His half-famished and ex- 
hausted army being overpowered by numbers, experienced a most 
signal overthrow, and Charles himself, wounded and forced to leave 
the field, with difiiculty escaped to Bender, a Turkish town in Bes- 
sarabia. There he spent a long time in endeavoring to engage the 
Ottoman Porte in a war with the Russians. Seeing the httle success 
which attended his efforts, he resolved, after an absence of five years 
and many adventures worthy of a romantic hero, to return through 
Germany to Sweden, which he found in a miserable condition, with- 
out troops, without money, without resources, and attacked on all 
sides by her numerous enemies. Charles made desperate exertions 
to defend his kingdom and retrieve his losses, but he did not live to 
recover his former ascendency, being killed by a musket ball at the 
siege of Fredericshall, a town of Norway, in 1718. His death was 
the signal for a general cessation of hostilities ; and Sweden hastened 
to conclude a peace, disadvantageous indeed, but required by the 
situation of her affairs. 

These events allowed the Czar to carry his views of improvement 
fully into execution. In the course of a few years, Russia beheld 
with admiration the establishment in her cities, of schools, academies, 
manufactories, arsenals, and the rapid rise of St. Petersburg, her pre- 
sent capital. A powerful navy was created; harbors were opened 
on the Black and Baltic seas, to shelter numerous ships of the fine, 
as well as frigates and merchant vessels; the standing army was 
trained in all the exercises of military discipline; laws were enacted 
and measures adopted to amend the defects and polish the manners 
of the people. A prudent management of the public revenue enabled 
Peter to accomplish his grand and extensive designs without oppres- 
sing his subjects. By these noble efforts, occasionally disgraced how- 
36* 



426 MODERN HISTORY. Part Vll 

ever by acts of cruelty, this prince not only laid the foundation, but 
also raised the superstructure of Russian greatness, and secured to 
himself the surname of Great. He died in 1725. 



^VESTERN EUROPE FROM THE DEATH OF LOUIS XIV IN 
1715 TO THE TREATY OF VIENNA IN 1735. 



The other leading sovereigns in Europe at this time were: Charles 
VI in Germany, Philip V in Spain, Louis XV in France under the 
regency of the duke of Orleans, and in England George I, a prince 
of the house of Brunswick, who, upon the death of Queen Anne, 
had been called to the throne in preference to the surviving members 
of the house of Stuart. Peace continued among these different courts 
for the space of twenty-five years (1715 — 1740), except during two 
very short wars, one in 1718, the other in 1733. 

Spain under Philip V was governed in the beginning by Cardinal 
Julius Alberoni, whose bold and vast genius, not satisfied with regu- 
lating the internal concerns of that kingdom, undertook also to change 
the whole political system of Europe. His general view was to raise 
Spain again to the pinnacle of active influence and power; in parti- 
cular he intended 1°. to engage the Russians in a war against Aus- 
tria, and, through this powerful help, wrest from the emperor's hands 
that part of Italy which the treaty of Utrecht had allotted to him out 
of the Spanish possessions. 2*^. his object was to dethrone the Bri- 
tish king George I, in favor of the son of James 11, called the preten- 
der ; and 3°. to 'transfer the regency of France, during the minority 
of Louis XV, from the duke of Orleans to the Spanish monarch. 
Had these projects been successful, Alberoni would have gained a 
reputation, if not superior, at least equal to that of Ximenes and 
Richeheu ; but all his brilliant schemes were baffled by the vigilance 
and activity of the interested parties. The quadruple alhance formed 
by Germany, England, France and Holland against Spain, com- 
pelled Philip V to adopt views very different from those of his min- 
ister; the Spanish troops, who had already entered Sicily and Sar- 
dinia, were obliged to evacuate those islands, and Alberoni fell into 
disgrace (a. d. 1720). 

Next came the war for the succession of Poland, in 1733. After 
the death of Augustus II, Stanislaus Leckz-inski, who had already, 
though for a short time, occupied the Polish throne under the protec- 
tion of Charles XII, was a second time chosen king. But the 
emperor Charles VI having, with the help of the Russians, obligee 
the Poles to set about a new election, the elector of Saxony tiis kins- 



A. o. 736-1767 EASTERN EUROPE^ ETC. 427 

n:ian, was raised to that high dignity under the name of Augustus III, 
and Stanislaus, as formerly, was forced to abandon his crown. 

Louis XV thought himself injured in the person of this prince, 
who had become his father-in-law, and he determined to be revenged 
on the emperor. The more surely to effect his purpose, lie entered 
into an alliance, not only with the court of Spain, now almost con- 
i:tandy hostile to the house of Austria, but also with the king of Sar- 
dinia, formerly duke of Savoy, and war was begun at the same time 
on the German frontier near the Rhine, and in different parts of Italy. 
Philipsburg was invested by a gallant army under Marshal Berwick, 
and although this experienced commander was killed by a cannon 
ball whilst visiting the trenches, the place was taken, notwithstanding 
the presence of Prince Eugene, who being destitute of the energy of 
youih, did not dare hazard a battle, to prevent its surrender. The 
French were not less successful in Italy, where Marshal Villars 
closed his military career by the capture of Milan, and Marshal 
Coigny, his successor, gained the bloody victories of Parma and 
Guastalla. In the south, still more rapid was the progress of the 
Spaniards under the duke of Montemar and Don Carlos, son of 
Philip V; they defeated the imperialists in the decisive battle of 
Bitorito, and, in two campaigns, rendered themselves masters of the 
kingdom of Naples and of the island of Sicily. 

Thus vanquished at every point, the emperor intimated a desire 
of peace, the principal terms of which were arranged at Vienna 1735. 
By this treaty it was stipulated that Stanislaus, instead of the crown 
of Poland, should enjoy the duchies of Lorraine and Bar, under this 
title of king, and that, after his death, these duchies should be for ever 
annexed to France; that the duke of Lorraine, the emperor's ally, 
should have Tuscany in exchange for his hereditary dominions; in 
fine, that, whilst the king of Sardinia would gain some districts in the 
north of Italy, the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily should be left to 
the house of Bourbon, in the person of Don Carlos. In consideration 
of these cessions, Louis XV agreed to restore to the empire his late 
conquests near the Rhine. 



EASTERN EUROPE-THAMAS KOULI KAN, OR NADIR 

SCHAH, THE PERSIAN CONQUEROR, ETC. 

A.. D. 1736—1767. 



Scarcely was this peace negotiated, when a fresh war broke out 
between the Russians and the Turks, in which Charles VI, owing 
to nis mtimate alliance with Russia, found himself involved. He 



428 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VII. 



resolved to attack the Ottomans in the direction of Hungary, while 
his allies pressed them on the borders of the Black seaj but the im- 
perial commanders were repeatedly defeated, several important places 
were lost, and, as little hope remained to retrieve these disasters, the 
emperor had recourse to the mediation of France for the conclusion 
of a new treaty. Annef'also, the Russian empress, though recently 
victorious at Choczim, consented' for fear of being deserted by her 
ally, to a negotiation. The Turks, under circumstances so favorable 
to them, obtained an advantageous peace; the emperor ceded to them 
Belgrade whh two provinces, and the Czarina agreed to withdraw 
her troops from the city and territory of Azof, so as to reestablish the 
limits between the Turkish and Russian empires as they were before 
the commencement of hostilities (a. d. 1739). 

That treaty, how glorious soever to the Ottomans, did not long 
retard their decline j the Russians soon reassumed the ascendency, 
and even about this time, the Turks were rather unsuccessful in a 
war which they had against Persia. Having subdued, between the 
years 1723 and 1733, rich and extensive provinces, their career of 
success was at length stopped by the famous Nadir Schah, or 
Thamas Kouli Kan, who, after fighting the battles of his sovereign 
Schah Thamas against powerful rebels, usurped the Persian throne. 
He renewed the foreign war which had ceased for a while, and, 
though defeated three tilnes in succession by Topal Osman, a brave 
and skilful general, victory declared in his favor on every other occa- 
sion, and the Turks were compelled to give up what they had lately 
conquered. 

After this. Nadir Schah, who seemed to have inherited the enter- 
prising spirit of Genghis Kan and Tamerlane, turned his arms against 
the rich empire of Hindostan. With only sixty thousand warriors, 
he destroyed or dispersed an army of twelve hundred thousand Hin- 
doos and Moguls, took Delhi, their capital city, and returned with 
60 prodigious a quantity of pearls, gold and silver, that the amount is 
commonly estimated to have been upwards of a billion of dollais. 
He did not long enjoy these fruits of his insatiable avidity : not less 
dreaded by his subjects for his cruelty than by his enemies for his 
valor, he fell a victim, to a conspiracy, and was assassinated in his 
tent (a. d. 1747). His death was followed by a series of revolutions 
so bloody and destructive, that the populous city of Ispahan saw, 
within a few years, the number of its inhabitants reduced from a mil- 
lion to a few thousand persons, and a long time elapsed before Persia 
could even begin to recover from her astounding calamities. 



A. D. 1740-1748. SUCCESSION OF AUSTRIA^ ETC. 429 



WAR FOR THE SUCCESSION OF AUSTRIA.— THE PRETEN- 
DER IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.— a. d. 1740—1748. 



The death of the emperor Charles VI without male issue, in 1740, 
threw all Europe again into war. In virtue of a previous agreement 
called the Pragmatic sanction, and also by the emperor's last will, his 
hereditary dominions of Austria, Bohemia and Hungary, belonged to 
his eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, who had lately married Francis, 
duke of Lorraine. Her claims were supported chiefly by England 
and Holland, but opposed by Spain, Prussia and Saxony, whose 
sovereigns brought forward different claims to a share in that im- 
mense inheritance, and especially by the elector of Bavaria, who 
caused himself to be proclaimed emperor at Frankfort, under the pro- 
tection of the French armies, and with the name of Charles VII. 

Every thing at first prospered according to his wishes, and the 
wishes of his allies ; Austria, Bohemia and Silesia were invaded by 
their troops, so as to oblige Maria Theresa to take refuge in Hungary. 
She appeared amidst the Hungarian nobles in the city of Presburg, 
holding her young son, afterwards Joseph 11, in her arms, and 
earnestly recommending him to their fidelity. This affecting scene 
moved the assembly to tears ; all swore to die, if necessary, for their 
sovereign, Maria Theresa,* and she was instantly supplied with a 
fresh army zealously devoted to her interests. By a sudden change 
of fortune, her competitor Charles VII was not only driven from his 
conquests, but even stripped for a time of his own hereditary domi- 
nions; he died shortly after at Munich, more of grief than of disease. 

It might have been expected that his death, and^the general acknow- 
ledgment, on the part of the German princes, of Francis of Lorraine 
as emperor, would put an end to these bloody quarrels; and in fact, 
some of the belligerent powers hastened to conclude separate treaties 
of alliance ; but the high pretensions of some others, particularly of 
Great Britain and of the queen of Hungary, protracted the war for 
three or four years longer. It was prosecuted with vigor chiefly by 
the English and French, who thus, from mere auxiliaries, became the 
principal actors. 

Even before the death of Charle? VII, the king of England, George 
II, had taken the command of the British and allied forces in Ger- 
many. He was marching forward to join an additional body of 
auxihary troops, when, near the village of Dettingen, he saw himself 
almost surrounded by the enemy, and reduced to a very critical situ- 

* Moriamur pro rege nostra Mand Theresd, ; such was their sudden and 
'jnanimous exclamation. 



430 MODERN HISTORY ' Pm VII. 

ation. In effect, by the masterly mancEUVres of the French general, 
Marshal de Noailles, ail supplies were cut off; the neighboring hiHs 
were covered with a formidable artillery ; and, had not the duke of 
Grammont's rash descent from the defiles into the plain with a por- 
tion of the army, given the allies an opportunity of fighting on equal 
terms, a surrender, or total destruction would, in all probability, have 
been the consequence. The French charged, as usual, with impetu- 
osity^ but the English, animated by the presence of their king and of 
his son, the duke of Cumberland, received the shock with undaunted 
valor. After three hours fighting, the assailants were repulsed, 
having lost five thousand men, killed, wounded and prisoners 
(a. d. 1743). 

Two years after, Louis XV and his son, the dauphin, in their 
turn defeated the army of the allies. The French king, having a 
large number of excellent troops commanded, under him, by Marshal 
Saxe, invested Tournay, one of the strongest towns in the Austrian 
Netherlands, and perhaps the most important place on that frontier. 
The combined forces of the British, Dutch and Hanoverians, amount- 
ing to about fifty thousand men under the command of the duke of 
Cumberland, advanced to its relief, and attacked the French, who had 
posted themselves on a rising ground in front of the village of Fon- 
tenoy. The battle began at nine in the morning, and lasted till three 
in the afternoon, being maintained all that time with equal courage 
by the two parties. Although the fire from the French batteries was 
so heavy that it swept off whole ranks at a single discharge, the Bri- 
tish infantry, in the form of a close column, continued to advance as 
if they had been invulnerable, and the French began to give way. 
Marshal Saxe, fearing a total overthrow, sent advice to the king to 
provide for his safety by a timely retreat; but Louis refused to quit his 
post, and his firmness contributed to gain the honor of the day. At 
the suggestion of Marshal Richelieu, a fresh battery was erected just 
opposite to the front of the English column, at the distance of a few 
paces only; whilst it played upon them with dreadful execution, the 
French returned to the charge, and, after seven or eight minutes of 
heroic efforts on both sides, finally compelled the enemy to retreat, 
with the loss of twelve or fifteen thousand men. The surrender of 
Tournay, and of many other fortified towns in the Austrian Flanders, 
was the fruit of this great victory. 

The following years equally exhibited a vicissitude of good and iL 
success. The French armies experienced signal defeats at Plaisance 
and Exilles in Italy, but were victorious in the great battles of Rau- 
coux and Laufeld, which rendered them masters of the Nether- 
lands. At last, by the skilful movements of Marshal Saxe and 
£!ount Lowendhal, they began to penetrate into Holland, carried by 



A. D. 1740-1748. SUCCESSION OF AUSTRIA^ ETC. 431 

storm cities and fortresses that were deemed impregnable, and by 
this rapid success obliged the allied powers to receive the favorable 
conditions of peace which Louis XV had been offering to them since 
the year 1744. He rnade no difficulty to acknowledge Maria Theresa 
for the lawful heiress of Charles VI, willingly restored his con- 
quests, and contented himself with securing reasonable advantages 
for his own allies, saying that he wished to treat of peace, not as a 
merchant, but as a king. This treaty was signed at Aix-la-Chapelle, 
in October 1748. 

Some time before its conclusion, and while the British forces were 

^f et employed on the continent, Charles Edward, the grand-son of 
James II, the dethroned king of England, undertook to revive the 
claims of his family by an invasion of that country. He first landed 
on the shores of Scotland with one single frigate, some ammunition 
and a few officers. The public assertion of his rights, his promise 
of a just government, and the brilliant qualities of his person, soon 
gathered around him a little army, with which he immediately took 

•the field. His first exploits were the capture of Edinburgh and the 
total overthrow of four thousand Englishmen at Prestonpans; he then 
proceeded into England, took the city of Carlisle, and advanced as 

'•■far as Derby, within eighty or ninety miles of London, when the 

1 approach of the duke of Cumberland at the head of superior forces 
obliged hirn to retreat with some disadvantage, though in good order. 

iThe victory of Falkirk, which he gained in January, 1746, revived 
his hopes; but his subsequent defeat at Culloden blasted them for 
ever. Being now destitute of money and troops, without any sure 
asylum, constantly pursued by his enemies, always in danger of fall- 
ing into their hands, and of ending his career upon a scaffold, want- 
ing food and garments, wandering from place to place and from 
cavern to cavern, he exhausted, as it were, all the rigors of misfor- 
tune, and endured them with so heroic fortitude, as to gain the admi- 

i ration of the whole world. 

In the midst of his calamities, and although the sum of thirty thou- 
sand pounds was offered as the reward of his capture, he had the 
happiness never to be betrayed by any one, not even by the poor 
iwho happened to recognize him under his various disguises. As he 
was once quite exhausted, and almost^dying of starvation, he deter- 
mined to ask some assistance of one of his enemies whose house he 
perceived at a distance, whilst wandering through the country. He 
went, knocked at the door, and, as soon as the owner appeared: 
'Behold," said the young prince, "the son of your lawful sovereign, 
who craves a little bread and some garments. I know you are my 
^nemy; but on your probity I rely enough to believe that you will 
act betray my confidence in you, nor take advantage of my extreme 



432 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VIK 



distress." The gent'' n\an, deeply moved at the sight of such mis- 
fortune united with such magnanimity, bestowed on his guest all the 
assistance which he needed, and observed an inviolable secrecy. 
In fine, after five months of incredible sufferings, Edward embarked 
on board a French frigate, and, escaping the sight of the British ves- 
sels which were cruising along the coast, safely reached the shores 
of France, v/hence he had sailed on his adventurous expedition. 
He afterwards repaired to Rome, where he died at the age of sixty- 
eight years (a. d. 1788). 

OLD FRENCH WAR, OTHERWISE CALLED WAR OF HA-* 
NOVER, OR SEVEN YEARS WAR.— a. d.— 1756— 1763. 

The boundaries of the French and British possessions in North 
America not having been sufficiently settled by the treaties of Utrecht 
and Aix-la-Chapelle, there soon arose complaints of mutual encroach- 
ments. A fresh negotiation was indeed opened between the courts 
of London and Versailles, but to no effect; hostihties followed, and 
after being carried on for a time without any previous declaration of 
war, at last came to an open rupture in 1756. 

This new warfare, which, in a short time extended to all parts of 
the world, entirely changed, from the beginning, the political aspect 
of Europe. France and Austria, so long opposed to each other, now 
united their interests, and were joined by Russia, Sweden and 
Saxony. Holland and Spain kept at first a sort of neutrality; hut 
the English, besides the superiority of their naval forces, succeeded 
in securing to themselves a powerful ally on the continent, Frederic 
il, king of Prussia, who had already acquired great renown for his 
ability, and gained many laurels in the preceding conflict of the 
Austrian succession. 

The first chances of war were favorable to France in almost every 
place. The English and their allies were defeated in North America, 
on the Mediterranean sea, in the island of Minorca, where the sup- 
posed impregnable fortress of St. Phihp, or Fort Mahon, was taken 
almost at the first onset; and particularly in the north of Germany, 
where forty thousand men commanded by the duke of Cumberland, 
experienced such reverses as to be obliged at last to capitulate. Nor 
was Frederic II in a better condition. After a transitory success, he 
had been routed by the Austrians; his kingdom was ravaged by the 
Russians and the Swedes, and a French army was marching from 
another quarter to complete his ruin. In this extremity, his courage 
and presence of mind did not fail him : he retreated before the 
French, as if frightened at their approach, and took up at Rosbach a 



A. D. 175^1763. OLD FRENCH WAR.. 433 

formidable position. Here, M^hilst the enemy advanced against him 
in the hope of a sure and easy triumph, the tents which concealed 
his army suddenly disappeared, and the Prussians were seen in battle 
array, between two hills covered with artillery. At this unexpected 
sight, a panic seized the assailants, and they had scarcely fought a 
quarter of an hour, when they fled in every direction. This brilliant 
exploit, which was entirely owing to the genius of Frederic, restored 
his decaying affairs 5 it enabled him to repel the imperialists from 
Silesia, and the French also had to give up their last conquests. 
The three following campaigns offered a series of battles and a 
variety of events, which it would be equally tedious and useless to 
enumerate. The. French now maintained their ground well enough 
in Germany ; but on every part of the ocean, as well as in the East 
and West Indies, they suffered incredible and irreparable losses. 
Hitherto, the Marquis of Montcalm had ably and successfully de- 
fended their Canadian possessions; but, as no fresh supplies could 
be forwarded to him across the Atlantic, where the English every 
where prevailed, the number of his troops daily diminished, and it 
was not in his power to hinder a superior force under general Wolfe 
From reaching the vicinity of Q,uebec. In order, if possible, to save 
;hat capital, he ventured to give them battle. The disposition of the two 
irmies was masterly, and the action commenced with great resolution 
)n both sides. During the conflict, Wolfe and Montcalm, who had 
jiven equal proofs of personal courage, were both mortally wounded ; 
he former died in the enthusiasm of victory, which he saw favoring 
he English, and the latter with the sad consolation of not having to 
witness the approaching surrender of Quebec. It took place six days 
ater, and was followed in one year by the reduction of all Canada 
A. D. 1759—1760). 

The same happened to the French settlements in the East Indies; 

ooner or later, all fell into the hands of the English. Nor could 

^'rance put a stop to that astonishing series of disasters; her navy, 

vhich had severely suffered during the preceding war, was now 

a a wretched condition, and though privateers greatly annoyed 

he British commerce, her weak squadrons were totally inadequate 

cope with the imposing forces of England. The only subject of 

lope that remained was the assistance, if it could be obtained, of the 

ther branches of the Bourbon family, actually reigning in Spain, 

"faples and Sicily. Louis requested it through his ministers, 8*nd the 

Spanish king, Charles III, generously consented to help him with 

jessels and troops, A treaty to this effect was framed under the 

I'lame of family compact; but it was of no advantage to Louis XV, 

ind proved most prejudicial to his ally. No sooner were the English 

pprized of the transaction, than they directed their efforts against 

97 



434 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VII. 



the Spanish settlements in Asia and America, destroyed their com- 
merce, and made immense captures. 

All the resources of France were now exhausted; one year had 
been suflficient to baffle the auxihary measures of Spain ; but England 
herself was much depressed by the amazing efforts she had -made, 
to obtain the superiority over all her enemies. This weariness of 
the chief belligerent powers made all parties desirous of peace (a. d. 
1763). Whilst it was concluded at Hubersburg between the Prus- 
sian monarch and his numerous adversaries ; the British, French and 
Spanish courts signed the treaty of Paris, by which it was agreed 
that England, upon restoring a few of her conquests, should retain 
the whole of Canada, and many other valuable possessions. Thus 
did that mighty nation secure her maritime and commercial prepon- 
derance; though the time was not far distant, when she was to be 
deprived, by an unexpected revolution, of her own colonies in North 
America. 



ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

A. D. 1764—1776. 



The great accession of power and territory just acquired by Great 
Britain, had not been gained without enormous expenses, increased 
taxation, and a rapidly accumulating debt. No sooner were hostilities 
at an end, than the English ministry made it their chief object to find 
out new sources of revenue, and devise means for replenishing the 
treasury. North America opened to their view, so they at least flat- 
tered themselves, a new and abundant field for levying taxes; and, on 
motion of Lord Grenville, first commissioner of the treasury, the fa- 
mous act for imposing stamp duties on the colonies was passed, in 
1765, by both houses of the British parliament. 

This act excited serious alarm among the Americans. Without 
altogether contesting the power vested in parliament, to make regula- 
tions for trade, they sternly denied its right to impose direct revenue 
taxes on them without their own consent. Petitions and remon- 
strances drawn up in energetic language, were instandy despatched 
to the government; nor were there wanting in England itself men 
of remarkable talent and eloquence, as the celebrated William Pitt, 
earl of Chatham, who strenuously maintained the privileges of the 
Colonies. All these protests, supported by the measures which the 
Americans took to prevent the exaction of the stamp duties, suc- 
ceeded, on the accession of a new British ministry, in procuring the 
revocation of the obnoxious act (a. d. 1766). 



A. a. 17S4-1776. AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 435 

The rejoicings which that repeal produced in America, were great 
and sincere, but still niuch diminished by a certain decree the parlia- 
ment issued at the same time, asserting its power to bind the Colo- 
nies in all cases whatsoever. A vari«ty of particular restrictions fos- 
tered the spirit of dread and mistrust in American hearts, and subse- 
quent events revived ail former irritation. The scheme of raising a 
revenue in the colonies was again practically adopted, by imposing 
duties on tea, glass, paper and painters' colors imported from Great 
Britain, The colonists opposed these proceedings, wJaich they con- 
sidered as subversive of their rights and liberties, by a fresh series of 
petitions, remonstrances and protests, and chiefly by non-importation 
agreements: nor did their resentment stop there- an immense quan- 
tity of tea, which had been shipped for Massachusetts, not only was 
not suffered to land, but was even thrown into the bay by the Bos- 
ton ians. 

This bold measure formed a new ar^ momentous crisis in the re- 
lations between America and Great Britain. While in England bills 
were passed, coercive expedients adopted, and powerful reinforce- 
ments of vessels and troops despatched against Boston, the American 
States were not slow in espousing the cause of their sister Colony, 
in organizing a militia, and procuring, by every means in their 
power, arms, ammunition and all necessary supplies for the defence 
of their claims. Still, it was again the lot of the new Englanders to 
begin the conflict. A party of men having been sent by General 
Gage, from Boston, to destroy some miUtary stores collected at Con- 
cord by the provincials, were, on their way hack, attacked near Lex- 
ington, and lost two hundred and seventy-three of their number, 
whereas the loss of their opponents was only ninety-three. This was 
the first blood spilled m battie during the American revolution. 

Two months later (.Tune 1775), a still more memorable action took 
place at Bunker Hill, or rather Breed's Hill, near Boston, between 
fifteen hundred New Englanders, and three thousand British regu- 
lars. The coolness of the provincials at the approach of a veteran 
force double their number, was astonishing, and the order of General 
Putnam not to fixe tfll they could distinguish the whites of the ene- 
my's eyes, was scrupulously obeyed. The regulars were permitted 
to advance lo within about sixty yards, when a deadly fire of small 
arms was opened upon them with such effect, that whole ranks were 
mowed down, and the line, wavering for a moment, at last broke, 
and gave way. They rallied,. advanced again, and were again re- 
pulsed by the same destructive and incessant fire. A third charge, 
led on by General. Clinton, proved more successful, and the provin- 
cials, who had nearly exhausted their ammunition, were obliged to re- 
tire ; but, although they left the field of battle, they could justly claim 



436 MODERN HISTORY. Fan V[L 

the advantage of victory, their loss being only four hundred and fifty- 
three, that of the British, one thousand and fifty-four. 

The spirit displayed by the Americans in these engageraents 
gready increased their confidence, and urged them to new exertions. 
In the mean time, a general Congress of the Colonies, represented by 
their deputies, had met in Philadelphia for the purpose of adopting 
measures adequate to the important crisis. They voted to raise an 
army of twenty thousand men, appointed the general officers, and, 
on motion of Mr. Johnson of Maryland, unanimously chose George 
Washington commander-in-chief of the American forces. The 
great man who thus already possessed the universal confidence and 
esteem of his countrymen^ accepted the appointment with unfeigned 
modesty, and immediately took command of the army in the vicinity 
of Boston. Before his arrival, the scheme of surrounding the royal 
forces in that city had already been contrived, and was about to be 
put in execution ; Washington pursued it with such ardor and suc- 
cess, as to leave them no resource but immediate departure on board 
their vessels hitherto anchored in the harbor. Accordingly, on the 
seventeenth of March (a. d. 1776), the British troops, amounting to 
more than seven thousand men, evacuated the town, which was 
immediately occupied by the triumphant provincials. 

Shortly after this, the English having endeavored, first to surprise 
New York, and then to reduce Charleston by a vigorous attack, 
"were foiled in both attempts. The Americans, it is true, were not 
more fortunate in their own attempt upon Canada, and rather suf- 
fered a considerable IcTSs, in the siege of Q,uebec, which cost the life 
of General l^ontgomery, and reduced Colonel Arnold to the neces- 
sity of retreating; but this unhappy expedition went at least, to 
show the ardor of the colonists even for offensive-warfare, whilst 
all their energies were required to defend theniselves against a pow- 
erful enemy. 

All these actions however they had performed without renouncing 
their allegiance to the British crown. There was indeed in the Colo- 
nies a spirit of open and unflinching resistance to what they unani- 
mously deemed an invasion of their privileges ; but the people and 
their representatives had, until the close of the year 1775, entertained 
the hope and expressed the desire of bringing their controversy witli 
Great Britain to a speeedy and amicable conclusion. Unfortunately 
for England, her existing ministry had determined to maintain by 
force the right of taxation and the legislative supremacy of parlia- 
ment over the Colonies; and the Colonies were equally determined 
to repel the claim by force. 

The exasperation of the people in America rose to the highest 
pitch, when they were informed that measures for fresh hostilities 



A. D, 1776-1783. WAR OF INDEPENDEJVCE. 437 

had been taken by Great Britain against them, so far as to hire mul- 
titudes of foreign troops for a more vigorous prosecution of the war. 
The public mind, under the constant excitement of sufferings or fears., 
began to think of adopting a course different from that hitherto pur- 
sued. The winter and spring of 1776 were spent in discussions, 
appeals and publications of every sort, urging the expediency of a 
total separation from the mother country. The momentous step was 
taken into serious consideration by Congress, then assembled at Phi- 
ladelphia and consisting of the representatives of thirteen Colonies, 
viz. Massachusetts including Maine, New Hampshire, Connecticut, 
Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 
After long and animated debates, a Declaration of Independence, 
drawn up by Thomas Jefferson, was unanimously approved on the 
Fourth of July, a day for ever memorable in the annals of America, 
and then solemnly proclaimed to the people. In this important instru- 
ment, the members of Congress, in the name of their constituents, 
after enumerating their grievances and subjects of complaint against 
the British government, renounced £|11 allegiance to it, dissolved all 
political connexion with England, and declared the United Colonies 
to be free, independent and sovereign states ; at the same time, mutu- 
ally pledging to each other, for the support of this declaration, " their 
lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor." 



WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.— A. d. 1776—1783. 

The declaration of independence was certainly a point of very 
high importance for the people of the United Colonies, but to render 
it an efficient and irrevocable measure, it required all their energies in 
the open field ; the more so, as the prospect of their affairs at that 
epoch was by no means encouraging. The British were ready to 
prosecute the war vigorously by land and sea. Their army consisted 
of twenty-four thousand of the best troops from Europe, to whom 
several regiments of Hessian infantry were expected soon to be added, 
carrying their number to the amount of thirty-five thousand men, 
under the command of very able generals and experienced officers, 
and well supplied with every thing necessary for an active and suc- 
cessful warfare. 

To resist the attack, and check, if possible, the progress of these 
combined forces, the American general had under his command 
troops not only far inferior in numbers, but still more so in military 
discipline, and, owing chiefly to the pecuniary embarrassments of the 
countrv ill-provided with food, clothing, arms and ■ ammunition. It 
'37* 



438 MODERN HISTORY. , Part VII. 

required his utmost sagacity and indefatigable efforts to train them to 
habits of necessary subordination and to a regular manner of fighting, 
and particularly to retam them in sufficient force under his banners, 
at a time when the ill-advised practice of short enlistments easily per- 
mitted them to withdraw from the service. Yet, under these trying 
circumstances, never did the great mind of Washington, even after 
many a defeat which neither his courage nor skill could prevent, 
abandon the hope of ultimate success. Never did Congress, even 
when surrounded by obstacles, and seeing the cause of independence 
on the brink of ruin, listen to any proposal of peace, except on the 
condition of an acknowledgment from England of the freedom of the 
Colonies. Like the Romans of old, who showed their contempt of 
the victorious host of Annibal, by selling at a high price the field on 
which it was encamped near their city, so the leading American 
patriots, far from suffering themselves to be dejected by the gloomy 
state of their affairs, constantly expressed their determination to carry 
on the struggle at all hazards, rather than ever return under British 
subjection. 

These lofty hopes and resolutions of Congress, in which a large 
majority of the people always concurred, were sustained not only by 
the consciousness of their own energies, but also by a well founded 
expectation of foreign alliance and succors. In fact, almost from the 
beginning of the war, the Colonies successfully applied to various 
places abroad to secure supphes of arms and ammunition j and, 
though no foreign state had yet acknowledged their independence, 
such a number of able officers came over to them from Poland and 
France, as greatly added to the skill and strength of their armies. In 

1778, the successful exertions of the commissioners of Congress, and 
particularly of the celebrated doctor Franklin, induced the French 
government openly to declare in favor of the Americans. Public 
hostihties commenced from that moment between France and Great 
Britain, and the contest became still more animated, when Spain in 

1779, and Holland in 1780, joined in the war against England ; whilst 
the league, called the armed neutrality, was also formed against her 
interests, by the northern powers of Russia, Sweden and Denmark. 

To oppose this formidable array of enemies, the English nation, 
roused by danger to exertions worthy of her opulence and greatness, 
displayed a spirit truly magnanimous, and astonishing resources. 
Her fleets covered both hemispheres, and her armies every where 
fought with a valor which challenges unqualified admiration. Still, 
it was easy to foresee, that, since the English were obliged to divide 
their forces, however successful they might be in various particular 
engagements, they would in the end lose the main point at issue, the 
recovery of their Colonies. It is true^ the allied European powers 



A. 0. 1776-1783. WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 439 

did not, at least in the beginning, lend to the Colonies so direct and 
efficient a cooperation as might have been anticipated; yet, it is self- 
evident that, occupying the inimense navies of Great Britain, as well 
in the East and West Indies, as along the shores of Europe and 
Africa, they afforded, by thus preventing her from concentrating her 
energies, an immense advantage to the American cause. The suc- 
cessful result of the war of independence was, therefore, to be pror 
duced, and in fact was achieved in America itself, through a long 
series of hardships and battles, of disasters and victories. This natu- 
rally leads us to resume the course of mihtary events, and relate in 
the order of time, those which immediately followed the declaration 
of independence. 

Two months had not elapsed since that remarkable event, when 
the Colonies saw with dismay their troops signally defeated in the 
disastrous battle of Long Island, Washington, unable to cope with 
the superior forces of the English and Hessians, was obliged to 
evacuate not only this island, but even, a few days after, the city of 
New York; nor was this the end of the misfortune. At the approach 
of a victorious enemy, it became necessary and urgent to abandon 
the province of New Jersey, and cross with all speed the river Dela- 
ware. It was truly a dispiriting scene to behold that scanty, desti- 
tute and diminishing band, scarcely amounting to three thousand, 
pursued by a triumphant, well disciphned and abundantly supplied 
army of thirty thousand men. About the same time, an American 
flotilla on Lake Champlain was entirely destroyed, and the State of 
Rhode Island conquered by the British. 

Of all the periods of the revolution, this was the most gloomy and 
disheartening. It is true, so hopeless a state of things did not last 
long, and Washington having received reinforcements which made 
his army amount to about seven thousand, was enabled to raise the 
drooping spirits of his countrymen by a bold and successful attempt. 
Observing the scattered and loosely guarded positions of the enemy 
along the left bank of the Delaware, he recrossed that river on Christ- 
mas-day, suddenly attacked the Hessian troops at Trenton, and cap- 
tured about nine hundred men and officers, with the whole artillery 
and ammunition. Ten days later, he again defeated three regiments 
at Princeton, and pursuing his advantage, made such skilful ma- 
noBuvres as to wrest from the enemy almost all their conquests in the 
Jerseys, and to gain for himself among tacticians in Europe the sur- 
name of the American Fabins. At the reopening of the campaign in 
1777, he was a^ain obliged to retreat before the overwhelming force 
of the British, and even, in consequence of the unfavorable actions 
of Brandy wine and Germantown, to leave Philadelphia for a time in 
the power of the enemy ; yet, he so well conducted his army, so ju- 



440 MODERN HISTORY. Part VII. 

diciously chose the positions for his encampments, that the conque- 
rors were unable to derive any material advantage from their progress 
and victories. 

It was during the course of these expeditions of the commander-in- 
chief, that the memorable attack of Stony Point took place. The 
British having fortified this post and manned it with a strong garri- 
son, Washington, whose camp was not far distant, determined to 
dislodge them, and despatched for that purpose General Wayne with 
a detachment of infantry. Wayne arrived near the fort in the even- 
ing, and, dividing his men into two columns, directed them to assault 
it at opposite points, and, without firing, to depend entirely upon the 
jjayonet. The attempt, though extremely bold and hazardous, was 
executed with incredible courage. The assailants forced their way 
across a morass covered by the tide, and, though exposed to a galling 
fire of musketry and grape shot, they fearlessly went on, till they met 
in the middle of the fortress. They lost, it is true, ninety-eight men 
slain or wounded, and the general himself received a severe wound, 
whilst leading his column: still, their success was complete; five 
hundred and forty-three prisoners, fifteen pieces of cannon, the stan- 
dards, and a large amount of military stores, fell into the hands of 
the conquerors. This action was considered one of the most brilliant 
achievements of the war ; it merited high encomiums for Wayne and 
his troops, and Congress ordered a gold medal to be struck in honor 
of the victory. 

Not long before this event, and towards the close of the year 1777, 
the previous losses of the Americans in the north were most advan- 
tageously repaired. General Burgoyne had undertaken to effect a 
junction of the British troops from Canada with those stationed at 
New York, for the purpose of cutting off all communication between 
the northern and southern States. His march from (Quebec and 
upon the American territory was at first successful and rapid, though 
it cost him much labor to make the roads passable. The fierce bat- 
tles of Bennington and Stillwater checked this triumphant course, 
and he was still far from having accomplished his project, when de- 
sertions and scarcity of provisions increased his embarrassment. A 
speedy retreat towards the north might perhaps have delivered him 
from his perilous position ; but this last resource was also rendered 
impossible by the skilful efforts of General Gates to surround him. 
Burgoyne, thus deprived of all means of escape, opened at Saratoga 
a negotiation with the American general, and on the seventeenth of 
October surrendered the remnant of his troops, now reduced from 
twelve to six thousand, with the whole train of artillery and an im- 
mense quantity of military stores. 

The capture of Burgoyne's army was, especially in a moral point 



A. D. 1776-1783. WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 441 

f)f view and'as an encouragement, of vital importance to the Ameri- 
cans. Still, much remained to be done and suffered, before the war 
could be brought to a close. The chief theatre of hostihties was now 
transferred, as it were by common consent of the hostile parties, from 
the northern to the southern States. Here the cause of liberty seemed 
totally lost for a long time. The capture of Savannah, and the sub- 
sequent conquest of Georgia by the British in 1779; afterwards, their 
success in subduing Charleston and South Carolina, with a conside- 
rable loss of men and artillery on the part of the Americans, in 1780; 
finally, the signal defeat of General Gates by Lord Cornwallis at 
Camden, opening a free road to the invasion of North CaroHna and 
Virginia: such was, in the beginning of 1781, the discouraging and 
almost desperate situation of affairs throughout that extensive part 
of the American territory. In this extremity, the command of the 
republican forces just happened to devolve on two men endowed with 
that courag^ activity and perseverance which the emergency re- 
quired ; men of peculiar and fertile genius, who stimulated the spirits 
of the patriots, roused them to fresh exertions, and, by a series of 
gallant actions, not only checked the victorious career of the enemy, 
hut even prepared the way for the final triumph of American Inde- 
pendence. 

The first of these prominent personages was General Greene, justly 
surnamed, for his brilliant achievements, the liberator of the South. 
Being appointed to succeed Gates after the defeat of Camden, he 
entered the state of South Carolina with a dispirited and almost 
destitute army, and found the country in the possession of a mighty 
foe, intrenched in a long chain of well garrisoned and fortified 
posts. He successively broke through and captured them, and 
although several times defeated in the open field, he found so many 
resources in the energy of his character and the fertility of his genius 
that he was always formidable ; nor did he cease to harass his oppo- 
nents, until he had driven them from their different posts throughout 
the State into the fortifications of the capital. The victory of General 
Morgan at Cowpens opened, and the battle of Eutaw Springs won 
by Greene in person, closed this decisive campaign.* 

Nearly the same success was obtained in Virginia by Lafayette, 
who, with only three or four thousand men, many of whom were 

* As well in this as in other periods and theatres of the war, the officers 
and soldiers of the Maryland regiment highly distinguished themselves by 
their intrepid and gallant behavior. None fought more resolutely in the 
disastrous battles of Long Island and Camden ; and, could victory have been 
won, their courao;e would have achieved it on both occasions. See Mar- 
shall, Life of Washington, vol. i, pp. 346 — 347; — Wilson, History of th« 
American Revolution, pp. 160 and 306 ; — Frost, History of the United States^ 
pp. 200 and 27L 



442 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part Vli. 



Bew levies, had to defend the country against the superior numbers 
and the victorious veterans of Lord' Cornwallis now advancing, with 
full confidence, to the conquest of this important State. The French 
general, well taught in the scliool of Washington, so tempered his 
characteristic ardor with reflection and wariness, manoeuvred with so 
much prudence and skill, as to baffle the mighty efforts and frustrate 
the lofty designs of his opponent. Cornwallis, thus constantly disap- 
pointed, retired towards the coast with all his troops, and at length 
took a strong position at Yorktown and Gloucester Point, near the 
mouth of York river. Here the protracted struggle was to be finally 
decided. 

No sooner did Washington, who was now actively occupied in the 
vicinity of New York, receive an exact account of the state of things 
in Virginia, and of the destination of a powerful French armament 
for the Chesapeake, than he resolved to turn these advantages to the 
best account, by capturing the whole army of CornwcAis. This re- 
quired profound secrecy, a skilful combination of means and a mighty 
concentration of forces near Yorktown ; but the mind of the com- 
mander-in-chief was not unequal to the planning of all the parts of 
that complicated scheme, or to its successful execution. His first 
care was to conceal his real object from Sir Henry Clinton, who 
commanded the British army in New York ; and this was easily done 
by threatening a serious attack on that city. He then, with the French 
general Rochambeau, marched rapidly through New Jersey and Penn- 
sylvania, and crossing the Chesapeake on board of vessels prepared 
for the occasion, effected the reunion of his army with that com- 
manded by Lafayette on the Virginia side. The combined host 
amounted to nearly seventeen thousand men, twelve or thirteen thou- 
sand of whom were regulars, filled whh confidence, ardor, enthusiasm, 
and provided with all the materials necessary for a siege. Moreover, 
the French fleet, composed of about thirty ships of the line under the 
command of Count de Grasse, lay anchored at the mouth of York 
river and the entrance of the Chesapeake, so as to render the escape 
of Cornwallis impossible by sea, as his retreat was impracticable by 
land, in presence of the superior forces of the allies. 

After a council of war held on board the ship La Ville de Paris, 
the attack on the British was commenced from the land side, in the 
beginning of October, of the year 1781. On the tenth of the same 
month, the besiegers opened their batteries with such effect, that the 
enemy's cannon was silenced for a time, and the shells and red-hot 
balls, flying over the town, even reached the ships in the harbor. It 
was in vain that Cornwallis endeavored to retard the progress of the 
assailants by a vigorous sally, and shortly after to effect his escape by 
Gloucester Point during the night; both attempts failed, and no re- 



D. 1776—1783. 



WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 443 



source was left but unconditional and immediate surrender, which 
was made on the nineteenth of October: the whole British army, 
amounting to seven thousand men, yielded themselves as prisoners of 
war, and delivered to the victorious aUies their artillery, military 
chests, public stores, and the vessels in the harbor. 

The victory of Yorktown, which was soon followed by the re- 
covery of Savannah and Charleston, may be justly considered «s 
the virtual termination of the War of Independence. Hostilities, it 
is true, were still carried on betAveen the European powers with 
fierce animosity and unabated vigor; but the signal defeat of the 
French by Admiral Rodney in the West Indies, and the total failure 
of the Spaniards at the siege of Gibraltar (a. d. 1782), counterbal- 
ancing the partial success previously obtained by the two nations, 
^ught them to put an end to the contest. England too, notwith- 
standing her late triumphs, had no interest to continue it, since she 
had now lost all rational expectation of ever recovering her colonies. 
A negotiation was accordingly opened, and commissioners from the 
interested parties assembled at Paris (or rather Versailles), to settle 
the terms of a general peace. After long and animated debates, 
the definitive treaty was finally signed in September (a. d. 1783), by 
which, besides various advantages of minor importance granted to 
France and Spain, the Independence of the United States was so- 
lemnly and universally acknowledged. 

On the twenty-fifth of November following, the British army and 
fleet evacuated New York, their last remaining possession on th^ 
territory of the Unit-ed States. General Washington entered the 
city in triumph, and, after a short stay, took an affecting leave of 
his officers, and set out for the purpose of resigning his office of 
commander-in-chief into the hands of Congress, then in ses&ion at 
Annapolis in Maryland. Here, on the twenty-third of December, 
*'In the presence of the representatives of the States, and a large 
concourse of civil and military officers, foreign agents, and citizens, 
he delivered his commission with a simple and moving address, in 
which, after congratulating the country on the successful termination 
of the war, and recommending the officers and the army to the jus- 
tice of Congress, he concluded by bidding them an affectionate fare- 
well. The highest testimony of popular love and admiration fol- 
lowed him into his retirement; and his return to the domestic shades 
of Mount Vernon, accompanied by the blessings and plaudits of mil- 
lions whom he had guided to hberty and safety, was the closing 
scene of the war of the American Revolution" (Wilson, p. 372). 

With this interesting event we shall also close the seventh part of 
Modern History. As there is no peculiar remark to be made on the 
discoveries of- this period, their bare enumeration Avill find a more 
proper place at the end of the volume. 



PART vin. 



rBOM THE TREATY OF VERSAILLES, OR PARIS, IN WHICH THE INDS' 
PENDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES WAS SOLEMNLY AND UNIVER- 
SALLY ACKNOWLEDGED (A. D. 1783^, TO THE YEAR OF OUR LORD, 
1850. 



rORMATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION OF THE- 
UNITED STATES.— A. d. 1783—1789. 



WASHINGTON, FIRST PRESIDENT. 

It was not enough for the happiness of the United Colonies to 
have become free, independent and sovereign States; a mode of 
general government was moreover to be established among them- 
calculated at once to maintain their union, provide for their defence 
and ensure their prosperity. Experience had already taught, and 
for some years more continued to teach, that the existing loose con- 
federation which they had adopted during the war, could by no 
means effect these purposes. The great difficulties which occurred 
in disbanding the troops and satisfying their just demands, the want 
of pecuniary resources in Congress, the absence of a proper system 
and of uniform rules to carry on foreign commerce, and other simi- 
lar circumstances, were serious evils, threatening still worse conse- 
quences for the future, unless checked by a speedy and powerful 
remedy. 

Virginia and Maryland had the honor of taking the first efficient 
steps towards the desired and so much needed measure. Their en- 
deavors, upheld by the cooperation of several other States, induced 
Congress to pass a resolution that a committee of delegates, invested 
with ample powers, should assemble for the purpose of framing a 
Constitution adapted to the exigencies of the country. The proposed 
committee, composed of the ablest men in the Union, met at Philar 
delphia, in 1787, under the presidency of General Washington : 
after four months of discussion and labor, the important work was 
completed, and transmitted by Congr-ess to the several States for their 
consideration and acceptance. 



A. o. 1783-1789. FEDERAL CONSTITUTION^ ETC. 445 

By the Federal Constitution, the general government is made to 
consist of three distinct departments, the legislative, executive and 
iudicial. The legislative department consists of a Senate and House 
of Representatives, collectively called the Congress. The executive is 
composed of a president, who, together with the vice-president, is 
chosen for four years by electors from all the States, and of several 
subordinate officers appointed by the president. In fine, the judicial 
power is vested in a supreme court, and in such inferior courts as 
Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The attribu- 
tions of each power are defined and regulated; the principal article 
is that which authorizes Congress to declare war, raise and support 
armies, provide and maintain a navy, coin money, lay taxes, regulate 
commerce, and provide in general for the government, welfare and 
security of the nation. 

No sooner was the Constitution made known to the public, than 
it met with earnest opposition from those who thought that it vested 
too much power in the general government, to the detriment of the 
individual States, It Avas also very strongly supported by others; 
and hence arose the two opposite parties of the federalists and 
anti-federalists or democrats, which have divided the country ever 
since. 

Notwithstanding this contrariety and clashing of views, the Fede- 
ral Constitution was, after some amendments, sooner or later ad- 
mitted by all the States. The time being near at hand^ when the 
newly framed government was to be carried into operation, Washing- 
ton was unanimously chosen president; he was inaugurated on the 
thirtieth of April (a. d. 1789), and, being reelected after the lapse 
of four years, continued in office until 1797. His public conduct all 
that time, was marked by the same firmness and integrity which he 
had displayed at the head of armies. Although some of the mea- 
sures which he pursued did not meet with universal approbation, he 
however never lost the esteem and affection of the great body of 
the people, the general advantages of his administration being too 
evident and the purity of his motives too well known, to permit 
any change of the public opinion in his regard. Scarcely had he 
retired from office to the employments of a private life, when the 
votes of the nation again appointed him commander-in-chief of a 
provisional army, raised for the purpose of carrying on war against 
the leaders of the French revolutionary government. It fortunately 
happened that hostilities were confined to some private encounters 
at sea, as the disputes between the two powers were soon amicably 
adjusted; still, Washington did not see their termination, having 
died almost suddenly at Mount Vernon, on the fourteenth of Decem- 
ber, 1799, in the sixty-eighth year of his age. 
38 



446 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VIII 



There have been in the world, more powerful geniuses, mightier 
conquerors than Washington ; yet, if every thing be well considered, 
if we call to mind the scantiness of his means together with his 
undaunted and successful perseverance, few will be found who me- 
rited from their contemporaries as high encomiums as the American 
general did; still fewer who evinced as much magnanimity in the 
most distressing cases; and none perhaps who, placed in the same or 
in the like situation, ever equalled him in integrity, disinterestedness 
and patriotism. In this point of view, Washington seems to stand 
alone; in this chiefly must he appear to every one an extraordinary 
man ; a man truly deserving of being for ever called the Father of his 
country, truly worthy of the eternal gratitude of Americans, whose 
independence he secured by his military achievements, whose national 
strength he increased by his political wisdom, and whose prosperity 
he so successfully promoted by his unabated zeal, and the vast influ- 
ence of his moral character. 



FRENCH REVOLUTION— A. d. 1789—1795. 

While the newly founded republic of the United States was rapidly 
rising from embarrassment to wealth and greatness, one of the most 
ancient and powerful monarchies in Europe crumbled, as it were, 
in pieces, and disappeared for a time from the rank of civihzed 
nations. France, which had been so instrumental in assisting the 
Americans throughout their hardships and difficulties, was now 
plunged in an abyss of confusion and anarchy unprecedented in the 
annals of the world. The proximate cause of this frightful revolu- 
tion is generally supposed to have been the deranged state of the 
finances, as it could be remedied neither by the measures of a vacil- 
lating ministry, nor by the personal sacrifices of the virtuous king 
Louis XVI. To this may be added the desire of imitating the exam- 
ple of the United Colonies in their struggle for independence; a desire 
conceived and cherished by those who, expecting to derive profit from 
a change of government, little considered that the cause of America 
was widely different from that of France, and that, moreover, the 
same course which had, from a variety of circumstances, benefited 
one of these countries, might, on the contrary, produce the most 
pernicious effects on the other. 

But the chief, though remote cause of the French revolution, was 
that spirit of irreligion and infidelity which, from the regency of the 
duke of Orleans (1715 — 1723), had made such a deplorable progress 
in France. This fatal seed, transplanted from England and Holland 



A. D. 1789^1795. FRENCH REVOLUTION. 447 

to the soil of their neighbors, received there its full growth by the 
wicked exertions of such men as Voltaire, Diderot and others of the 
same stamp. During a weak administration, under several faithless 
ministers, the most violent attacks were directed with impunity against 
religion and all lawful authority, against the altar and the throne. 
The contagion rapidly spread from the capital to the provinces; and, 
although a multitude of excellent writers victoriously refuted the 
sophisms of incredulity concealed under an elegant style and the 
assumed name of philosophy, impious and infamous productions of 
every description continued to go forth and destroy, in the minds of 
their incautious readers, the germ of piety, of respect for the laws, 
and of every virtue. 

This anti-christian conspiracy was carried on particularly during 
the latter part of the eighteenth century. Upheld by human pride 
and passions, it received an additional strength from its union with 
the Janseniste, a body of sectarians equally hostile to Church and 
State, who had now existed iti Prance for upwards of a hundred 
years. Lastly, the evil was rendered in some measure desperate by 
the expulsion of the Jesuits, that society of men so learned, so zealous, 
so eminently useful in defending religion, promoting piety, and train- 
ing up youth in all good, moral and social principles. 

Thus, throughout a nation hitherto so universally attached to her 
faith as well as to her sovereigns, numbers of persons permitted 
themselves to be seduced into a variety of impious systems, and an 
unbounded desire of pernicious innovations. This was unfortunately 
the spirit which animated most of those who composed, in 1789, the 
famous assembly of the States-general, convened at Versailles for the 
purpose of finding out means and adopting measures conducive to 
the improvement of the finances. Their first step, at the opening of 
the session, was to oppose the excellent views of King Louis XVI; 
and this was soon followed by the still bolder attempt of framing a 
new constitution for France, 

The immediate effects of this illegal enactment were, the equally 
illegal seizure of ecclesiastical property, the tender to the clergy of an 
oath wholly incompatible with the principles of jurisdiction established 
by Christ in his Church, and finally edicts of persecution against 
those who would refuse to sacrifice their conscience for temporal 
considerations. Of one hundred and thirty-five bishops, only four 
took the unlawful oath; and but a comparatively small number of 
the inferior clergy imitated their example, myriads of others prefer- 
ring to lose every thing upon earth rather than betray their duty. 
Most of those who remained thus faithful, were forced to quit the 
kingdom, and fly for refuge to Italy, Spain, Switzerland, Germany, 
vr even to cross the seas, in order to reach the hospitable shores of 



418 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VIll 



England, Ireland or North America; while others, who stayed in 
France, were daily exposed to imprisonment and death. 

By the leaders of the revolution, the nobility were not better treated 
than the bishops and priests. An immense number of persons, 
from the most distinguished classes of society, emigrated to a foreign 
land, for the double purpose of avoiding the evils which threatened 
them, and of returning with a regular force to chastise the oppressors 
of their unhappy country. But the storm had already burst with too 
much violence. After removing the supports of the throne, v/hom 
they called the abettors of tyranny, the real tyrants of France, under 
the successive names of national, constituent^ legislative assembly, and 
of national convention, exerted their utmost endeavors first in de- 
grading, and afterwards in demolishing the throne itself. They skil- 
fully took advantage of the excessive condescension of Louis, gradu- 
ally to limit his privileges, and of his reluctance in shedding any blood 
in his defence, to oblige him, by the repeated and atrocious attacks of 
an infuriated populace, to surrender himself and his family into 
their hands. 

This event sealed the fate of the unfortunate monarch. The tigers 
who thirsted for his blood, Marat, Danton, Robespierre, and others 
of their party, now the most powerful in the capital, lost no time in 
procuring his condemnation. It was in vain that Louis, brought 
before that iniquitous tribunal, easily refuted their absurd charges; 
in vain too, that eloquent advocates powerfully vindicated his inno- 
cence : the death of the virtuous king was desired ; capital punishment 
.was decreed; and he met his fate on the twenty-first of January 
(a. d. 1793), with the magnanimity of a Christian prince and the 
piety of a martyr.* In the ensuing October, his royal consort, Marie 
Antoinette, and in May 1794, his angelic sister, Elizabeth, were also 
led to execution. One year later, the young dauphin, Louis XVII, 
died in prison of a disease contracted from close confinement, and 
from the barbarous treatment inflicted on him by the monsters who 
regarded neither rank nor virtue, neither sex nor age. Of all the 
members of that unfortunate family whom the revolutionary storm 
had placed within their reach, the daughter of Louis XVI, after- 
wards Duchess of Angouleme, was the only one that they did not 
think proper to sacrifice to their'frantic fury. 

* Every one knows the perfect resignation of Louis XVI to his fate ; the 
noble tranquillity of his soul, marked by that profound sleep from which 
his valet- de-chambre was obhged to wake him a few hours before the exe- 
cution; the pure feelings of heavenly charity expressed in his last will; the 
glowing fervor with which he received the last succors of religion ; and 
those sublime words which his confessor (Abb6 Firmont Edge worth) 
addressed to him at the foot of the scaifold : " Son of Saint Louis, ascend to 
heaven!" 



A. D. 1789-1795. FRENCH REVOLUTION. 449 

Massacres of priests and other innocent persons had been already 
committed in various quarters of Paris, even before the king's execu- 
tion; his death seemed to be a signal for fresh and more extensive 
slaughters. The levelling fury of Robespierre and his accomplices 
now rapidly reached from the capital to the boundaries of the king- 
dom. A dark veil of terror and death covered all France; scaffolds 
were erected in various provinces and in almost every populous city; 
new torments were invented against the defenders of religion and 
monarchy; and, from the year 1792 to 1794, blood continued to flow 
m every part of this unhappy country. Nor was this enough for the 
madness and impiety of the demagogues now in possession of the 
sovereign power in France; whatever appertained to the divine wor- 
ship, became the peculiar object of their hatred; sacred things and 
places were either desecrated or destroyed; Sundays and festivals 
abolished ; every mark of Christianity was obliterated ; and instead of 
the hallowed rites and ceremonies of the Church was substituted the 
infamous worship of the goddess Reason. 

Such a state of things could not fail to excite feelings of horror in 
the breasts of those who had not lost all sense of humanity and 
religion. Whilst a kind of stupor oppressed all ranks; whilst mil- 
lions, either destitute of sufficient energy or deprived of adequate 
means of resistance, silently wept over the awful scenes of impiety 
and bloodshed by which they were surrounded : several great cities, 
Lyons, Toulon, etc., made distinguished efforts to resist the oppres- 
sors of France, but in vain. The vigor of the national Convention, 
and the bravery of her armies easily baffled these ill-concerted, though 
generous exertions, and the result served only to expose their authors 
to the increased fury of the revolutionary tempest. 

The conflict between the abettors and the opponents of anarchy 
was still more remarkable in the western provinces of the kingdom, 
particularly in Vendee, whose religious and brave inhabitants had 
unanimously risen up in arms for the support of the ancient faith 
and government. The astonishing exploits of these heroic country- 
men more than on ee caused the reigning impiety to tremble; unfor- 
tunately, incidents and obstacles beyond their control impeded their 
progress. Their native land was devoted to all the atrocities of re- 
venge; the Vendeans fell before an enraged and constantly increasing 
foe; but it was only after having fought seventeen pitched battles, 
mostly with success, and destroyed or dispersed nearly three hundred 
thousand of the best republican troops. 

In another and more distant quarter, the French emigrants were 

not idle. Having formed themselves into a regular and gallant force 

under the command of the prince of Conde, they also evinced in 

various engagements that brilliant valor which always distinguished 

$&* 



450 MODERN HISTORY. Part VIII. 

the French nobility; but their efforts, not being sufficiently seconded 
by the foreign powers, proved equally unsuccessful. The Austrians 
and Prussians, who had first made a rapid advance and gained great 
advantages over the republicans, suddenly abandoned their enterprise, 
and, being defeated by General Dumouripz at Valmy and Jemmapes 
towards the close of 1792, evacuated the French territory. 

The war however was not ended, but soon recommenced with still 
greater animosity than before, when the confederacy against France, 
iirst set up by the Austrians and Prussians who, just at that time, 
received a vast increase of power and territory from the dismember- 
ment of Poland, was joined by Holland, England, Spain, and after- 
wards by Russia, which last country the genius of the Empress Ca- 
therine II, and her recent victories over the Poles and the Turks, had 
now rendered most powerful. At the sight of this mighty coalition 
against the newly founded republic, one might naturally have antici- 
pated her speedy downfall, and it is true that her armies occasionally 
experienced severe checks and defeats : still, hers generally were the 
honors and the advantages of the field; almost every where, her 
troops, guided by able generals, won the laurels of victory, and would 
have thrown imperishable glory round the French name, had they 
fought for a better cause. 

Thus, after the defeat of Dumouriez at Nerwinde in 1793, Hoche 
and Pichegru succeeded in driving the allies beyond the Rhine. Jour- 
dan overthrew another of their armies near Fleurus, after an obsti- 
nate and protracted engagement, during which he skilfully made use 
of balloons to discover all the movements of the enemy (a. d. 1794). 
Belgium, Holland, and all the left side of the Rhine, being no longer 
protected by a suflEicient number of troops, fell under the power of 
the victors. Such was, in 1795, the situation of affairs, when a still 
greater man appeared at the head of the Republican armies, who 
carried the military glory of France to the highest pitch, and, by a 
long series of military achievements, cast all preceding adventurers in 
the shade. 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, GENERAL AND CONSUL. 
A. D. 1796—1804. 



Napoleon Bonaparte was born at Ajaccio in Corsica, some say, 
in 1768, but, according to other accounts and his own opinion, on 
the fifteenth of August, 1769. Having gone successfully through a 
course of studies in the military school of Brienne, he was appointed 
an officer in a corps of artillery, and when the French revolution 



A. D. 17fi5— 1804. 



NAPOLEON-^ ETC. 451 



broke out, warmly espoused and defended its cause. He signalized 
hirasplf, in 1793, at the siege of Toulon, whose capture by the repub- 
licans was owing- chiefly to his exertions j and still more so in 1795, 
when he rendered the national Convention, at the close of its career, 
victorious over the Parisian populace. For these services rendered 
to the republic, Bonaparte demanded as a reward, and obtained from 
the Directory which succeeded the Convention, the chief command 
of the army in Italy (a. d. 1796). 

In his very first campaign, he appeared a consummate general. 
Finding the troops in a state of great destitution and despondency, he 
first endeavored to animate their courage, and succeeded in infusing 
his own ardor into their breasts, by pointing out to them the fertile 
plains of Piedmont as the remuneration of their valor. He then 
opened that briUiant campaign, in which a bold natural genius, im- 
proved by a profound study of all the parts of warfare, enabled him to 
fight with astonishing success against the most experienced generals 
of the age. His peculiar mode of attacking consisted in precision of 
movement, concentration of forces and formidable charges upon a 
determinate point. Having, from the beginning, cut oflf all commu- 
nication between the Austrian and Sardinian troops, he gained, in a 
few weeks, the victories of Montenotte, Millesimo, Mondovi and 
Lodi, conquered Lombardy, and laid siege to Mantua, the strongest 
bulwark of Italy in that quarter. 

The court of Vienna, sensible of the vast importance of that place, 
despatched numerous troops under able generals to its assistance; 
but their efforts were of no avail. One of the Austrian armies, led 
by the intrepid Wurmser, was signally defeated at Castiglione and 
Bassano; another, under the command of Alvinzi, was, after an 
obstinate conflict, driven from its formidable position at Areola; and 
another, in fine, experienced a complete overthrow in the decisive 
battle of Rivoli. Throughout that series of bloody engagements, 
Bonaparte gave numerous instances of both tactical ability and per- 
sonal valor. He soon reaped the fruit of his exertions; Mantua, re- 
duced to the last extremity, was obliged to surrender, and the French 
saw themselves undisputed masters of all northern Italy (a. d. 1797). 
The treaty of Campo Formio, concluded in the same year with Aus- 
tria, secured this brilliant success; whilst, in virtue of other agree- 
ments, an end was put to the independence of the Venetian republic, 
and enormous contributions were levied on other Italian States in 
behalf of the conquerors. 

Bonaparte now thought of undertaking a grand expedition into the 
East, where he would be placed beyond the reach of any superior 
command, and enabled to destroy the British power in India. The 
French Directory, who began to dread his influence in the govern- 



[52 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VIII. 



raent, and were glad to get rid of him in an honorable manner^ wil- 
lingly gave their consent to the projected expedition. Four hundred 
transports and thirteen ships of the line were assembled in the port 
of Toulon to convey to Egypt forty thousand warriors, together with 
a great number of learned men, and all the materials requisite for the 
conquest, the exploration and the colonization of that distant country. 

This powerful armament sailed on the twentieth of May (a. d. 
1798), and, after taking easy possession of Malta through the treach- 
ery or pusillanimity of some knights, safely reached the Egyptian 
shores. The troops were landed, and began the work of conquest by 
the capture of Alexandria. 

Their subsequent victory over the Mamelukes in the celebrated 
battle of the Pyramids, rendered them masters of Cairo and Lower 
Egypt. But the fleet, under admiral Brueys, was almost entirely 
destroyed in the bay of Aboukir by the English admiral Nelson; and 
the land troops themselves were foiled in their attempt upon Acre in 
Palestine. Moreover, their numbers were daily thinned by distemper 
or excessive fatigue: and though they performed yet prodigies of 
valor; though they enlarged their conquests, and gained two other 
signal victories, the one under Bonaparte, and the other under Kle- 
ber, his successor in command, they were at length unable to cope 
successfully with the combined forces of the English and Turks. A 
capitulation followed, in virtue of which they were not only allowed 
to return, but even afforded the means of returning to their native 
country. 

Their departure from Egypt had been preceded by that of Bona- 
parte, whom the course of events in France had recalled to Paris. 
Seeing that his arrival there was greeted with general congratulation 
and rejoicing, he skilfully availed himself of these favorable disposi- 
tions, to overturn the unpopular government of the Directory; and, 
causing a new form of government to be adopted, he was appointed 
its head and sovereign leader under the title of first consul (a. r. 
1799). 

During his absence, Italy had been the theatre of surprising revo- 
lutions. The French republicans, not satisfied with their late con- 
quests, had further indulged their ambition by« invading the Ecclesi- 
astical State, taking possession of Rome, and dragging into exile the 
unoffending and venerable Pope Pius VI, who soon after died at 
Valence in France, at the age of eighty-two years. The kings of 
Naples and Sardinia were likewise driven from their continental do- 
minions ; and the whole peninsula now appeared prostrate at the 
feet of the French ; when suddenly, at the northern frontier, the hero 
of Russia, Suwarrow, made his appearance with an Austro-Russian 
army proud of fighting under such a leader, the irresistible foe of the 



A. D. 1796-1804. JVAPGLEON^ ETC. 453 

Turks and the Poles. One campaign of this great man was suffi- 
cient to wrest from the French those fair Italian provinces, which 
they had acquired with so much labor and loss of life. General 
Moreau, who had previously won many laurels on the field of battle, 
and who now commanded an army of twenty-five thousand men, 
was forced in his intrenchments at Cassano^ — Macdonald lost twenty 
thousand of his soldiers in a very disputed battle near the river Tre- 
bia; — and the entire defeat of another French army at Novi, after 
twelve hours of an obstinate and bloody conflict, gave a death blow 
to their preponderance in Italy. But the superiority of the Russians 
was of short duration: it seemed as if Suwarrow had come for no 
other purpose than to facilitate the election of a new pontiff: no 
sooner had he prepared the way for it by compelUng the revolution- 
ary troops to evacuate Italy, than, finding himself ill-seconded by the 
Austrians, he was obliged to retreat across the Alps before the supe- 
rior force of General Massena; and it was only with the greatest 
difficulty and by incredible exertions of courage that he succeeded in 
extricating the sad remnant of his once flourishing and victorious army. 

The road into the peninsula being thus again opened to the French, 
Bonaparte did not fail to seize the favorable occasion for the recovery 
of his former conquests. Treading in the bold steps of Annibal, he 
fearlessly crossed with his army the most dangerous steeps of the 
Alps, and in a few weeks reached Marengo, where the Austrians 
under General Melas occupied a strong position. Here, on the four* 
teenth of June, 1800, a most obstinate and fierce battle was fought, 
which lasted from morning till night. Nearly the whole day, the 
French were on the point of being entirely defeated; but the timely 
arrival of General Dessaix with his division of fresh troops enabled 
them at length to gain a signal and decisive victory, which made them 
once more masters of northern Italy. 

The success of their arms, about this time, was not less brilliant in 
Holland, where General Brune obliged the Anglo-Russian army to 
retire and to evacuate the country ; and in Germany, where Moreau 
had resumed his former course of conquests. During the whole of 
this campaign (a. d. 1800), that distinguished general performed ex- 
ploits at least equal to those of Bonaparte himself. The important 
victories of Hochstadt and Hohenlinden led him almost to the gates 
of Vienna; and the Austrian court, destitute of further resources, 
was obliged to conclude the disadvantageous peace of Luneville, 
which ceded the whole left bank of the Rhine to the French repub^ 
lie. Prussia, Russia and Spain had already laid down their arms, so 
that England was left alone to continue the struggle. Her navy, i\ 
is true, constantly retained the empire of the seas, capturing the re- 
maining squadrons and colonies of the French, driving them from 



454 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part VIII. 



the island of Malta, and severely harassing, near Copenhagen, the 
fleet of Denmark, which government had become favorable to the 
interests of France. Still, as these actions, brilliant though they 
were, did not strike at the continental superiority of Bonaparte, the 
continuation of the war seemed to be without an object. Negotia- 
tions were opened, and the two parties agreeing to restore f.everal of 
their conquests, the definitive treaty was signed at Amiens, on the 
twenty-seventh of March, 1802, to the great joy of both the French 
and English. 

Bonaparte spent the short interval which elapsed between the ces- 
sation and the renewal of hostilities, in performing several acts of a 
vigorous and generally very useful administration. In compliance 
with a concordate agreed upon between him and Pope Pius VII^ he 
reestablished religious worship in France; reorganized the public 
instruction; published a civil code; afforded great facilities to com- 
merce, and greatly embellished Paris with new buildings and monu- 
ments. But he, at the same time, impaired much his reputation by the 
rigor with which he prosecuted as guilty of treason the two illustri- 
ous commanders Moreau and Pichegru, one of whom was sent into 
exile, and the other was found dead in his prison before the conclu- 
sion of the trial. Still more odious was the juridical assassination 
of the Duke d'Enghien, a young and hopeful prince of the Bourbon 
family, who, contrary to all right, was arrested upon a foreign terri- 
tory, hurried to Paris, and, after a mock trial, shot during the night 
in the ditch of the castle of Vincennes. In fine, the measure 
adopted by the French government to crush entirely the insurrection, 
which had now lasted twelve years, of the blacks against the whites 
of San-Domingo, proved likewise the more prejudicial to the first 
consul's glory, as it was, if not perfidious, at least ungenerous and 
imprudent. The chief leader of the insurgents being, notwithstand- 
ing his previous submission, arrested and sent a captive to France, 
the exasperated blacks completed with fire and sword the destruction 
of the French colony, and on its bloody ruins began to erect the new 
republic of Hayti. 

During all these transactions, Bonaparte was mainly intent on es- 
tablishing his power on a firmer basis. After causing himself to be 
named consul for life, with liberty to appoint his successor, he finally 
resolved to assume the sceptre. Addresses were made by the civil 
and military bodies, ofiering him the imperial dignity, which he con- 
descended to accept. He was crowned emperor of the French, in 
December 1804, by the pope himself, who, wishing to avoid the 
fatal consequences of a refusal, went to Paris for that purpose. 
Spain, Prussia and all the other European powers, except England, 
acknowledged Napoleon in this new title, to which he soon added the 



A. D. 1805-1815. NAPOLEON^ EMPEROR. 455 

appellation of king of Italy; while the successor of Maria Theresa 
and of Charles V, Francis 11, clianged also his title of emperor of 
Germany, into that of emperor of Austria. 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, EMPEROR.— a. d. 1805—1815. 

Since the treaty of Amiens, the two rival cabinets of France and 
England had frequently expostulated with each other, either concern- 
ing the execution of the stipulated articles, or about other more or less 
important matters. Napoleon was particularly offended at the delay 
of Great Britain in evacuating the island of Malta; the English, on 
their side, thought they had equal reason to complain of Napoleon's 
ambitious views and continual increase of power on the continent. 
War, therefore, was again declared; and for several years the world 
beheld the singular spectacle of the equally extraordinary success of 
the French on land, and of the English at sea. 

It had been, for a long time, the earnest wish of Napoleon, to ob- 
tain at least a temporary superiority by sea in order to effect a descent 
upon England, and it was now one of the chief objects of his policy 
to secure the cooperation of Spain. He succeeded so far in his pro- 
jects, as to assemble thirty-three ships of the line and seven frigates, 
under the command of Admirals Villeneuve and Gravina. The 
combined fleets sailed from Cadiz on the nineteenth of October (a. d. 
1805), and on the twenty-first of the same month, met, off Cape 
Trafalgar, the British fleet commanded by Nelson. The English ad- 
miral had no more than twenty-seven sail of the line and four fri- 
gates; his inferiority in number of men was still more considerable; 
but it was amply compensated by their superior skill and experience, 
and by his own unrivalled talents. 

As Nelson was desirous of battle, and Villeneuve unwilling to 
avoid it, the hostile fleets were soon engaged. The battle raged du- 
ring nearly four hours with the greatest fierceness, the ships of the 
two parties lying quite close to each other, and maintaining their 
fire at the very muzzles of the cannon ; yet, the superiority of the 
British seamen was soon made manifest: nineteen of the enemy's 
vessels were captured with Admiral Villeneuve, and seven others 
were rendered unserviceable. This was a signal and important vic- 
itory, as the combined fleet of the French and Spaniards was almost 
totally destroyed ; but it was a victory too dearly bought : for, besides 
a considerable loss of men on the part of the conquerors themselves. 
Nelson received a musket ball in the breast, and died two hours after 
the termination of the battle. His remains were honored with a 



456 MODERN HISTORY. 



PartVIII. 



magnificent public fiiiitral, a just token of gratitude for the eminent 
services which he had rendered to his country. 

Whilst the naval forces of France and Spain were annihilated by 
the great man, who thus died, like Epaminondas, in the moment of 
victory. Napoleon, after vainly threatening England with an inva- 
sion, made a decisive campaign against the Austro-Russians, her 
allies. Having, by a rapid advance, transported his troops into the 
heart of the enemy's country, he obliged the Austrian general Mack, 
at Ulm, to surrender with thirty or Ibrty thousand men. Shordy 
after, he entered Vienna, and, pressing forward, soon overtook the 
army of the confederates, whom he attacked with all his forces near 
the village of Austerlitz. In this memorable action, which the sol- 
diers called the battle of the three emperors, the superior genius -and 
masterly movements of Napoleon gave him one of the most brilliant 
victories that the annals of war can present. It was with the greatest 
difficulty, that, rallying the remains of their routed armies, the two 
allied sovereigns ejffected their retreat. The Russian monarch re- 
tired towards his own dominions, and Francis of Austria was obliged 
to sign the treaty of Presburg, by which he lost more than twenty 
thousand square miles of territory, and two miUions and a half of 
his subjects (a. d. 1805). 

The conqueror resolved, in the ensuing year, to chastise the king of 
Prussia, who, both before and after the overthrow of the allies at 
Austerlitz, manifested hostile intentions against France. The batde 
of Jena (October, 1806), in which the Prussians lost fifty thousand 
men slain or taken prisoners, sufficed to place Berlin, their capital 
city, and nearly their whole kingdom at the mercy of the French. 
Bonaparte then marched a second time against the Russians, and, 
after the bloody and well contested battle of Eylau, entirely defeated 
them at Friedland (June, 1807). This series of victories led to the 
treaty of Tilsit, by which the king of Prussia yielded a great part of 
his dominions to the victors; and both he and the emperor of Rus- 
sia promised to support the favorite scheme of Napoleon, which aimed 
at closing the European ports against the vessels of Great Britain, 
and was on that account named the continental system. 

About this time also, Bonaparte formed the confederation of the 
Rhine, or a coalition of German princes favorable to his interests; 
and he raised the duchies of Bavaria, Wurtemberg and Saxony to 
the rank of kingdoms, as a reward for the services which their sove- 
reigns had, in quality of allies, rendered to the French during the laiit 
expeditions. In order to prevent the Danes from imitating their 
example, the British government compelled them to surrender their 
whole fleet, consisting of sixteen ships of the line and fifteen frigates, 
which were all conveyed to England. This haughty proceeding did 



p 

>!. D. 1805-1815. NAPOLEON^ EMPEROR. 457 

(ittle honor to the character of Great Britain, and, even in i poUticaJ 
point of view, was perhaps more unfavorable than really advantageous 
to her cause, as it provoked against her the indignation and resent- 
ment of her most powerful ally, the emperor of Russia. 

War had scarcely ceased in otie country, when it commenced in 
another. The Austrians, desirous to retrieve their recent losses, 
determined to oppose Napoleon again in the field. They made, for 
that purpose, truly gigantic exertions, raising their armies to the 
extraordinary number of five hundred and fifty thousand menj still, 
in spite of their unyielding courage and of the abilities of their chief 
commander. Archduke Charles, this new struggle proved fully aa 
disastrous to their arms as any preceding conflict. The French 
poured with their usual rapidity upon the German provinces, gained 
four victories within five days, and took Vienna for the second time. 
Their subsequent repulse at Esling cost them, it is true, thirty thou- 
sand brave soldiers with the intrepid Marshal Lannes, and exposed 
ihem to a complete overthrow ; but the Austrian prince, though pos- 
i sessed of remarkable talents, was not so capable of improving his 
advantage, as his enemy was of remedying his disaster. By prodi- 
gious exertions of energy, activity and skill, Napoleon soon found 
himself in readiness to renew the attack, and, on the sixth of July, 
the dreadful battle of Wagram was fought, in which it is supposed 
that three hundred thousand men were engaged, and which terminated 
. in the entire defeat of the Austrians. Their sovereign was compelled 
joncemoreto sue for peace, nor could he obtain it but by making 
i new concessions of a large extent of territory, and giving his daughter 
Maria Louisa in "marriage to the victorious emperor (a. d. 1809). 

Napoleon had now reached the summit of power and glory. Hav- 
ing reared the edifice of his greatness by continual and almost unex- 
ampled success in war; supported in that high statipn by formidable 
armies, excellent generals, and the superiority of his talents; enjoying 
:the satisfaction of having placed his brothers, Louis, Jerome, Joseph, 
and his brother-in-law, Murat, upon the thrones of Holland, West-.- 
iphalia, Spain and Naples; his royal and imperial authority seemed to 
irest on the strongest basis that could be desired. Yet, this powerful 
iconqueror, this mighty sovereign, was destined to experience the 
i utmost severity of fortune, and that too, in a manner so much the 
more striking, as he began, just at the time of his splendid expedition 
of Wagram, to dig with his own hands the precipice into which he 
was soon to fall from his elevated station. 

, Elated with prosperity, and anxious to bring every thing under hie 
fcontrol. Napoleon solicited' the pope to close his harbors against Bri- 
i tish commerce, and become a party to the war against England an4 
[Austria. This, Pius VJI positively and copstaptly refuse4; bejngj h» 

[ m 



458 MODERN HISTORY. Part VIII. 

answered, the Fattier of all Christian nations, he could not, consis- 
tently with that character, become the enemy of any one. The em- 
peror was highly incensed at this courageous refusal, and, in order to 
gratify his ambition, determined on following a more audacious course. 
By a decree dated at Vienna, the seventeenth of May, 1809, he 
declared the Ecclesiastical State annexed to his empire; and, as this 
unwarrantable proceeding was instantly punished by excommunica- 
rion, the French troops who had already taken possession of Rome, 
received an order to send the excellent pontiff into captivity and exile. 
This outrageous act filled up the measure of Napoleon's blindness 
and ingratitude, and, by provoking alike the justice of God and the 
indignation of all sensible men, was undoubtedly the chief among 
the remote causes of his subsequent downfall. 

Equally ungrateful towards the Spaniards, his most faithful allies, 
Bonaparte invaded their country as well as Portugal, and, after hav 
ing, partly by intrigues, and partly by compulsion, obtained the abdi 
cation of King Charles IV and of his son Ferdinand, he placed his 
own brother Joseph upon the Spanish throne. The whole kingdom 
was overrun, and nearly all its fortified places were surprised or con- 
quered by different bodies of the French troops under the command 
of Murat, Ney, Massena, Suchet, Soult, Marmont, etc., and some- 
times of Napoleon himself. These able commanders, well provided 
with all things necessary for a vigorous warfare, and almost con- 
stantly receiving strong reinforcements, gained easy victories over the 
brave, but astounded and now inexperienced Spaniards. Still, the 
conquerors did not make such rapid progress without suffering great 
losses, and occasionally meeting with very serious disasters. Seven- 
teen thousand of their troops were obliged to surrender at Baylen to 
General Castanos ; their subsequent success at Saragossa, so nobly 
defended during «two months by the heroic Palafox, cost them an 
immense multitude of their bravest warriors, and they completely 
failed in the siege of Cadiz. Moreover, in the midst of a magnani- 
mous people, persons of all classes, of every age and condition, 
became soldiers for the defence of their liberties and country. Swarms 
of guerillas or partisans continually harassed the march of the French 
armies, attacking their separate detachments, intercepting the con- 
voys, and cutting off the stragglers. The territory was occupied, 
but the nation was not subdued; and Spain seemed to have become 
a vast and profound abyss destined to swallow up the numberless 
troops of Napoleon, in proportion as they made their appearance. 

Next to this unanimous effort of the Spanish population, nothing 
contributed more powerfully to rid the country of its invaders, than 
the efforts of the celebrated Arthur Wellesley, afterwards Duke of 
Wellington, This great man first signalized himself at the head 



A. ». 1885-1815. NAPOLEON^ EMPEROR. 459 

of the troops sent from England to the relief of the Peninsula. Being, 
after many exploits^ appointed commander-in-chief of the Portuguese 
and Spanish, as he was already of the British forces, he was enabled 
to display his talent with greater advantage, and vigorously to pursue 
his former success. Several times he had been compelled to retreat 
before the overwhelming numbers of the enemy, but he repeatedly 
regained the ground that had been lost, and after defeating the French 
at Talavera in 1809, at Busaco in 1810, and at Salamanca in 1812, 
he finally drove the-m from Spain by the signal victory of Vittoria 
(a. n. 1813). 

Precisely at this time^ northern and central Europe, uniting in one 
general league against Bonaparte, for ever shook off the y^ke of his 
ambition. A little before, in 1812, having declared a new war 

I against the Russians, under the plea that they favored British 
commerce, he marched into their country with an army of nearly 
five hundred thousand men, French and allies, perfectly equipped 
and well disciplined. In the presence of such a host, the most for- 

I midable, it may be said, that the world ever beheld, th« enemy, far 
inferior in numbers, wisely adopted the plan of acting in the defen- 
sive, and making a stand only in favorable positions. In its retreat, 
the Russian army laid waste all the country through which the 
invaders had to pass, and burnt the towns in which they might have 
found a shelter. Even Moscow, the ancient capital of Russia, which 
the French at last reached after the bloody victories of Smolensk and 
Moscowa, was nobly sacrificed to save the empire; during the very 
first night after their arrival, the city was simultaneously fired in 
several parts, and in a short time reduced to a heap of ruins. 

Thus deprived of winter quarters and of necessary provisions, in 

■i the midst of an exasperated enemy who had now collected his forces. 
Napoleon, after in vain offering peace to the emperor Alexander 
commenced a retreat on the nineteenth of October. He had not pro- 
ceeded far, when famine began to rage among his wearied troops ; 
the Russian army, hovering around them, incessantly harassed and 

'. obstructed their march, especially at the crossing of rivers ; winter set 

J in with unusual rigor; and the mortality arising from these various 
causes became so dreadful, that, when the campaign closed (on the 
thirteenth of December), it was found that upwards of two hundred 
and fifty thousand men had perished, besides nearly two hundred 
thousand made prisoners. 

Thus ended the memorable Russian expedition, the first of Napo- 

I leon's undertakings in which he was completely defeated, and one too 
the further consequences of which were for him of the most disastrous 

i character. Prussia and Sweden now joined the Russians against the 

^! French emperor, and Austria with Bavaria soon imitated their exam- 



460 MOBERN HISTORY Pan vrii. 

pie. Bonaparte, however, was not yet disposed to descend from his 
high pretensions, and having, by astonishing exertions, recruited his 
army to the amount of about two hundred and eighty thousand men, 
he fearlessly encountered his still more numerous foes in the eventful 
campaign of Saxony (a. d. 1813). Such was even now the display 
of his mihtary abilities and the courage of his troops, that he routed 
the allies at Lutzen, Bautzen and Dresden with great slaughter, yet 
without any permanent advantage. Their numbers always appeared 
the same, and seemed rather to be daily increasing. They attacked 
him again under the walls of Leipsic with three hundred thousand 
troops and nine hundred field pieces, whilst he could not concentrate 
en that point more than one hundred and seventy thousand men with 
seven hundred pieces of artillery. The conflict was one of the most 
awful during that tremendous war, and such as language cannot 
describe. During three days, the French maintained their position 
with undaunted courage, having, it is said, shot from their cannons 
the enormous number of two hundred and fifty thousand balls ; but, 
on the third day, being abandoned by the Saxons their allies, and 
overpowered by numbers, they were finally compelled to quit the 
field, with the dreadful loss of forty thousand men, besides a vast 
multitude of prisoners taken during the pursuit. Still, the van- 
quished preserved their usual intrepidity, which they displayed at 
Hanau, by defeating the Bavarians who had presumed to intercept 
their retreat. A. free passage was thus opened for them to the French 
frontier; but their conquests in Germany were lost for ever. 

Napoleon was now deserted by all his allies, and obliged to with- 
stand alone the efforts of the European league formed against him. 
The beginning of the year 1814 beheld half a milhon of men, Aus- 
trians, Russians, Prussians, etc., under their respective sovereigns, 
rush from all directions upon the French territory. They had pre- 
viously issued a manifesto declaring their intention both to maintain 
France in all her rights as a nation, and to crush the mihtary system 
of her ambitious ruler ; a two-fold object which their moderation and 
their decisive measures soon enabled them to attain. It was to no 
effect that Napoleon, by new prodigies of activity and courage, de- 
feated the allies at Brienne, Montereau, Champaubert and Montmi- 
rail. Having made a better disposition of their forces, they at length 
moved towards Paris, and arrived near that capital before the French 
emperor, who was engaged elsewhere, could come to its relief. 

■ After a vigorous, though short and hopeless resistance from the 
heights of Montmartre, terms of capitulation were signed ; and, on 
the thirty-first of March, the allied sovereigns, with fifty thousand 
chosen troops, made their solemn entry into Paris, amidst the general 
and continued plaudits of the inhabitants, who received them more 



A. D. 1805-1815. NAPOLEON^ EMPEROR. 461 

as deliverers than as conquerors. A provisional government was 
formed, and a decree passed by the Senate, declaring that Napoleon 
Bonaparte had forfeited the throne. It was also decided that the Bour- 
bon dynasty should be restored, France, in the mean while, being 
allowed by the generosity of the allies not only to retain her ancient 
limits, but even to receive some augmentation of territory and recover 
her colonies. As to the fallen emperor, the island of Elba, in the 
Mediterranean, was allotted to be possessed by him in full sovereignty, 
with an annual revenue of six millions of francs. 

The allied monarchs soon left Paris, where Louis XVIII, the brother 
of Louis XVI, arrived on the third of May, 1814, to take possession 
of his throne. The pope, after five years captivity, had returned to 
Rome; Bonaparte had also departed for his new residence; and 
Europe, after so many and so dreadful agitations, began to enjoy a 
long desired and much needed repose, when the storm again burst 
upon it with renewed fury. The unexpected news arrived, that the 
dethroned emperor had escaped from his island and landed on the 
shores of Provence with an escort of nine hundred men. In fact, he 
was already on his way to Paris; the troops joined him from all 
quarters, and, on the twentieth of March, 1815, he triumphantly en- 
tered the capital, which Louis XVIII had left but a few hours before, 
in order to reach the northern frontier. 

The account of Napoleon's return quickly reached the ears of the 
great European potentates, then assembled at Vienna for the purpose 
of settling upon a sure basis the affairs of the continent. Surprised 
and afflicted, but not dismayed, they declared that the ex-emperor 
of the French, by breaking the last treaty, "had placed himself 
without the pale of civil and social relations," and pledged themselves 
not to lay down their arms until he should be deprived of the power 
of ever again disturbing the tranquillity of the world, Bonaparte, on 
his side, was not idle in making adequate preparations for the ap- 
proaching conflict. Having reorganized his army, he rapidly ad- 
vanced towards the Belgian frontier, in order to attack the English 
under Wellington, and the Prussians under Blucher, before they 
could be joined by the Austrians and the Russians. His first opera- 
tions were prosperous, the allies being obliged to make a retrograde 
movement, and the Prussians in particular having suffered a severe 
check in the battle of Ligny. He now directed his main efforts 
against the English, who had just taken a formidable position near 
Waterloo; and, on the eighteenth of June of the same year, 1815, 
Was fought the decisive battle on which the peace of Europe and his 
own fate depended. 

The two armies, under the command of such wonderful men as 
Napoleon aad Wellington, presented the most imposing and terrific 
39* 



462 MODERN HISTORY. Part VIII. 

appearance: ihey were nearly equal as well in diseipline, valor and 
fierce national animosity, as in numbers, which amounted to about 
seventy-five thousand men on each side. How dreadful must have 
been the conflict between troops of this character, every one may 
easily conceive. It commenced about noon with a tremendous can- 
nonade, and was continued many hours with almost frantic fury, the 
French infantry and cavalry making incessant and desperate charges, 
which were all met wi^h dauntless courage. Towards seven o'clock 
in the evening, Bonaparte determined to carry his point by redoubled 
efforts, ordered, in person, a new powerful attack upon the British 
line; his celebrated guard resolutely advanced in the form of a 
double column, but was received with so galling a fire from the 
enemy's artillery and musketry as to be soon compelled to give way, 
and had now to sustain in their turn a similar charge from the 
English. Just at this decisive moment, the Prussians, having by a 
skilful march deceived Grouchy, who was opposed to them, joined 
their allies, and opened a heavy cannonade on the right wing and 
rear of the French. It was a moment of irretrievable confusion : 
those brave columns of Napoleon, just before so formidable, now- 
broken and unable to rally, at last fled from that scene of carnage 
where they left twenty thousand slain, and, being closely pursued by 
the Prussians, dispersed in every direction. Truly awful was the 
loss of the English also in this ever memorable battle, since it 
amounted to six hundred oflS.cers, eleven generals, and fifteen thou- 
sand men killed and wounded. Still, the victory of the allies was 
complete; the whole artillery of the vanquished army, consisting of 
three hundred guns, fell into their hands, and the power of Bonaparte 
was now prostrated, to rise no more. 

Wellington, not being opposed in his march, soon appeared with 
his victorious troops in sight of Paris. That capital was again en- 
tered and occupied for a time by the confederates ; while the remains 
of the imperial army were obliged to retreat beyond the river Loire. 
The Bourbons once more recovered their vacillating throne; but 
France was not so advantageously treated by the allied monarchs as she 
had been at the time of the first invasion : besides a variety of severe 
or humiliating measures to which she had to submit, she was con- 
demned to pay about seven hundred and fifty millions of francs as ar 
indemnification for the expenses of the war. 

In the mean time, Bonaparte, who had already left Paris, with 
drew to Rochefort, a sea-port on the western coast of France, in 
hopes of being able to effect his passage to America. That port was, 
however, too closely blockaded by English cruisers, to permit any 
escape; the emperor, seeing all his attempts to effect his purpose in- 
effectual, resolved at length to throw himself on the protection of the 



A. D. 1812-1615. SECOND AMERICAN WAR. 463 

British government, and went on board their ship of the line, the 
Bellerophon, stationed at a short distance from the shore. It was 
immediately" determined to send him to St. Helena, a remote island 
in the middle of the Atlantic, as a place where he could be kept in 
perfect security, without too much confinement or restraint. Here, 
in the society of a few devoted friends who had chosen to accompany 
him to the place of his exile, he lived about six years, spending much 
time and labor in dictating memoirs of his own life. The assistance 
of a priest and the succors of religion, which he had earnestly begged, 
consoled his last moments j and the fifth of May, 1821, closed the 
earthly career of that extraordinary man before whom Europe had 
so long trembled, and who, notwithstanding the sad reverses which 
clouded the evening of his life, is justly considered the most power- 
ful genius and the greatest captain of the age. 



SECOND AMERICAN WAR.— a. d. 1812—1815. 

England was not yet disengaged from her perilous and gigantic 
struggle against the emperor of the French, when, by a series of at- 
tempts on the liberties of maritime commerce, she again provoked 
the hostility of the Americans. This may be called a political fault 
so much the greater, as the United States had, during the last years, 
rapidly increased in population, wealth and power, both from the in- 
dustry of their inhabitants, the tide of emigration, and the accession 
of many new states, Louisiana, Kentucky, Ohio, etc., to their con- 
federacy. New causes of provocation continuing to take place be- 
tween the ships of the two nations, and the majority of the American 
people being desirous of war for the redress of their grievances, Con- 
gress openly declared it on the eighteenth of June, (a. d. 1812). 

Its commencement was very unfavorable to the arms of the United 
States, as all attempts then made at the northern frontier to invade 
Canada were not only fruitless, but also attended with a considera- 
ble loss of men and ammunition. However, the spirit of the people 
was not subdued, nor the army disheartened, and before the close of 
the year 1813, they began to reap the fruit ot their perseverance by 
capturing, under the direction of Commodore Perry, the whole Bri- 
tish fleet on lake Erie, and gaining, under General Harrison, the 
victory of the Thames, which recovered the posts previously surren- 
dered to the enemy. Another victory on land near the cataract of 
Niagara, and the destruction of another British flotilla on lake Charo- 
plain, gave the Americans a decided superiority in those qunrters, at 
least with regard to the defence and protection of their own territorv". 



464 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part Vlll. 



Their warlike exertions upon the ocean were also generally fortu- 
nate; so much so, that almost every week brought the tidings of some 
brilHant capture made, or some splendid exploit achieved by the spirit 
and intrepidity of American seamen; but success upon the land was 
more equally divided. Five or six thousand troops under General 
Ross, having reached the vicinity of Washington, routed the Ameri- 
can force, amounting to seven or eight thousand men, including 
militia. The city was abandoned by the president and the heads of 
departments, and soon after entered by the conquerors, who did not, ; 
however, occupy it more than one day. Elated with success, they | 
resolved to undertake also the capture of Baltimore, intending toj 
make this important place their winter quarters. Their landing at | 
North Point, on the eleventh of September, 1814, met with little orj 
no opposition; but their general Ross being killed, on the twelfth, ia| 
his advance towards the city, and all the attacks made by his vessels! 
and troops on Fort McHenry being bravely repulsed, they were com- [ 
pelled to abandon the enterprise. | 

The English turned now their main efforts against the southeraj 
States. New Orleans being the principal object of their views, a| 
powerful armament was fitted out for an attack on this opulent city.i 
Fortunately, an able and experienced commander, one already dis-| 
tinguished for his feats of arms in other parts of the Union, General! 
Jackson, was there to oppose the progress of the enemy. Besidesi 
his regular troops and the militia of the neighboring States, he re-! 
quired of every citizen who could bear arms, to take an active part! 
in the military operations on which the safety of all depended. Thel 
fortifications were strengthened; an extensive line of works wasj 
erected four miles below the town, well furnished with artillery ; and^ 
the better to protect his troops from the fire of the assailants, Jacksoni 
conceived the happy idea of covering the intrenchments with a great 
number of cotton bales. In this favorable position, he resolutely de- 
fied every attack of the enemy. 

Towards the last days of December, of the year 1814, the English, 
under the cover of their batteries, made several attempts to carry 
by storm the fortifications before them ; but they were invariably re- 
pulsed by the superior fire of the American artillery. The final attack 
on the main works, was reserved for the eighth of January following. 
It lasted about one hour and a half, during which the valor of thej 
assailants only served to expose them without adequate defence id, 
the incessant and destructive fire from the cannons and musketry o^ 
the besieged; while the breast- works of cotton-bales, which no ball 
could penetrate, afforded complete protection to their opponents. The 
British were obliged to retire from the sanguinary conflict with th^ 
loss of two thousand six hundred men, wounded, captured or slainj 



A. D. l6l5-ltH4. GENERAL ViEWy ETC. 465 

including iheir general Packenham and their chief officers; whilst 
the victorious Americans had not lost, in this decisive action, more 
than six killed and seven wounded. 

The news of this important victory filled the whole country with 
exultation, and was the closing event of the second American war. 
Shortly after, intelligence was received from Europe of the peace 
concluded by the American and English commissioners assembled 
ai Ghent for that purpose. The treaty, already signed by the court 
of England, was ratified by the President and Senate of the United 
States in February (a. d. 1815); and thus, ii;i the same year, with 
the interval of a few months, peace was reestablished in America by 
the treaty of Ghent, and in Europe by the second fall of Bonaparte. 



GENERAL VIEW OF THE CIVILIZED WORLD, 

FROM THE YEAR 1815, TO THE YEAR 1844. 

CONCLUSION. 

Since the eventful period of the battles of New Orleans and Wa- 
terloo, most of the civilized nations of the world have been in a state 
of comparative tranquillity. Fortunately for the rising generation, 
neither sovereigns nor their subjects seem inclined to indulge any 
longer that fatal ardor for military glory, which characterized the pre- 
ceding epochs. The leading powers, whether in America or Europe, 
appear generally desirous to enjoy in repose the laurels which their 
respective countries formerly won in the field, and to contend for the 
palm of national preeminence only by the arts of peaceful and pros- 
perous industry. 

To Great Britain, above all, belongs the honor of having arrested 
the course of the French revolutionary armies and of Napoleon's 
ambitious career. Notwithstanding the heavy taxes laid on her citi- 
zens, and the prodigious amount of her national debt, which is about 
four billions of dollars, she seems to have attained the height of 
power and political influence, chiefly by the superiority of her naval 
force. In late years, the world has beheld her successful exertions 
in protecting the independence of Greece against the Turks, and the 
Turks themselves against the encroachments of the new Egyptian 
dynasty; defending her immense possessions in the East and West; 
chastising the pirates of the Mediterranean; attacking the Chinese, 
and compelling them to conclude a disadvantageous peace, etc. 



466 MODERN HISTORY. 



Part Vlll. 



Among the transactions of her civil government in the same period, 
the most remarkable is the act of emancipation from civil disabilities 
and persecuting laws, granted to her Catholic subjects in 1829; an 
example of moderation and justice highly worthy of a generous 
nation, yet little valued, and still less imitated by the late king of 
Prussia, Frederic William III, and much less yet by the Russian 
autocrat Nicholas, actually reigning.* 

Like Great Britain, France has continued, after so many agitations 
and storms, to occupy that high national rank which her advantage- 
ous position, her vast, resources of soil and industry, and the lofty 
spirit of her people call her to hold among the chief European powefiS. 
Neither the clashing of parties, nor the substitution of the Orleans in 
the place of the Bourbon dynasty, has prevented her from securing 
additional lustre to the glory of her arms. Not only d'id she amply 
share with England and Russia in the victory gained at Navarino over 
the Turks; but the successful expedition of Spain under Louis XVIII, 
the still more briUiant conquest of Algiers under Charles X, the siege 
of Antwerp and the capture of Vera Cruz under Louis Philip, have 
again shown to the world, what, even after the disasters of Napo- 
leon's last campaigns, can be effected by French valor, skill and dis- 
cipline. The last named sovereign has long occupied the throne, 
and, notwithstanding a thousand difficulties, held the reins of go- 
vernment with such firmness and prudence as to attract the admi- 
ration even of his enemies. Yet, all his talents and skill have not 
been able to reconcile together the different political parties into 
Avhich the French people are divided, nor save his own government 
from a strong opposition that threatened a new revolution in France. 
(See the next Appendix.) 

Austria, Russia and Prussia, which formerly suffered' most from 
the wars of Bonaparte, have not only repaired their losses, but even 
acquired, in the final settlement of their claims, a greater extent oJ 
territory. Among the chief European states, Spain has been, and 
IS still the most unfortunate. In consequence of the impolitic mea- 
sures of King Ferdinand VII, and a variety of other causes, factions 
and civil wars have continued, almost without interruption, during 
the last twenty years, to desolate that noble country, the land of chi 
valry and heroism. Spain, formerly so much celebrated for her 
national and political strength, so long placed at the head of Euro- 
pean civilization, has been of late plunged in an abyss of confusion 
and calamities, the end of which would still appear very improbable, 
were it not for the providential and recent downfall of the tyran- 
nical regent Espartero (a. d. 1843). 

* See note P. 



A. ». 1615^1844. GENERAL VIEW^ ETC. 467 

Nor is this deplorable train of internal evils the only misfortune 

fthat has befallen the Spaniards during the present century. All their 

ancient dominions in the New Worlds except Cuba and Porto Rico, 

, have of late thrown off their allegiance to the mother country, and 

: formed themselves into independent governments, viz. Buenos Ayres, 

in 1816; Chih, 1818; Peru and Bolivia, 1821-1824; Colombia, 

towards 1820, divided into three separate states in 1831; Guatimala 

and Mexico, 1820-1824. All these regions have become so many 

confederacies or republics from which others have successively sprung 

up, such as Texas, in 1836, by its total separation from Mexico. 

But in none of them, perhaps, is the government as yet fairly settled; 

nor do they assume any flourishing and powerful aspect, approaching 

in the least to that of the United North American States. 

Here, notwithstanding some embarrassments which have occa- 
sionally taken place in the finances, the country has been constantly 
advancing in population and importance. The number of its inha 
bitants is five times greater than it was sixty years since, at the close 
ot the war of independence. Several new states have been added to 
the Union, whilst their neighbors, the Texians, have just lately made 
known their desire of being also annexed to it; agriculture and 
manufactures are prosperous ; foreign commerce is carried on upon 
an extensive scale; and there exists, moreover, an immense inland 
trade, by means of the numerous navigable streams, canals and rail- 
roads by which the country is intersected. All these advantages, 
with the extent and resources of the land, the wisdom hitherto dis- 
played by its chief rulers, and the active, industrious, and enterprising 
spirit of the people, leave little room to doubt, that the United States 
are destined to possess a considerable share of influence in the future 
destinies of the civilized world. (See Appendix, p. 469.) 

But let us always remember, as Bossuet observes,* that this con- 
nexion of particular causes which destroy empires and establish 
others in their place, depends upon the secret orders of Divine Pro- 
vidence. God, from the highest heavens, holds the reins of all the 
kingdoms of the earth in his hands. - When he wishes to make con- 
querors, he causes terror to march before them, and inspires them 
and their soldiers with invincible courage; when he intends to make 
lawgivers, he sends to them his spirit of wisdom and foresight, ena- 
bling them to prevent the evils that threaten states, and to lay the 
foundation of public tranquilHty. It is thus that God reigns over all 
nations, according to the rules of his ever unerring justice. 

Let us speak no more of chance nor of fortune, or speak of tnem 
c nly as of names with which we cover our ignorance. What is chance 

* Diseourse on Univers. Hist, part iii, last chap. 



MODERN HISTORY. PartVIir. 

to our uncertain views, is a concerted design in a higher counsel, that 
is, in that eternal counsel which comprises all causes and efifects in 
one and the same order. Thus is verified the saying of the Apostle, 
that, God is the Blessed and only Mighty, the King of kings, and Lord 
of lords (1 Tim. vi. 15). Blessed, whose peace is unalterable, who 
sees every thing change, without himself changing, and who effects 
all changes by an immutable counsel; who gives and takes away 
power; who transfers it from one individual to another, from one 
dynasty to another, from one people to another, to show that they all 
hold it by a precarious tenure, and that in Hini alone it essentially 
resides. 

Thus we have beheld the series of great empures and states which 
have figured on the theatre of the world during eighteen centuries. 
While we see them successively appear and disappear, some falling, 
as it were, of themselves, and others rising in their place , while the 
Religion of Christ, in the midst of these vicissitudes, invariably main- 
tains her strength and dignity ; we may easily understand where solid 
greatness exists, and where a prudent man should place his hopes 
and all his affections. 



APPENDIX. 



Since the last lines of this history were written, events of consi- 
derable importance and magnitude have transpired in different parts 
of the world. On this side of the Atlantic, the annexation of Texas 
to the American Union, and a subsequent war against Mexico, have 
added and secured an immense territory to the government of the 
United States. On the other side, nearly the whole continent of 
Europe has been sha,ken by a long series of political storms. Events 
of this description cannot be properly omitted, and seem to require 
a few additional pages for the completion of Modern History. 



ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.— MEXICAN WAR AND ITS 
CONSEQUENCES.— A. d. 1845—1848. 

The proposed annexation of Texas to the United States had, for 
several years, met with little encouragement on the part of the 
cabinet at Washington. The scheme, however, began to be actively 
pursued during the latter part of Mr. Tyler's presidency y yet, on 
account of new difficulties, it was not carried into effect till 1845, 
the first year of President Polk's administration. During the course 
of that year, the terms of annexation were settled by both parties, 
and Texas was declared a State of the Ameri-can Union. In virtue 
of this agreement, the Texans immediately requested Mr. Polk to 
occupy the principal stations of their country, and to send an army 
for its defence. 

This momentous transaction, irrevocably depriving the Mexicans 
of a vast territory, was not concluded without loud protests on their 
part ; they naturally complained of it, through their ministers and 
ambassadors, as an infringement of their rights. They appealed to 
the treaty of friendship existing between the tM^o nations, and 
openly denounced the annexation of Texas, and its occupation by 
an American force, as a violation of that treaty. So strong, indeed, 
was this feeling among them, that their executive, under President 
Herrera, having betrayed a disposition to settle their differences 
with the American government in a peaceful manner, were suddenly 
overthrown, to make room for the presidency of General Paredes. 
Troops were assembled and stationed at the frontier, to the number 
of about eight thousand, under the command of General Arista. 

The Americans, on their side, had taken a similar step, and their 
troops had alreadv advanced to occupy the disputed territorv. Tlie 
40 - . - 



470 ' MODERN HISTORY. Part Till 

fii'st action that took place Ibetween the hostile parties, was a private 
encounter, in which the Americans lost sixty-three dragoons, killed, 
wounded, or prisoners. A few days later, a body of Texans was 
also surprised in their camp, and several were slain or wounded. 
These beginnings seemed very inauspicious to the American cause ; 
but things wore a quite different aspect when General Taylor, being 
> appointed commander-in-chief for that distant theatre of the war, 
appeared in person on the field, and was enabled to fight regular 
battles. 

This able leader having, after his arrival in the Texan territory, 
been stationed successively in various places, finally took up his 
position near the Rio Grande (also called Rio Bravo del Norte), 
within cannon-shot of the city of Matamoras. He had not however 
completed his intrenchments, when he was informed that Point 
Isabel, where he had left a large supply of provisions and ammuni- 
tion, was seriously threatened by the Mexicans. With the main 
part of his army, he quickly retraced his steps towards that import- 
ant point, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the enemy. 
Having attained his object, and garrisoned the place with new 
troops, he again set out for Matamoras, and, on the second day of 
his march (8th of May, 1846), discovered near Palo Alto the Mexi- 
can forces drawn up in battle-array, and waiting for his approach. 
Although his force did not exceed two thousand three hundred men, 
whilst that of the Mexicans amounted, it is believed, to nearly seven 
thousand, he did not decline the combat. On the side of the 
Americans, it was carried on chiefly by artillery, and such was the 
superiority of their fire that, after an action of about five hours, the 
enemy's columns were disordered and driven back from their posi- 
tion.* General Arista retreated during the night, and occupied a 
new and favorable position at Resaca de la Palma, a few miles 
distant from Palo Alto. On the following day, as the two hostile 
armies met again, another engagement immediately ensued. 

The Mexican artillery commenced the action, and was so Well 
managed that its effects were quite severe on the American lines. 
It became necessary to dislodge the enemy from the ground which 
they occupied ; this was done by a succession of skilful movements 
and vigorous charges. Their artillery were dispersed ; La Vega, 
one of their best generals, was made prisoner; and their columns, 
now broken on all sides, were no longer able to bear the well- 
directed fire continually poured upon them by the American mus- 
ketry and artillery. They fled from the field with great precipitation, 
and being warmly pursued, continued their flight till they placed 
the Rio Grande between themselves and their conquerors. No 
cowardice, however, no feebleness should be imputed to them. They 
had behaved and fought well, and they were defeated only because, 
in the natural course of events, mere courage must yield to at least 
equal valor aided by superior bodily strength, military skill, science 
and discipline. 

" In these engagements," says a well-informed historian, " the 
^Report of Gcveral Taylor, dated May 9th, 1846. 



n i). 1845-1848. MEXICAN WAR, ETC. 471 

commander of the American forces, General Zachary Taylor, dis- 
played the utmost coolness and bravery — exposing himself in the 
most dangerous positions, and encouraging his troops by his heroic 
example. After the battles were ended, his attention to the wounded 
and the dying, whether friend or foe, evinced that sympathy for 
suffering humanity, which is ever inseparable from true courage."* 
To this merited praise, we must add that General Taylor, in his 
reports of the campaign, evinced not less modesty in speaking of 
himself, than sincerity in extolling the bravery of his officers and 
soldiers. 

During these operations of the main body of the army, a de- 
tachment previously left for the defence of the field-work opposite 
to Matamoras, equally signalized themselves by their gallant beha- 
vior. Tbey lost, it is true, their intrepid commander. Major 
Brown ; yet they successfully sustained a severe cannonade and 
bombardment which continued one hundred and sixty-eight hours, 
till at length the fort was relieved, and the siege raised, by the 
arrival of Taylor's army immediately after the victories of Palo Alto 
and Resaca de la Palma. 

So much success obtained within so short a time inspired the 
Americans not only with great joy and confidence, but also with a 
violent thirst for new conquests. No longer satisfied with the pos- 
session of Texas, they now prepared to penetrate into the heart of 
the Mexican territory, particularly as valuable reinforcements had 
been received, and the effective troops, independently of garrisons 
left in some places, amounted to nearly seven thousand men, full of 
hope and courage. They, therefore, were made to advance in three 
divisions towards the south, and on the 19th of September, they 
arrived in sight of Monterey (the capital of New Leon), having 
met during their march no resistance except from skirmishing 
parties of Mexican cavalry. 

Monterey is described by historians as an important place, well 
fortified both by nature and art. The garrison, under the command 
of Pedro Ampudia, consisted, it is said, of about seven thousand 
regular troops, and two or three thousand irregulars, being con- 
sequently more numerous than the whole besieging army. Not- 
withstanding these weighty obstacles. General Taylor thought it 
possible to carry the city by storm, with the artillery and the 
bayo.net. His hopes were realized. 

The attack began on the 20th of September, and notwithstanding 
all the difficulties of a fearful struggle, was renewed during three 
successive days. The besiegers were occasionally repulsed on some 
points ; yet many of their corps gained ground, till at length, by dint 
of efforts and courage, they succeeded not only in carrying the out- 
ward posts and fortifications, but even in occupying several parts 
of the city. 

As the Mexicans, however, had offered a brave resistance, and 
their artillery in particular had played with terrible effect on the 
Americans, the final success of the latter was not obtained without 
* Mansfield, Mexican War, ch. ii. pp. 38, 39. 



472 MODERN HISTORY. Part viii.i 

considerable loss. The attack of the citadel, if attempted, threatened] 
to cost them the lives of many other brave soldiers. This conside- 
ration, added to other cogent reasons, induced the commander-in- 
. chief to lend a w^illing ear to the proposals made, on the 24th of 
September, by General Ampudia. This officer offered to surrender 
both the remainder of the town and the citadel, on condition of a 
favorable and honorable capitulation ; the desired terms were 
granted, and the Mexican troops withdrew from the place with all 
the honors of war. 

The surrender of Monterey opened a large field to the enterpris 
ing spirit of the Americans ; within the space of only three monthj 
after that event, they subdued a vast extent of country, and occupied 
the important places of Saltillo, Tampico, and Victoria. Nor was the 
work of conquest carried on merely in this portion of the Mexican 
republic. Other expeditions had, in the interim, been set on foot by 
the cabinet at "Washington, for the purpose of detaching from the 
central government of Mexico its northern and north-western pro- 
vinces. These expeditions were placed under the command of 
General Wool, on the one hand, and, on the other, of General Kear- 
ny, assisted by the intrepid Colonel Doniphan. They did not, at 
the time, procure any material advantage, yet they also contributed 
to show forth the extent of American energy and valor, and subdued 
a very considerable, though almost uninhabited, territory. 

About the same time, and even before the events just related, 
similar exploits took place in California. These were achieved by 
Captain Fremont, an officer equally distinguished for bold enterprise 
and scientific attainments. With less than two hundred riflemen, 
he defeated and drove before him all the Mexican parties on his 
way, and being reinforced by Commodore Stockton, entered the 
Californian capital in the month of August, 1846. Thus was com- 
pleted in a short campaign, and almost without bloodshed, the con- 
quest of California. 

However surprising these exploits, still greater and more impor- 
tant achievements continued to be performed by General Taylor. 
He was now far advanced in his march across the Mexican terri- 
tory, when he received information of the approach of a hostile 
force, amounting to at least twenty thousand men. To this great 
number the American general could hardly oppose five thousand 
soldiers, as his army had been reduced by the necessity in which he 
was of sending a very considerable portion of his forces to fight 
under General Scott, m another seat of the war ; but, as a sort of 
compensation for this great disparity, he possessed brave and skilful 
officers, an excellent artillery, and a formidable position, purposely 
selected by himself, on the heights of Buena Vista. 

The two armies were in sight of each other on the 22d of Feb- 
ruary, 1847. The celebrated leader, Santa Anna, then at the head 
of the Mexican forces, was so confident of victory, that, before com- 
mencing the attack, he sent a message to General Taylor, summoning 
him to surrender at discretion. Of course no satisfactory answer was 
returned, and the conflict began on the same day, too late however in 



A. D. 1845-1848. MEXICAN WAR, ETC. 473 

the evening, to produce any serious effect; the decisive action was 
reserved for the following day, the 23 d, a day for ever memorable 
in the annals of American warfare. 

The battle lasted from seven in the morning to six in the evening, 
a circumstance which alone might suffice to show how warmly it 
was contested. At two different parts of the day, the Mexicans, by 
their superior numbers, their bravery, and the judicious plan of 
their commander-in-chief, obtained a considerable, although only 
partial and transient advantage. Marching on to the attack with 
determined vigor, they for a time outflanked the left and even the 
rear of their opponents, forced some regiments to fall back with 
great loss and disorder, and, occupying their position, placed the 
whole American army in imminent peril. But, on the other hand, 
the heroic calmness of General Taylor, the precision of his orders, 
their prompt execution, the steady fire of his artillery, which pro- 
duced dreadful havoc among the dense masses of the assailants, and 
the stern intrepidity of a large number of his troops, at length won 
the day, and enabled him to remain in possession of the field.* 

The Mexicans, thus foiled in their attempt to carry the American 
position, retreated during the night, having lost, even according to 
Santa Anna's account, more than fifteen hundred men killed and 
wounded, whilst the remainder, exposed to painful privations and 
given up to despondency, scattered themselves in different directions, 
either following their officers, or altogether abandoning their stand- 
ards. Hence the issue of the battle of Buena Vista was of immense 
advantage to the Americans ; it left them absolute masters of the 
field, secured for them the frontier of the Kio Grande, and whilst 
it crowned their exploits on that side, spread terror and dismay 
through the Mexican nation. 

The chief operations of war, by orders from the American govern- 
ment, were now to be carried on in another part of the country. 
About this time, General Scott, who had hitherto been actively en- 
gaged in making the necessary arrangements for the troops, arrived 
from Washington to take in person a still more active share in the 
prosecution of hostilities. He was not to supersede General Taylor 
in his particular plan of operations ; yet, he had been appointed to 
act as commander-in-chief, and to have the conduct of the main 
expedition against Mexico. 

General Scott reached by sea the frontiers of the Mexican repub- 

* The Mexican general, in his report of the battle of Buena Vista, repeat- 
edly intimates that victory had been on his side ; but these expressions cannot 
be understood to mean any thing else than the momentary successes which he 
obtained at diflferent parts of the day. From his own account, the ultimate 
result was certainly against him. Independently of the disappointment and 
discontent which characterize his letter, and bespeak the vanquished rather 
than the victorious general, Santa Anna candidly admits, 1st, that he could not, 
as he intended, drive the Americans from their last intrenchment, and 2d, 
that no later than the ensuing night, he was compelled by circumstances to 
withdraw from the field of battle. Does not this amount to an implicit 
acknowledgment of failure on his part, and ultimate success to the 
Americans? 
40^- 



474 ^ MODERN HISTORY. Partvm. 

lie. Having collected twelve thousand men, and being provided 
Avith every thing necessary for a siege, he landed them without any 
loss, at a short distance from Vera Cruz. The bombardment of this 
city began on the 22d of March, 1847, and was continued during 
four days in succession, with awful activity and terrible effect. All 
that time, the defence of the Mexicans was spirited and obstinate; 
but after the 26th, at the sight of the immense havoc that had been 
already produced among their people, they at length, in order to 
avoid entire destruction, resolved to surrender. Two days later, 
the articles of capitulation were signed. Full protection was secured 
to the inhabitants ; the honors of war were granted to the garrison : 
the Mexican troops, under these terms, evacuated the place, and the 
American flag waved over the city of Vera Cruz and its renowned 
fortress, the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa. 

As soon as the necessary preparation could be made, the victori- 
ous army advanced into the Mexican territory, in the direction of 
^alapa ; but, before they reached this place, a new and formidable 
obstacle presented itself. It was necessary to cross a ridge of high 
mountains, and the almost impregnable heights of Cerro Gordo, 
fortified both by nature and art. Here again stood Santa Anna, 
ready to oppose their passage. After his repulse at Buena Vista, 
this general had rapidly traversed the central provinces with a con- 
siderable portion of his troops, and now, at the head of fifteen 
thousand men, sought to defend a position naturally so strong, with 
batteries and intrenchments. 

It seemed rashness to assault a position of this kind ; yet so 
urgent was the necessity of an attempt, and so great the confidence 
of General Scott in the valor of his troops, that the attack was 
resolved upon for the 18th of April. The orders to the several 
bodies of the army, and the indications of their intended move- 
ments, were given with almost prophetic exactness ; and the execu- 
tion on the part of the officers and soldiers was equally admirable. 
Those in front were, it is true, compelled, after bravely fighting, to 
withdraw before the Mexican batteries ; yet their gallant effort was 
not altogether lost, as it occupied the enemy's attention on that 
side. Those in flank, although likewise exposed to a murderous fire 
of artillery and musketry, ascended the long and difficult slope of 
Cerro Gordo with the utmost steadiness, reached the breastworks 
of that fortress, drove the Mexicans from them, planted their 
colors, and after some minutes more of sharp firing, finished the 
conquest with the bayonet. 

This memorable action cost the Americans about two hundred 
and fifty men killed or wounded, among whom were several officers 
of distinction. In return for this loss, they had obtained a com- 
plete triumph ; and so great a quantity of large guns, stands of 
arms and ammunition, fell into their hands, that they were really 
embarrassed with the results of victory. The Mexicans, besides, 
had a great number of slain and wounded, independently of three 
thousand men that were made prisoners, together with five of their 
generals. The rest of their troops, eight thousand in number, 



A. D. 1845-1848. MEXICAN "WAR, ETC. 475 



always under the command of Santa Anna, fled with precipitation 
from the scene af havoc, in the direction of Jalapa. 

The principal effect of the battle and capture of Cerro Gordo, 
very similar to that which followed the capture of Monterey, was 
to open for the Americans a free road towards the Mexican capital. 
They for some weeks advanced into the country with little or no 
opposition, taking possession, as they went on, of all the castles and 
towns in their way, among others of the ancient and populous city 
of Puebla, situated nearly midway between Vera Cruz and Mexico. 
That city was entered towards the middle of May, 1847, by the first 
division of the army, under General Worth — a brave and skilful 
officer, who, after having greatly distinguished himself under 
General Taylor, continued to render signal services under General 
Scott. 

Thus, within the short space of two months, the city of Vera 
Cruz had been compelled to surrender; the famed Castle of San 
Juan d'UUoa was also taken; the almost impregnable tower of 
Cerro Gordo was carried by storm ; the town of Jalapa entered ; 
the strong fortress of Perote captured, and Puebla occupied. Ten 
thousand Mexicans made prisoners of war, and a vast amount of 
ammunition, splendid cannon and stands of arms, were the spoils 
of the victories won by the American troops in a campaign of only 
eight or nine weeks. History presents but few instances of achieve- 
ments at the same time so brilliant and so rapid. 

But the American army itself had undergone severe losses, and 
its numbers were greatly reduced, not only by death on the field of 
battle, but also by fatigue, disease, or desertion, and by the depar- 
ture of several corps, after one year of service. This obliged 
General Scott to reside for some months in the city of Puebla, in 
expectation of new reinforcements. When these arrived, and his 
army was again placed on a respectable footing, he resumed his 
march towards Mexico ; on the 18th of August, his forces, amount- 
ing to about ten thousand men, were concentrated near San Augus- 
tine, nine miles south of that capital. 

On the 20th of August, the Americans attacked all the fortified 
posts occupied by the enemy in their neighborhood, and notwith- 
standing the intrenchments, and the numerical superiority of the 
Mexicans, carried them all with the sword and the bayonet. The 
well-contested battle of Churubusco, fought in the evening of the 
same memorable day, completed the success of the previous partial 
actions. It lasted three hours, with terrible and incessant dis- 
charges of musketry and artillery from both sides. At last the 
Americans conquered, and the Mexicans were defeated in every 
part of the field, with the loss of several thousand men killed, 
• wounded, or prisoners. 

To prevent further effusion of blood, a temporary negotiation was 
opened; but as this also failed. General Scott thought it his duty to 
recommence hostilities as soon as the truce expired. Nevertheless, 
the bloody scenes of war were now drawing to a close. In spite 
of new dangers, occasioned both by the nature of the ground and 



476 MODERN HISTORY. Part Tin. 

by various fortifications in the neighborhood and at the entrance 
of Mexico, the American troops made their advance with but little 
interruption. This indeed required of them many strenuous efforts, 
and cost the lives of many brave officers and soldiers, especially in 
the storming of the formidable defences of Cha^ultepec, Molino del 
Rey and Casa de Mata; yet every obstacle yielded to their un- 
daunted energy, and a series of -well-directed and successful attacks,* 
during the space of forty-eight hours, at last made them masters 
of the great Mexican capital (September, 1847*). 

The Mexicans had, up to this moment, entertained the hope of j 
driving the American forces from their territory. This hope must i 
now have vanished before the stern evidence of facts. The federal j 
government and Genera,l Santa Anna fled; a deputation of the city j 
council was sent to the American leader, and negotiations were i 
organized to treat of peace. The terms, being settled between the j 
commissioners of each party, were forwarded to the government at | 
Washington, and here they underwent some alterations and amend- ! 
ments, to which the Mexican congress acceded without much diffi- i 
culty. After the ratification had taken place on their part, "the i 
American commissioners officially informed the secretary of state j 
that the treaty was complete, and on the 19th of June, 1848, two ! 
years and two months from the commencement of the war, the I 
American' people were formally notified that there was peace be- j 
tween Mexico and the United States. "f j 

The war had cost the lives of nearly twenty thousand Ameri- | 
cans, who either fell in battle, or died of excessive fatigue, disease, . 
and other accidents ; whilst the pecuniary expenses amounted to i 
upwards of one hundred a.nd fifty millions of dollars ; to which 1 
must be added the sum of fifteen millions of dollars to be paid to i 
the Mexican republic, as an indemnification for their cession and , 
loss of several extensive provinces. It is true that a vast territory ' 
has thus been acquired to the United States, and it cannot be denied ! 
that a surface of six hundred and thirty thousand square miles, in- i 
eluding Upper California and New Mexico,is a valuable acquisition ; j 
yet, as the greater part of this immense tract of country is dreary j 
or actually uninhabited, it can scarcely be considered a sufficient i 
compensation for the vast expenditure of money and life, were it 
not for the prospect of the paramount advantages that may arise | 
from it in future, with regard to commerce and civilization. i 

One great movement has already begun to take place in reference j 
to these newly acquired possessions. Multitudes of emigrants are i 
hurrying westward towards the shores of the Pacific, for the pur- \ 
pose of working the golden mines of Upper California. Settlements '• 
are made ; the population increases ; the hope of great wealth at- ' 
tracts continually the bold adventurer ; and that hope, if we believe i 
the common report, is frequently realized, not however without a j 
proportionable amount of misery. 

* See the official report of the commander-in-chief, General Scott, dated 
September 18, 1847, from the National Palace of Mexico. 
j Mansfield, 3Iexican War, p. 332. 



A. D. 1848-1850. DISTURBANCES IN EUROPE. 477 

Such has been the immediate ejffect of the Mexican treaty on the 
minds and conduct of the American people. As for the two dis- 
tinguished men that acted the chief part in the war, General Scott 
and General Taylor, they have found a proper reward for their 
brilliant achievements in the esteem and gratitude of their fellow- 
citizens. The former enjoys the honor of being considered one of 
the best generals now in existence, and the latter, besides a similar 
reputation attached to his name, has been raised to the first dignity 
of his country, that of President of the United States, the functions 
of which he began to exercise in the year of our Lord 1849. 



DISTURBANCES AND REVOLUTIONS IN EUROPE.* 
A. D. 1848— 1850. 

' Whilit the United States have thus rapidly risen in power and. 
in extent of territory, Europe has been given up to a series of 
political disturbances and revolutions. In various parts of that 
continent, either discontent under the pressure of misery, or more 
frequently, a spirit of restlessness and insubordination, and an in- 
ordinate desire of social changes, have given rise to many violent 

[Outbreaks against governments. Independently of several incidents 

'lof this kind that occurred in Switzerland, Germany, Prussia, 
&c., such has been the case particularly with France, the Austrian 
dominions, and the different states of Italy. 

For some time previous to the year 1848, the storm was prepar- 
ing, which subsequently burst on the continent of Europe. It first 
manifested itself in Paris, the principal and ordinary theatre of 

, revolutions. In consequence of some dictatorial measures taken 

Lby King Louis Philip for the security of his crown, the Parisian 
population rose in immense crowds, and in the short space of a day 

! (the 22d of February, 1848), overthrew his government. It is diffi- 
cult to conceive any thing more inglorious than the downfall of that 
monarch, till then reputed one of the ablest sovereigns in the 

' world ; he fled with precipitation, and every symptom of terror, 
towards the sea-coast, and seized upon the first opportunity to embark 

rfor England, where he has ever since continued to reside with his 
ifamily. 

y 

' -^ The reader will easily perceive that the revolutionists of Europe are not 
'viewed, throughout our Appendix, in the same favorable light as they are by 
; iinany persons on this side of the Atlantic. Want of sufficient acquaintance 
i- with the real state of things may be pleaded as an excuse for these persons; 
I yet it is surprising that those European Socialists, Red Republicans, &c., 
I !should be considered the friends of liberal and free institutions, merely be- 
j cause they have continually in their mouths the names of liberty and repub- 
■ ilicanisra, while their real object, generally speaking, is no other than disorder, 
I anarchy, plunder and spoliation ; even frequently assassination and bloodshed; 
1, in a word, oppression of others, and for themselves unrestrained license to com- 
[ mit every species of evil. This, in fact, is what their conduct and actions have 
jpeufficiently given us td understand : " By their fruits you shall know them." 



478 MODERN HISTORY. Part viii. 

In tlie interim, a provisional government was organized in Paris. 
The chief acts of this transient power were, on the one hand, an 
enormous increase of taxes, and on the other, the convocation of a 
national assembly, or congress, to be composed of representatives 
from all parts of France, and whose capital object would be to frame 
a new constitution for the country. This was accordingly done, and 
the session voted for a republican form of government, in which the 
legislative power should reside in a national assembly, consisting 
of seven hundred representatives elected for three years, and the 
executive power in a president, chosen for four years by a majority 
of the people. 

But these regulations did not satisfy a certain class of men, who, 
under the name of Red Republicans or Socialists, wished to destroy 
every distinction of rank, every inequality of fortune, and, contrary 
to all regulations of property, aimed at enriching one-half of the 
people, and themselves first of all, at the expense of the other half. 
The abettors of this party resting their hopes much more on con- 
tinual changes of government than on any regular state of things, 
prepared to make, in the very centre of Paris, a mighty effort to 
frustrate the views of the national assembly, bring the city under 
their own control, and effect a new revolution. 

Numerous and well-organized forces, a vast amount of guns and 
ammunition, a well-combined plan of attack, skilful leaders, barri- 
cades and other fortifications, all contributed to render the Parisian 
insurrection of June, 1848, one of the most formidable attempts that 
ever threatened the existence of social order. It required all the 
devotedness of the well-meaning citizens and troops, all the energy 
of General Cavaignac and other brave commanders, in fine, three 
days of hard fighting and much bloodshed, to suppress entirely this 
terrible manifestation of the socialist party. Among all the victims 
of those days, the most conspicuous was M. Affre, archbishop of 
Paris, who, in his earnest desire to imitate the good shepherd that 
gives his life for his sheep, fell mortally wounded near a barricade, 
whilst endeavoring to soothe the feelings of the misguided portion 
of his flock, and to effect a reconciliation. As if his blood had pos- 
sessed a secret virtue to remedy the public evils, no serious disturb- 
ances, although attempts were made to excite new ones, for a long 
time after occurred in France. Both the executive government, and 
the far greater portion of the national assembly, have always mani- 
fested a firm determination to maintain order and tranquillity. 

The late victory over the insurgents had done great honor 'to 
General Cavaignac, and raised him high in the esteem of the nation. 
Hence he appeared as a candidate for the presidency, and with 
great probability of success ; but the tide of popular favor was seen 
to take another direction. Whether out of respect for the name of 
Napoleon, or through the hope of returning to a princely form of 
government, Louis Napoleon, a nephew of the great emperor of 
France, was elected, in December, 1848, president of the French 
republic. 

Similar, in many respects, to the disturbances of France, were 



A,D. 1848-1850. DISTURBANCES IN EUROPE. 479 

those which, at the same time agitated Germany, and especially the 
various parts of the Austrian empire. A revolutionary spirit per- 
vaded, to a greater or less extent, Vienna, Prague, and other cities, 
together with Hungary, Lombardy, and other provinces. So violent 
indeed was the storm at a certain period, that the Emperor Ferdinand 
came to the determination of abdicating his crown, and executed hi? 
resolution towards the close of the year 1848, in behalf of his nephe^ 
the Archduke Francis Joseph. The court, however, whilst yield- 
ing something to the exigency of the times, did not sink under the 
weight of so many difficulties. With a firmness and energy worthy 
of the Austrian character, the government levied numerous troops, 
and, by persevering in their efforts, gradually succeeded in sup- 
pressing the insurrection in all the places and countries just men- 
tioned. 

The struggle, it is true, was long and obstinately maintained, 
both in Hungary and Northern Italy ; but it merely served, on that 
account, to make the cause of Austria triumph in a more conspicu- 
ous and decided manner. The Hungarian insurgents were so often 
and so signally defeated by the Russians on the one side, and by 
the Austrians on the other, that it may be truly said of them that 
they are now completely prostrate at the feet of these two great 
powers. 

The war in Northern Italy was not less decisive in favor of Aus- 
tria. It seemed at first that the insurgents of Lombardy, aided by 
the chivalrous king of Sardinia, Charles Albert, would carry every 
thing before them, and expel for ever those whom they called 
foreigners from their territory; but their triumph was very short, 
and their joy quickly damped by subsequent reverses. Numerous 
armies of Austrians, pouring in from the Alps, soon restored the 
imperial power throughout Lombardy, and Charles Albert was not 
only disappointed in his lofty designs of conquest and aggrandize- 
ment, but even taught, by several defeats, to tremble for his own 
kingdom (a. d. 1848). 

An armistice, however, was granted him by the conquerors. But 
as the two parties could not, in the interval, come to a settlement 
of their differences, preparations were made on both sides for a 
renewal of hostilities. There now existed a still greater dispropor- 
tion between them than before, and the king of Sardinia, well 
aware of it, recommenced the struggle much against his own judg- 
ment, and compelled, as it were, by the earnest wishes of imprudent 
counsellors and subjects. The common feeling on the opposite side 
was quite the reverse; the armies of Austria, and their able com- 
mander-in-chief. Marshal Kadetski, were animated by the recollec- 
tion of past success, a,nd marched to the field of battle with an 
entire confidence of future triumphs. 

Radetski left Milan at the head of forty thousand men, on the 
13th of March, 1849, and crossed the Tessino on the 20th, by the 
bridge at Vigevano. At that place he met with some slight resist- 
ance from the Piedmontese, but not of such a nature as to impede 
his progress ; he therefore immediately advanced to Mortara, and, 



480 MODERN HISTOEY. Part viii. 

while with the main Ijody of his troops he went on towards Ver- 
celli, so disposed his ieft wing as to intercept one-half of the Pied- 
montese army. By this sudden and bold advance of their enemy, 
two of their divisions were separated from the rest, and Charles 
Albert, who commanded in person the other portion of the Sardinian 
army, was forced to give battle upon very unequal terms. He had 
scarcely any artillery, whilst the Austrians had upwards of a hun- 
dred field pieces, which enabled them to destroy thousands of the \ 
Piedmontese with grape-shot ; hence the latter were entirely de- '' 
feated, and compelled to retire precipitately towards Turin. This j 
battle was fought on the 22d of March, nine days after the depar- i 
ture of Radetski from Milan. j 

On the following day, the two parties again came in collision near ; 
Novara, where the Austrians gained a second victory still more i 
signal and complete than the first. It appears that the Piedmontese j 
made a still greater resistance than in the previous battle, and that | 
their loss was frightful, not being less, it is thought, than fifteen ! 
thousand men killed. The sad remnants of their troops were routed I 
in every direction ; Charles Albert himself, after having during the 
conflict given proofs of the most determined courage, fled into 
Switzerland, and thence into Spain, not however till he had abdi- 
cated his crown in favor of his son Victor. Such was the result of 
those dreams of ambition, which had prompted him to believe that 
he might gain possession of all Northern Italy. 

Marshal Radetski returned in triumph to Milan, after an absence 
of only eleven days, during which he had achieved one of the most 
glorious exploits of modern times. He had skilfully arranged his 
plans, and kept them so secret that the Piedmontese had no means 
of discovering them, till it was too late to prevent their own total 
overthrow. Hence his victory proved a decisive one, and put an 
end to the war. In August following, a treaty was concluded be- 
tween the two states upon terms favorable to Austria, without, 
however, derogating from the honor of the Sardinian government. 

Great disturbances and alarming insurrections had likewise oc- 
curred in the south of Italy, but all were also suppressed by the 
vigor and energy of the Neapolitan court. Indeed, the obstinate 
resistance of several cities, especially in Sicily, (for instance, Catana, 
Messina and Syracuse), merely served /to provoke against them 
measures of greater severity. 

Owing to a variety of circumstances, aifairs have not been so soon 
and so easily settled at Rome. Long before this, the enlightened 
and benevolent pontifl", Pius IX, had taken the lead of all contem- 
porary sovereigns in granting liberal institutions to his people, and 
in doing for them whatever could reasonably be attempted for their 
prosperity and happiness. This beneficence at first excited univer- 
sal applause and enthusiasm ; when, through the vile intrigues and 
machinations of his enemies, these just sentiments towards the 
pope were in a short time superseded by revolt and ingratitude. 
There is no kind of outrage that was not perpetrated against his 
paternal authority by these enemies of order and virtue, whether 



A. ].. 1848-1850 DISTURBANCES IN EUROPE. -481 

natives of Rome or foreigners, the very dregs of European society. 
As their only object was to promote their own interest, even at the 
sacrifice of public and private tranquillity, the most abusive lan- 
guao-e, misrepresentations, calumnies, plots and assassinations, 
becam'e at Rome the order of the day. Cowardice, or treason and 
rebellion, deprived the pope of every means to stop these disorders ; 
nay, his prime minister, Count Rossi, was publicly murdered, and 
he himself being attacked and imprisoned, as it were, in his own 
palace, was more and more exposed to the savage clamors and at- 
tenrots of an infuriated rabble. At length, by the skilful manage- 
ment of the Bavarian and French ambassadors, he happily escaped 
from Rome, and travelling in haste, reached Gaeta, in the kingdom 
of Naples, where he met with the most cordial reception from both 
the king and the king's family and subjects (November, 1848). 

The first solemn act performed by the pontiff in his exile, was 
one of apostolical vigor. No later than the 1st of January, 1849, 
he excommunicated the usurpers of his power and the oppressors 
of his people, and, as this measure had little efi'ect on persons that 
were total strangers to feelings of religion, honor and humanity, 
he appealed, in order to check the course of their impious and pre- 
datory excesses, to the intervention of the catholic powers. _ The 
appeal was readily responded to. While the Austrians, Neapolitans 
and Spaniards sent bodies of troops to the different provinces of the 
Ecclesiastical State, to re-establish in them the pope's authority, a 
French army, having landed at Civita Vecchia, fearlessly proceeded 
ao-ainst Rome itself, defended as it was by fortifications, barricades, 
and, it is said, twenty-eight thousand Socialists, Romans and 
foreigners. The French met at first a trifling check, Avhich merely 
taught them to be more cautious in their advance. The skill of 
General Oudinot and the bravery of his troops soon bore every thing 
before them, and, by ruining the works and .carrying the strongest 
positions of the enemy, forced the city to an unconditional sur- 
render, on the 29th of June, 1849. On the 2d of July, the victori- 
ous general entered it at the head of his army, and immediately 
proclaimed the restitution of the pontifical government.; yet the 
pope's return to Rome was still postponed, and did not take place 
till the following April. ..... 

Such was the state of affairs throughout Europe m the beginning 
of the year 1850 : what will be the ultimate result of so many dis- 
turbances and revolutions, no human sagacity can determine. 



NOTES. 



NOTE A. — PAGE 39. 

CHARACTER AND DEATH OF SENECA, LUCAN, ETC. 

This Seneca, surnamed the Philosopher, to distinguish him from his father 
Seneca, called the Orator, was a man of great genius and learning. He 
left a great number of moral treatises, which contain beautiful maxims 
mingled with many errors, and the style of which, labored and refined, 
greatly contributed to the decline of good taste and true eloquence in Rome. 
As to his character, although he was possessed of many moral virtues, his 
weak connivance at several vices and crimes of JVero, his vanity, his usuries 
and immense riches, showed that his boasted philosophy consisted more in 
theory than in practice. In compliance with the orders of Nero, he died 
by taking poison and opening his veins. 

The death of Lucan the poet, his nephew, was very similar : in obedi- 
ence to the same tyrannical orders, he also caused his veins to be opened. 
After having lost a great quantity of blood, finding his hands and feet grow 
cold, and the extremities of his body almost dead, whilst the parts nearer 
the heart still retained their natural warmth ; he recollected the description 
he had given in his Pharsalia of a death very like his own, and recited from 
it the following lines, which were his last words : 

Scinditur avulsus, nee, sicut vulnere, sanguis 
Emicuit lentus : ruptis cadit andique venis. 
***** Pars ultima trunci 
Tradidit in letum vacuos vitalibus artus. 
At tumidus qua pulmo jacet, qua viscera fervent, 
Haeserunt ibi fata diu ; luctataque multum 
Hac cum parte viri vix omnia membra tulerunt. 

Lucani Pharsaliay III. 

* * * * Asunder flies the man. 
No single wound the gaping rupture seems. 
Where trickling crimson wells in slender steeams ; 
But from an opening horrible and wide, 
A thousand vessels pour the bursting tide. 



Soon from the lower parts the spirits fled. 

And motionless th' exhausted limbs lay dead. 

Not so the nobler regions, where the heart 

And heaving lungs their vital powers exert: 

There lingering late and long conflicting, life 

Rose against fate, and still maintained the strife. 

Driven out at length, unwillingly and slow. 

She left her mortal house, and sought the shades below. 



484 NOTES. 

Many others, in the same corrupt age, either anticipated by a voluntary 
death, or consented to execute upon themselves the sentence of their con- 
demnation : and it is w^orthy of remark, that the frequency of suicide always 
bears a proportion to the depravity of the time and country in which it is 
practised, it being one of the basest and most heinous crimes that can be 
committed. One of the basest, because, far from being a mark of true forti- 
tude, it is, on the contrary, a sure mark of pusillanimity, and of a mind 
easily overeome by misfortune ; as Martial the poet has said : " Fortiter 
ille facit, qui miser esse potest — he is truly courageous, who can bear to be 
unfortunate." One of the most heinous, against God, whose sovereign do- 
minion over life and death it violates by a bold usurpation ; against society, 
which it unjustly deprives of its members ; and against the perpetrator 
himself, whom it consigns to everlasting misery, in exchange for a temporal 
evil : for such, and no other, must be the result of suicide, not only on the 
principles of divine revelation, but even on those of reason and natural light. 
Whence Virgil, in his ^Eneid, speaking of the place of torments appointed 
in Tartarus for those who have committed suicide, very justlj'- exclaims : 

***** Quam vellent sethere in alto. 
Nunc et pauperiem et duros perferre labores ! — ^neid, vi. 

The whole passage stands thus in Dryden : 

The next in place, and punishment, are they 

Who prodigally threw their souls away : 

Fools, who repining at their wretched state. 

And loathing anxious life, suborn'd their fate. 

With late repentance now they would retrieve 

The bodies they forsook, and wish to live ; 

Their pains and poverty desire to bear. 

To vievi^ the light of heaven, and breathe the vital air. 

But fate forbids ; the Stygian floods oppose, 

And, with nine circling streams, the captive soul enclose. 

Thus the guilt and folly of suicide were acknowledged by the wisest of 
Pagans ; and if the contrary opinion was more prevalent among them, it 
must be ascribed to the depravity of the times, and to that almost universal 
darkness which an absurd polytheism had spread over the principles of 
morality; a circumstance this, which renders the admission of suicide 
among Christians still more unjustifiable. As to the equally criminal and 
brutal practice of duelling, so common in our days, it was totally unknown 
to the civilized nations of antiquity, and originated in the ferocity of those 
barbarians of Northern Europe, who, in the fifth century, overthrew the 
Roman empire. 

NOTE B.— PAGE 48 

THE HISTORIAN JOSEPHUS. 

Nearly all that we relate concerning the Jewish war, being taken from 
Josephus, it will not be amiss to make some remarks respecting that great 
historian ; referring, for a fuller account of his life, to his own writings. 

Josephus was boi-n of an illustrious Jewish family. From his youth, he 
appeared still more remarkable for the qualities of his mind than for the 



NOTES. 485 

nobleness of his extraction, and showed so accurate a knowledge of the 
Mosaic law, that, even at the age of fourteen years, he was consulted on 
important matters by the doctors themselves. Having, in course of time, 
acquired more and more credit and authority amon^ his countrymen, he 
made every effort to prevent them from rebelling against the Romans ; and, 
when he found his endeavors of no avail, he resolved at least to retard, as 
long as possible, the moment of their ruin. He was appointed by them 
governor of Gallilee, one of the Jewish provinces most exposed, from its 
position, to the attacks of the enemy. 

Notwithstanding many obstacles, Josephus, by his ability, prudence and 
firmness, kept that province in good order for some time ; but the approach 
of a powerful army commanded by Vespasian, compelled him to retire into 
Jotapat, the best fortified town in the country. Though pursued and be- 
sieged by the Romans, he defended the town, with astonishing skill and 
valor during forty-seven days, at the end of which, Jotapat was taken by 
surprise, and its inhabitants were put to the sword, with the exception of 
some hundred women and children. Josephus took refuge in a deep cavern, 
where he concealed himself with forty of his soldiers. Three days after, 
1 the place of his retreat having been discovered by the conquerors, he would 
have immediately intrusted himself to the generosity of Vespasian, had he 
not been prevented from surrendering by the threats of his companions. 
These furious men, to avoid falling into the hands of a victorious enemy, 
'■ resolved to kill themselves with their own swords ; Josephus prevailed on 
them rather to die by the hands of others, proposing to them to decide by 
lot who should be first killed by his companion, who should follow next, 
; and so on to the last : a proposal, after all, not less exceptionable than their 
first design. They followed it however, till Josephus, most fortunately, 
remained, with only one man, whom he persuaded to surrender with him to 
the Romans ; (see Josephus himself, De Bello Judaico, lib. iir, c. 7 and 8.) 
He was kindly treated by Vespasian, and still more so by Titus, who had 
conceived a great esteem for his merit. He afterwards followed this prince 
to the siege of Jerusalem, where he repeatedly exhorted his countrymen 
to imitate his example, and to deserve the clemency of the Romans by an 
entire submission; but, far from being successful in the attempt, he was 
insulted, and, on one occasion even wounded; he would have been either 
' slain or taken prisoner, had not Titus speedily sent a body of soldiers to 
his assistance, who succeeded in carrying him back to the camp. After 
the destruction of Jerusalem, he went with the same prince to Rome, where 
he continued to be much honored by him and his father Vespasian.^ 

It was during his residence in Rome, that Josephus finished his many 
i historical works, which display a talent for narrative, a warmth of imagina- 
' tion and a beauty of style, that have gained for him the surname of the 
Ch'ecian Livij. The most celebrated of his writings is the "History of the 
Jewish War," in seven books. It obtained the unqualified approbation of 
Vespasian, Titus and King Agrippa, who were all perfectly acquainted 
with the facts there mentioned. 

Indeed nothing is wanting to render that work both highly interesting 
and credible. It is the history of a war unparalleled in the annals of nations; 
a narrative of notorious as well as extraordinary events, written by one 
who had been an eye-witness, and even one of the chief actors in them : a 
narrative published at a time, when it could have been easily contradicted 
by a thousand other witnesses, had it been deemed at variance with facts—far 
from being thus contradicted, it rret with universal admiration and praise. 
It is a history, the author of which Almighty God saved by a special pro- 
tection from innumerable dangers, that we might have in him an unexcep- 
tionable witness of the entire fulfilment of the divine phophecie.s concerning 

41* 



48G NOTES. 

the temple and city of Jerusalem. In a word, it is both an authentic ana 
admirable record, which, though very favorable to the cause of Christianity, 
cannot in the least be suspected of partiality for the Christians, since the 
writer was not a Christian, but a Jew constantly attached to his religion, 
his nation and his country. 



NOTE C— PAGE 94. 

NUMBER OF MARTYRS DURING THE GENERAL PERSECUTIONS OF THE 

CHURCH. 

What we have related of the persecutions of the church during the first 
ages, plainly shows that the multitude of those who were put to death for 
the cause of the Christian faith, was immense. Still Gibbon, in his ^De- 
cline and fall of the Roman Empire,' ch. xvi, maintains that the number of 
martyrs was not considerable, nor their courage astonishing. The follow- 
ing additional quotations from ancient sources, will show at once, it is 
hoped, the falsity of his assertions, and the accuracy of our statement. 
For the sake of brevity, we shall confine our remarks to the first, fifth and 
tenth persecutions. 

For the first persecution, besides TertuUian and other 'ecclesiastical 
writers, we have the grave and contemporary pagan historian Tacitus, who 
writes thus : " An immense multitude {multitudo ingena) of Christians were 
condemned, not, indeed, upon evidence of their having set the city (of Rome) 
on fire, but rather on account of the hatred of the whole human race. To 
their sufferings Nero added mockery and derision. Some were covered 
with the skins of wild beasts, to make dogs devour them ; others were cru- 
cified ; and many, covered over with inflammable matter, were lighted up, 
when the day declined, to serve as torches during the night." (Tacit. 
Annal., lib. xv, n. 44.) 

With regard to the fifth persecution (which Gibbon modestly calls a 
initigated one ) , merely to mention the martyrs of Lyons ; Ado of Vienna says 
in his martyrology (28th of June), that St. Irenaeus, bishop of that city, 
suffered martyrdom with an exceedingly great multitude. An ancient 
epitaph, inscribed on a curious mosaic pavement in the great church of St. 
Irenaeus at Lyons, says that the number of the martyrs who died with him, 
amounted to the number of nineteen thousand, besides women and children. 
St. Gregory of Tours writes that St. Irenaeus had, in a very short time 
converted to the Christian faith nearly the whole city of Lyons, and that 
with him were butchered almost all the Christians of that populous town ; 
in so much that streams of blood flowed through the streets : Tanta multi- 
tudo Christianorum jngidata est, ut per plateas flumina currerent de sanguine 
Christiano; {Hist. Franc, lib. i. c. 29.) St. Eucherius writes on the mar- 
tyrs of Lyons in the like manner; and Eusebius, speaking in more general 
terms of the same persecution, says : " When Severus raised a persecution 
against the Church, there were illustrious testimonies given by the comba- 
tants of religion in the various churches every where;'' (Eccl. Hist. lib. vi 
c. 1.) So much for the mitigated persecution of Septimius Severus. 

The same Eusebius relates more at large the tenth persecution, the 
atrocities of which he had witnessed with his own eyes. To the texts 
and facts which we'^'have quoted from him, page 94, we will subjoin the 
following, also taken from his Ecclesiastical History, book VIII, according 
to the Enfflisli edit. Philad. 1834. 



NOTES. 487 

■ Ch. 6. " Innumerable multitudes were imprisoned in every place, and 
';:he dungeons formerly destined for murderers and the vilest criminals, were 
:hen filled with bishops, and presbyters (priests), and deacons, readers and 
jxorcists ; so that there was no room left for those condemned for crimes. 
But, when the former edict was followed by another, in which it was ordered 
,hat the prisoners should be permitted to have their liberty if they sacrificed, 
3ut persisting, they should be punished with the most excruciating tortures, 
A^ho could tell the number of those martyrs in every province, and particu- 
arly in Mauritania, Thebais and Egypt, that suffered death for their 
•eligion ? " 

Ch. 8. " In Egypt, thousands, both men and women, and children, de- 
spising the present life for the sake of our Saviour's doctrine, submitted to 
leath m various shapes. Some, after being tortured with scrapings and 
he rack, and the most dreadful scourgings, and other innumerable agonies, 
A'hich one might shudder to hear, were finally committed to the names ; 
iome were plunged and drov^^ned in the sea; others voluntarily offered tlieir 
, )wn heads to the executioners ; others died in the midst of their torments, 
,iome wasted away by famine, and others again fixed to the cross. Some, 
' ndeed, were executed as malefactors usually were; others, morS cruelly, 
,vere nailed with the head downwards, and kept alive until they were de- 
i itroyed by starving on the cross itself." 
i Ch. 9. " But it would exceed all powder of detail to give an idea of the 

t mfferings and tortures which the Martyrs of Thebais endured And all 

I .hese things done not only for a few days, or some time, but for a series of 
jvhole years. At onetime, ten or more ; at another, more than twenty; 
iit another time, not less than thirt)", and even sixty; and again, at another 
;ime, a hundred men with their wives and little children were slain in one 
lay, whilst they were condemned to various and varied punishments. We 
Durselves have observed, v\ hen on the spot, many crowded together in one 
' lay, some suffering decapitation, some the torments of flames ; so that the 
i murderous weapon was completely blunted, and having lost its edge, broke 
! to pieces; and the executioners themselves, wearied with slaughter, were 
' 3bliged to relieve one another. Then, also, we were witnesses to the most 
admirable ardor of mind, and the truly divine energy and alacrity of those 
I that believed in Christ. For, as soon as the sentence w^as pronounced 
against the first, others rushed forward from other parts to the tribunal 
before the judge, and, most indifferent to the dreadful and multiform tor- 
i tures that awaited them, openly declared that they were Christians." 
' Ch. 12. "In Pontus and other countries of Asia, the martyrs endured 
: torments that are horrible to relate. Some had their fingers pierced with 
sharp reeds thrust under their nails. Others were roasted by masses of 
! melted lead. . . . Some were suspended by the feet, and a little raised from 
the ground with their heads downward, were suffocated with the ascending 
1 smoke of a gentle fire kindled below. . . .Others were roasted on grates of 
I fire, not to kill immediately, but torture them with a lingering punishment 
i . . . . It is impossible to tell the great and incalculable number of those that 
' had their right eye dug out with the sword, and then seared with a red hot 
'\ iron ; those too, whose left foot was maimed v^ith a searing iron ; after these, 
I those who in different provinces were condemned to the copper mines, not 
so much for the service, as for the contumely and misery they should en- 
dure. Many, also, endured conflicts of other kinds, which it would be 
impossible to detail ; for their noble fortitude surpasses all power of descrip- 
tion. In this, the magnanimous confessors of Christ that shone conspicuous 
throughout the whole world, every where struck the beholders with aston- 
ishment, and presented the obvious proofs of our Saviour's divine interposi- 
tion in their own persons." 



488 NOTES. 

Is not all this more than sufficient to overthrow at once the whole system 
of Gibhon concerning the Christian raartjTS? The sceptical author has 
himself perceived it very well; and hence his anger against Eusebius. 

Lactantius has fewer words, but is not less positive than Eusebius on the |j 
excessive cruelties and ravages of the persecution of Diocletian. "Though li 
I had," says he, " a hundrea mouths and tongues, with an iron breast, it 
would be impossible for me to describe the various and horrid tortures that ' 
were inflicted on the guiltless Christians, throughout the provinces of the 
empire," (De Morte persec. n. xvi.J -_ i 

Sulpicius Severus, who lived in the same century, though a little later, j 
expresses himself in the same manner on the present subject. The follow- ! 
ing are his words, in the 2d book of his Hist. Sacr. : "Under the empire of ■ 
Diocletian and Maximian, a most rigorous persecution arose, which made ' 
frightful ravages in the church for ten years in succession. During that | 
period, nearly the whole world was stained with the blood of the holy mar- i 
tyrs. Never was the earth more depopulated by any v^ar, than by this 
persecution; nor did the church ever obtain a greater triumph, than when 
it could not be conquered by a continual slaughter which lasted ten years." 
Diodetiano et Maximiano imperantibus, acerbissima persecutio exoria, quce 
per decern continuos annos plebem Dei depopulata est. Qud tempestate omnis 
fere, sacro martyrum cruore orbis infectus est . . . Nullis umquam magis bellis 
inundus exhaustus est : neque majore unquanx triumpho vicimus, quam quicm 
decern ayinorum, stragibus vinci non potuimus. 

There is yet extant a medal of Diocletian with this inscription: "The 
name of Christians being annihilated;" Nomine Christianorum dileio. This 
indeed was asserting what had never happened; still, what an immense 
quantity of blood must have been shed, to make the persecutors believe that 
they had obliterated the Christian name, and destroyed a religion which 
filled the whole empire ! 

After such unexceptionable testimonies, which certainly suppose the 
number of martyrs to have amounted to millions, hovs^ ridiculous and absurd 
must the assertions of Gibbon appear, when, besides frequently contradict- 
ing himself, he maintains : first, that there were not more than fifteen hun- 
dred or two thousand martyrs in the persecution of Diocletian ; secondly, 
that their sufferings ought to be ascribed to a cause different from that of 
religion, and their fortitude to mere human m.otives, such as pride, ambition 
and desire of glory; thii'dly, that their tortures only existed in the imagina- 
tion of the monks of latter ages! Indeed, was Gibbon serious, when 
writing these things, or did he not rather intend to trifle with his readers? 
In how deceitful and shameful a manner does he endeavor to answer and 
oppose the most authentic monuments of antiquity ! 

1st. He conceals, omits, alters, or calls in question the strongest passages 
of ancient historians, which are contrary to his system ; a commodious w^ay 
indeed to get rid of the most forcible proofs, when they cannot be met with 
solid argument! 

2d. He impeaches the veracity, or at least the accuracy of Tacitus in the 
passage above quoted, under the pretence that Tacitus had not seen what 
he relates : as if ocular demonstration were the only means of acquiring the 
knowledge of facts, and as if Tacitus could not be perfectly acquainted 
with an event quite notorious in its nature, which happened in Rome where 
he wrote his Annals, and a few years only before he began to write ! But, 
if the principle be true, that the testimony of the eyes is requisite to know 
and surely transmit historical events, what credit, we ask, can possibly be 
given to any part of Gibbon's work, since the facts there recorded, are sup- 
posed to have happened many centuries before Gibbon was born ? Wh« t 
right has an inconsistent and infidel author to claim the least reliance on 



NOTES. 489 

his word, whilst he himself so boldly discredits the testimony of a grave, 
judicious and renowned historian? 

3d. He appeals to the well known moderation of Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, 
and other such princes, to exculpate them from the guilt of having been 
persecutors. Some of those emperors, we admit, did not enact laws agains* 
Christianity; but they at least suffered the ancient laws to be executed 
and themselves sometimes carried on the persecution, as we learn fron 
Eusebius {Ecd. Hist. lib. in, iv and v), St. Justin and Meliton, (in theL 
Apolog.), and Pliny the younger {Episi ad Traj.) Mo-reover, what does/ 
their supposed moderation prove against the violence oi' the persecutions 
raised by Nero, Septimius, and others .' 

4th. Gibbon insists on the small number of Christians who were juridi- 
cally condemned. Small it may have been, but how many, how very 
many more perished every where, without the formality of a judicial sen- 
tence, as ancient historians testify ! 

5. He emphatically adduces a sentence of Origen, which says that the 
number of martyrs was inconsiderable ( Contra Cetsum, lib. in, n, 8). But 
he ought to have added likewise what comes next in Origen, and shows 
his true meaning, viz. that there always remained more Christians alive, 
than had perished during the persecution, " God being unwilling," says he, 
"that the Christian society should be destroyed." Hence the small num- 
ber of martyrs spoken of by this Father, is to be understood relatively to 
the number of the survivors ; which does not favor the system of Gibbon, 
nor contradict our statement; the less so, as Origen wrote this before the per- 
secutions ofDecius, Valerian and Diocletian, the most cruel and bloody of all, 

6th. Eusebius positively testifies that he was an eye-witness to th® 
multitude, the sufferings, and the constancy of the martyrs of Theba'is and 
Egypt ; * Gibbon calls the fact in question — which of the two ought to be 
believed ? 

* Gibbon, to elude the difficulty, contents himself witli saying that the term used by 
Eusebius may signify either that he had seen or that he had heard. We mil give the 
original text, and place by its side the Latin translation of the learned Henry de Valois, 
who will be acknowledged to have known Greek as well as Gibbon, and who translates 
another word of the context by the very strong expression, oculis nostris conspexiinus : 

'IcTTopfiaauev Si Kal avrol iirl roiv Nos quoque, ci\m in Ulis partibus degere- 

-/f^,,, . A , _\ ' 'Q ' \ mus, quam plurimos acervatim uno die: 

roTrcov yevotxtvoi, ttaelqvz aapocjg Kara ,- ' -j *^ -.. .. ^ ,■ » 

, <. " I " " * , alios quideni capite truncatos, alios verd 

fiiav riiiepav tovs fitv Tfjs KEcpaXfJs airo- flammis traditos vidimus 

TOjinv vTToixeivavTas, tovs SI rrjv 6ia Quo quidem tempore mirabilem imprimis 

■nvpos Tiuwpiav animi ardorem, ver^que divinam virtutem 

" ,/r\ ' -' a ' ' ' '' et alacrilatem eorum qui in Christum Dei 

.' ' .\ ' V" x" "'T''''^^'''''"' crediderant, ocitiis noseris conspeajimMs. 
ipjoiv, dctav TS wj dArjOaJs ovvajxiv Kal 

■npoOvjxiav TMV eig top ^piarov tov 
Oeov TrsmaTEVKOTWv avvewpdjiiev,- — lAb. 
VIII. cap. 9. 

In the two following passages, Eusebius has employed the term of which we are 
speaking. The candid reader will decide on the meaning of the author. — In tlie first, 
spaaking of the statue erected in Csesarea Philippi to our Saviour by the woman men- 
tioned in the Gospel, he says : 

'''iLpLSLvs 61 Kal £15 tifids, wff Kal oxpei Mansit porro (the statue) ad nostra us- 
TTJipaXaPeiv smSr,arjaavTas avTOVs ttj que tempora: nosque ade6 urbem illatn 

A xr V o . . tv V ^ mgressi, 7.psam conspeximtis Nee verd mi- 

-roXei. Kat OavjxaaTov ovSev tovs rra- randum est Gentiles k Servatore nostro 

Xai i^ tdvMv evepycTTidevTas irpog tov beneficiis affectos heec preestiiisse ; cilm "et 

Sf.jTilpoj )7/iwi/, ravTa TTSTToirjKevar 5ts Apostolorum Petri ac Pauli, C^hristique ip 

; Kal Tchv 'AttootoXdji; avrov Tas eUSvas ^^"^^ P^^^^^ imagines, ad no«tni!W u-qne 

H,. V TT- s ■ - fv memonam servatas i?i <aoMM« tJidcn»i«s, 

avAov Kai liETpov, Kai avTov orj tov 

\pi(Trov, Sia ^pcjiAOLTMv tv ypa/paTs o'w- 

(oni-iai 'lOTopnaanEV. — L. VII. Cap, 18. 



490 NOTES. 

7. In order to weaken the overwhelming authority of the same Euseoius, 
and also of Lactantius, the English sophist calls the former a courtier, and 
the latter a rhetorician; as if rhetoric or the court had any thing to do with 
the_ present subject, and could have deprived these illustrious writers oi 
their ears, eyes, learning and judgment. Assuredly if such angry and pre-^ 
posterous accusations be once admitted, there is at once an end of historical 
knowledge. The truth is, that Gibbon, being an enemy to the Church of 
Christ, chose rather to fall into absurdities, than permit her quietly to enjoy! 
the lustre thrown around her by the multitude and constancy of her martyrs.! 

Many other reprehensible assertions ao-ainst the Christian Religion, her 
tenets and her ministers, are to be found in the work of Gibbon : although 
they are equally destitute of proof, it is not our object here to discuss them. 
We have said enough to show that this author is, at least in what regards 
Christianity, unworthy of credit, and a real infidel, who covers, but cannot 
conceal his hatred against our holy religion with the veil of affected mode- 
ration and learning. Hence it is most deplorable, that a work so well cal- 
culated to instil the poison of scepticism and infidelity, should be so much 
read, praised and recommended in Christian and enlightened countries. 
Will any literary advantage, derived from some beauties of style, ever com- 
pensate so pernicious a result? 



NOTE D.— PAGE 111. 

ATTEMPT OF THE EMPEROR JULIAN TO REBUILD THE TEMPLE OF 

JERUSALEM. 

That this attempt entirely failed, and that its failure was not a natural 
event, is so certain, and so well proved, that it can be denied only by one 
who is ready to deny every thing. In the first place, the fact is related by 
a great number of contemporary writers, viz : St. Gregory Nazianzen, in the 
year immediately following the event, ( Oral. v. contr. Julian.) ; St. John 
Chrysostom, in several parts of his works, especially his first, fifth and six ' 
Discourses on the Jews, where he appeals to eye-witnesses yet living; St. i 
Ambrose, in his 40th Epistle, written a. d. 388, to the emperor Theodo- i 
sius; Rufinus, in his Eccles. Hist. {b. i. c. 37, etc.); Philostorgius, the] 
Arian, {b. vii, c. 14) ; Theodoret, the celebrated bishop of Cyre, (b. iii, | 
c._20) ; Socrates, (6. in, c. 20) ; Sozomen, who says that many were still j 
alive who had seen the splendid prodigy, (6. v, c. 22) ; etc. | 

This unanimous testimony of the Ecclesiastical historians is corroborated I 
by that of the Jews and gentiles. Rabbins Gans-Zemach and Gedaliah \ 
relate the fact with its prmcipal circumstances ; the latter especially, is 
clear, positive, and the more deserving of credit, as he transcribed what he 
wrote from the annals of his nation. Libanius, a friend and perpetual 
admirer of Julian, speaks in two places of earthquakes and dreadful acci- I, 
dents which had lately happened in Palestine. Julian himself, in one of 

The second passage is still more to the point : relating the sufferings of certain martyrs 
in Phoenicia, Eusebius uses the following words : 

. or? yiyvojxsvois Koi avrol Quse cum gererentur, nos ipsi pr<Bsentes 

napfjusv, hnwiKa rov uaoTVonvusvov '^'^^ramus: ubi et divinam potentiara Ser- 

v~ f~ .~!.v5T^v - vatoris nostn Jesu Chnsti, cm tunc mar- 

l^wTYipos i]jxu>v avTov 6ri Irjtrov ^ipicrrov tyres testimonium perhibebant, praesentem 

Tfjv deiav Svvaiiiv ETrinapovaav, svapycos et semetipsam manifest^ martyribus exhi- 

T£ avrfjv TOiS fiaprvcrcv tniSsiKvvaav bentem j)erspea^mt(s. . . c 

Iffropfjoraiiev. — Lib. VIII. cap. 7. 



NOTES. 



491 



his letters, confesses that he attempted to raise the Temple of the Jews 
from its ruins, and cannot help insinuating the insurmountable obstacles he 
met with, which obliged him to give up the enterprise. 

Above all, we have the express testimony of Ammianus Marcellinus, 
another heathen and contemporary author, who writes thus in the 23d 
book of his History.: "Whilst Alypius, assisted by the governor of the pro- 
vince, urged with rigor and diligence the execution of the work, fearf>' 
balls of fire frequently breaking out near the foundations, several tin. 
burned or scorched the workmen, and rendered the place inaccessible. 
The terrible element continuing in this manner obstinately to repel every 
effort, the undertaking was abandoned." Cum itaque rei fortiter instaret 
Alypius, juvaretque provinciae rector, metuendi globi flaramarum prop6 
fundamenta crebris assultibus erumpentes fecere locum, exustis aliquoties 
operantibus, inaccessum; hocque modo elemento destinatiUs repellenie, ces- 
savit inceptum. — Amm. lib. xxiii, c. 1. 

To such a mass of evidence what can be opposed, and what is really 
opposed by Gibbon and other infidels? Do they adduce against the fact 
just related, any thing, I do not say evident, but even plausible ; for in- 
stance, the contradictory statement of some historians worthy of credit? 
By no means ; they merely appeal to the silence of some ancient authors 
who thought it unnecessary to mention the wonderful event. But, when 
was it ever admitted that the silence of a few, and even of many, could 
destroy or even weaken the positive asseveration of others among whom 
collusion was utterly impossible, of numerous and learned, contemporary 
and unexceptionable vouchers? What can we believe in the annals of 
aations, in the transactions of human life, in courts of judicature, etc. if in 
order to obtain sufiicient evidence of a fact, the express attestation of innu- 
aierable persons is required? This is certainly a strange rule of criticism. 
>for is there less fallacy and absurdity in the affected doubts of our modern 
nfidels, in their usual resource of a may-be or perhaps, in their vague 
charges of exaggeration, fanaticism. Christian credulity, and the like : — • 
^hat have such charges to do with an event equally important and noto- 
ious, with a fact openly proclaimed and recorded by a multitude of wri- 
f ers, at a time when innumerable witnesses were still alive, and when, had 
t not really taken place, it would have been related by none, by none have 
»een believed ? 

Let us then conclude, with the learned Warburton, in his dissertation on 
his subject, that the defeat of Julian's attempt by fire and earthquakes, 
lands forth in a full blaze of evidence, and is as incontestable as any event 
nentioned in histoiy. Either it must be admitted, or we must fall into the 
Qost extravagant scepticism, and reject altogether the exploits and con- 
luests of Alexander, Julius Csesar, Charlemagne, etc., which indeed are 
lot so well substantiated as the event in question. 

But if, admitting the existence of the fact, infidels deny, or like the 
f ame Gibbon, call in question its being a real miracle, this new pai-adox is 
!3 easily refuted as the former. For it is impossible that any sincere 
iiind should not perceive a supernatural intervention of God, and a dero^a- 
|ion from the ordinary laws of this visible world, in the event now before 
iS, whether we consider it in its moral or in its physical circumstances. 
In the first place, it is true that earthquakes and the eruption of volcanic 
re are commonly the mere consequences of the ordinary laws of nature, 
^nd do not, of themselves, suppose or demonstrate any particular design of 
^ae providence of God. But, when these various phenomena come all 
^gether and unexpectedly, just at the moment in which a great and reli- 
fious object is to be obtained, or an impious attempt to be defeated, there 
an be no doubt that they are a special manifestation of the divine will and 



492 NOTESo 

power, expressly made hy the Almighty for the above purposes. To den} 
this, would be to deny the wisdom and providence of God in the mora 
government of the world, and, with equal impiety and absurdity, to substi 
tute in their stead a ridiculous chance or a blind necessity. 

These evident truths being presupposed, let us examine the peculiar teiij 
dency and circumstances of Jidian's exertions towards the rebuilding of th 
Jewish Temple. Since its irreparable and entire overthrow had been fore 
told both in the Old and New Testament, Julian, by undertaking to rebuii 
it, bade defiance to Heaven itself, and was inclined, could he once succeed 
to bring the charge of falsehood and imposture on those sacred prophecies 
If then Almighty God, just at the moment when the intended work was t| 
be begun, prevented it by awful earthquakes and eruptions of fire, thoug! 
these effects might, to some, appear natural in themselves, who can doub 
but that so singular a concurrence of the malicious attempt and the obstai 
cles opposed to it, should be attributed to a supernatural intervention? Whj 
sincere mind will not, on beholding the Christian religion, as it were, pre 
tected by the very elements, conclude that the Sovereign Lord of nature i 
also the founder and preserver of Christianity? 

Moreover, all the physical circumstances which accompanied the even 
concurred to prove it a real and most splendid miracle. Independently o 
the fact that there had never been a volcano in Palestine, we learn froi 
Ammianus Marcellinus that the balls of fire came out of the earth near th 
foundations of the Temple — at repeated times — with a sort of deliberatl 
intention to subdue the persevering obstinacy of the workmen, and, aftf 
consuming several of them, rendered the place inaccessible. Accordin 
to Rabbin Gedaliah, a great earthquake took place, and a terrible fii 
melted the iron instruments, and burned a great number of Jews. Accorc 
ing to Rufinus and Theodoret, porticos under which the workmen retirecj 
fell by the violence of the earthquake, and crushed them to death, whili 
others were devoured by fire on the site of the Temple. According to Si 
Gregory Nazianzen, Socrates, Sozomen, etc. a brilliant cross appeared i| 
the sky, and smaller crosses were imprinted on the garments of the specta 
tors, etc. • 

Who will not acknowledge in all this something manifestly above the lav 
of nature ? Who can explain, by those laws, why the balls of fire bur 
forth from the foundations, at the very moment when the work vi 
begun, and whenever it was resumed; why the destructive element d 
rected its whole fury against the workmen and the Jews, and not again 
other persons; and why it did not cease its attacks, until the ente.prii 
was entirely abandoned? How did it happen that the shaking of tl 
earth overthrew the porticos, where many workmen were assembled, ar 
not other buildings in the city ? Why no fissures and chasms were left 
the ground, like those formed by natural earthquakes and volcanoes ! Wl 
those crosses, great and small, etc. etc. Did nature ever produce efiec 
like these ? Was not the finger of God visible in every circumstance 
this awful event; and does not the man who voluntarily shuts his ey 
a.gainst such light, deserve to be abandoned with the Apostate Julian to I: 
own obduracy, as to an equally just and rigorous punishment? 



NOTES. 493 



NOTE E.— PAGE 165 

Mahomet's pretended miracles. 



Although Mahomet, on several occasions, disclaimed the power of 
working miracles, still he maintained that Almighty did wonderiiil things 
in his favor, and his followers also ascribe to him a great number of prodi- 
gies of the most extraordinary nature ; for instance, that the moon was 
divided into two parts, one of which came down into the sleeve of their 
prophet, by whom it was sent back to heaven ; — that fountains sprung 
forth from his fingers, &,c.; but, who does not see that all these things are 
mere stories, unworthy of having the God of majesty for their author, 
besides being totally unsupported by credible testimonies or by any proof 
whatever? For, they were either blindly adopted upon the bare word of 
Mahomet, or forged only after his death ; most of them not being found 
even in the Koran, but in the Sonna, a fabulous and ridiculous record of 
somewhat later date, which holds among the Mussulmans the same stand 
ing that the Talmud holds among the Jews. 

The most famous of those prodigies is the voyage of Mahomet to the 
highest heaven. Of this he continually boasted; this he adduced as the 
strongest proof of his favor with God, and, after his example, several 
Arabian authors relate it with the utmost gravity. 

They say that, during a certain night, the wonderful mare Al-Borak, 
upon which the ancient prophets usually rode, transported Mahomet from 
Mecca to Jerusalem, whence he was, by the help of the Archangel Gabriel 
and of a ladder of light, taken up, through an immense distance, to the 
summit of heaven, before the throne of the Almighty, there to receive his 
instructions from God himself. Most admirable were the things which he 
saw in his journey thither, and on his way back; among others; 1st, the 
stars as big as the mountains of Arabia, and fastened to the first heaven by 
golden chains, (which shows, by the by, how learned a scholar and astro- 
nomer Mahomet was!) 2d, a cock, whose head reached the second heaven, 
though distant from the first where the cock stood, about ten or twelve 
times the distance from the moon to the earth ; 3d, an angel so tall and 
large, that it would have taken seventy thousand days to walk from one of 
liis eyes to the other; 4th, another angel who had seventy thousand heads, 
each head having seventy thousand faces; each face, seventy thousand 
mouths; each mouth, seventy thousand tongues; and each tongue being- 
able to speak seventy thousand languages, of which he made use to praise 
Almighty God, etc. Mahomet returned in the same manner, and with the 
same rapidity in which he had gone to heaven, the wliole voyage having 
been completed in the short space of a few hours. (See Univers. Hist. 
composed by a body of learned Englishmen, Paris edit. 1782, vol. xli, pp, 
92 — 116, where are found references to numberless writers, Abuifeda, 
Gagnier, Prideaux, etc. — Anquetil, Precis de I'Histoire Univers., vol. iv, 
inSvo.pp. 249—253). 

Tales, not only so unworthy in every respect of being compared with 
the miracles of Christ and his disciples, but even so ridiculous and absurd, 
found admirers among the enthusiastic Arabs, Still., it must be observed 
that they were not believed by all the Mahometans ; nor did the followers 
of Mahomet support their preaching by the authority of his pretended mira- 
cles, but by force of arms. The use of their swords, aided on one side by 
the impulse of ambition, corrupt nalure and fanaticism, on the other- b, 

43 



494 NOTES. 

the weakness of the Greek and Persian empires at that period, was the 
real and only cause of the rapid progress of their religion. (See again 
Univers. Hist, same v&L xi.i,pp. 45,4&i—Jnnales du moyen age, vol. iv, last 
■pages ;— Lebeau, Hist, du Bas Empire, b. 58, n. 51, 32 ; Bergier, Diction, 
de iheoL art, Makometisme) . 

As to the Koran, which the Mussulmans give also as a proof of the 
divine mission of their prophet, we have already observed that, with the 
exception of a glowing style and some beautiful moral maxims, it is, ac- 
cording to all persons of good sense, nothing but a miserable rhapsody. 
The Mahometan doctors themselves confess that it is full of perplexing 
difficulties and contradictions, which they endeavor to reconcile by admit- 
ting a distinction between its various articles, some, they say, being abro 
gatea, and some being destined to abrogate the others ; but, unfortunately 
for their purpose, the abrogating articles, instead of being, as they certainly 
ought to be, later, are on the contrary more ancient tha^ those to be abro- 
gated. 



NOTE F.— P AGE 183. 

ANSWER OF POPE ZACHARY TO A CONSULTATION OF THE TRENCH. 



By some authors and critics of later times (Le Cointe, ^nn. Fraficor.; — 
Feller, art. Childeric III ; — B^raut-Bercastel, ad. ann. 752, etc.), the fact of 
Pope Zachary being consulted about the accession of Pepin, has been 
called in question, but we think without sufficient reason. It is thus rela- 
ted by Eginhard, an almost contemporary writer: "Burcard (a bishop) 
and Fulrad (first chaplain of the palace), were sent to Rome, for the pur- 
pose of consulting Pope Zachary concerning the kings who were then in 
France, and who, having merely the name of kings, did not enjoy any por- 
tion of the royal power. The answer was : ' It were better that he should 
be king, in whom the sovereign authority resided.' — Missi sunt Burcardus 
et Folradus Roman ad Zachariam, ut consulerent Pontificem de causa, 
regum qui illo tempore fuerunt in Francia, qui nomen tantum regis, sed 
jiuUara potestatum regiam habuerunt; secutum est responsum: meliids esse 
ilium regem, apud quem summa potestatis consisteret." Eginhard. Annal. 
Franc. The same is recorded in substance by the authors of many annals 
of those times, Fuld., Metens., etc.; by the continuator of Fredegaire and 
others (apv.d Duchesne, iml. i. pp.. 773, 796). From these it plainly appears 
that the fact in question is expressly asserted by a great number of contem- 
porary or nearly contemporary writers. To reject the unanimous testi- 
mony of so many and so respectable annalists, seems to be rather unreason- 
able criticism, there being no certain proof of their having wanted either 
sincerity or correct information on that point. 

This being presupposed, it would be still more unjust to blame the 
answer of Pope Zachary. In fact, no one can fairly doubt that, among the 
northern nations of Europe, the crown was originally elective, as Robert- 
son has well proved in his preliminary discourse on the history of Scotland. 
It had indeed become hereditary among the French, owing to the uncom- 
«ion ability of their first leaders ; but, since the last kings of the family of 
Clovis had, by their indolence and incapacity, brought contempt upon them^ 
selves^ it was na,tural to expect that the French lords, in order to procure a 
worthy S:0vereign to the nation, would yevive the ancient mode of succes- 
sion to the throne. 



NOTES. 405 

On the other hand, the exercise of the royal authority had, for a long 
series of years, entirely devolved on the French dukes of Pepin's family": 
they alone carried the whole burden and discharged all the duties of sove- 
reignty at home and abroad; whereas the last Merovingian kings had 
accustoiiied themselves, generally speaking, to he satisfied with the easier 
duty of managing their private household. This was an excellent 
reason for the French to resume, under these circumstances, the ancient 
mode of electing their sovereigns, which had not yet suffered a very long 
interruption, and, by a very propet use of their right, to confer the royal 
title and prerogatives on such persons among them as exercised the royal 
power with so much glory and utility for the state. Since, moreover, the 
whole nation professed an explicit attachment and respect for the Apostolic 
See, it was likewise the duty and the interest of Pepin to have his election 
confirmed by the Pope. 

Zachary, iii his answer, did not endanger the laws of wisdom and justice. 
In declaring that it was better to confer the title of king on that persoa 
who was already in possession of the sovereign authority, he merely ex- 
pressed a fact and a maxim which, far from disturbing the good order of 
the state, tended to re-establish it by the adoption of a measure equally 
prudent and decisive : "melius esse ilium (vocari) regem^apud quern, summa 
potestatis consisteret." Had the decision of the Pope and the conduct of 
Pepin left every thing as before, there would have remained in France, 
two sovereigns, the one nominal, the other real, contrary to the fundamental 
laws of that kingdom and to the just wishes of the nation. 



NOTE G. — PAGE 18B, 

TEMPORAL DOMINION O^ THE POP! 



Among the different temporal sovereignties which exist in the world, 
there is none so evidently irreproachable in its origin and formation, as thai 
'of the Pope. Here we see neither artful intrigues, nor sedition and revolt, 
nor unjust attacks and msurpation ; hut we behold the liberality of Chris- 
l;ian kings and emperors, united with a series of singular events, whose 
coincidence led the way to the addition of temporal power to the spiritual 
authority which the Sovereign Pontiff had always exercised. 

It is a fact of public notoriety, and placed beyond the possibility of a 
doubt, that the Popes, for many years, and especially in the first part of 
the eighth century, made every exertion to preserve to the court of Con- 
stantinople its possessions in the West, (see Anastasius, in Pap. Greg. 
II. et Steph. II; Thomassin. Discipl. de VEgl. part in, book i, c. 29, vol. 
SIT, pp. 199, et seq. ) They incessantly endeavored, by the exercise of their 
great influence, to maintain the Italians in their allegiance to the Greek 
emperors, and, by embassies and entreaties, to procure from the Greek 
emperors the assistance which the Italians needed in order to repel the 
repeated attacks of the Lombards. But those blind and wicked princes, 
instead of affording the relief so much desired, rather increased the public 
misery by tyranny and oppression. 

Thus, finding implacable enemies both in the barbarians and in theif 
own sovereigns, the people, driven almost to despair, began to sigh ardently 
after a new and better order of things. The eyes of all were turned to- 
wards the Pope, as their only refuge and the common father of all in dis. 
tress. In this state of desolation^ the Sovereign Pontiffs, unable any longer 



49 G NOTES. 

to resist the earfferness of multitudes flying into their arms for protection 
and refuge, and destitute of every other means, applied to the French, who 
alone were both willing Jind able to defend them against the Lombards. 

The sequel is known; and we shall not repeat here what Pepin and 
Charlemagne did for the people of Rome, and especially for the Pope with 
regard to his temporal dominion ; but we will ask, what can we find to 
censure either in the conduct of the French monarch, or in that of the 
Roman people? It is a principle laid down by civilians, and founded on 
the law of nations, that he who conquers a country in a just war not under- 
taken for the former possessors nor in union with them, is not bound to 
restore to them what they would not, or could not, protect and secure. 
Such exactly was the case with Italy at that time. The Greeks had lost 
their right to their possessions in that country, by suffering them to be taken 
or laid waste by the Lombards, without sending succor to defend and pro- 
tect them. Those countries, therefore, by the claim of conquest in a just 
war, belonged to Pepin and Charlemagne, who bestowed them on the 
Popes. On the other hand, the Roman people, abandoned to barbarians, 
had a right, when the Greeks refused to aiford them relief, to seek it from 
others, and form themselves into a new form of government. This they 
did, by choosing, under the protection of the French, to be governed by 
him who, besides bein^ the common father of the faithful, had been their 
only support in their distress. 

"II n'y a rien," says Count de Maistre, "de si ^videmment juste dans 
son origine que cette souverainet^ extraordinaire. L'incapacit€, la bas- 
sesse, la fSrocit^ des souverains qui la prtSc^dferent; 1 'insupportable tyran- 
nie exercde sur les biens, les personnes et la conscience des peuples ; I'aban- 
don formel de ces memes peuples livres sans defense a d'impitoyables bar- 
bares ; le cri de I'occident qui abdique I'ancien maitre ; la nouvelle souve- 
rainet6 qui s'el^ve, s'avance et se substitue a I'ancienne sans secousse, sans 
r^volte, sans effusion de sang, poussde par une force cachde, inexplicable, 
invincible, et jurant foi et fid^lite jusqu'au dernier instant a la faible et 
m^prisable puissance qu'elle allait remplacer; le droit de conquete enfin, 
obtenu, et solennellement c6d(l par I'un des plus grands hommes qui aient 
exists, par un homme si grand que la grandeur a pen6tr^ son nom, et que 
la voix du genre humain I'a proclame grandeur au lieu de grand : tels sont 
les titres des Papes, et I'histoire ne pr^sente rien de semblable." (Du 
Fape, vol. i, liv. ii, ch. vi). 

This truth is expressed in a recent history of the Greek empire, with 
the same elegance, perspicuity and energy of style, as follows: "A quel 
litre Copronyme revendiquait-il une souverainet^ abandonn^e, ou quels 
droits pr6tendait-il conserver sur des peuples ddlaissds, qui d^s long- 
lemps ne connaissaient plus I'autorit^ impdriale ni par sa protection ni par 
ses bienfaits ? Les empereurs avaient abandonne Rome aux barbares ; et 
qui I'avait d^fendue, qui I'avait sauv^e ? L'histoire nomme L^on, Gr^goire, 
ou quelqu 'autre de leurs successeurs ; et les peuples avaient reconnu pour 
maitres ceux qui s"6taient montres leurs p^res. La puissance des Papes 
6tait un fait, quand P^pin la reconnut comme un droit ; et jamais souve- 
rainet^ n'eut une origine plus juste et plus sainte." (^Hist. du Boi-Km^.^ 
Palis, 1838, vol. i,pp. 272, 273.) 



NOTES, i-9; 



NOTE H.— P AGE 251, 

POPES or THE MIDDLE AGES, 



Nothing in the history of ihe middle ages has been more frequently 
misrepresented and more grossly calumniated, jet nothing is more worthy 
of admiration, than the conduct <sf the Popes in ihe long struggle which 
they maintained against the depravity and tyranny of princes, in defence of 
religion and social order. It was truly the struggle of virtue against vice, 
of civilization against barbarism, of Christianity against the powers of dark- 
ness. At that time, whether the evil was owing to the invasions of new 
barbarians, to the feudal system, or to other causes; national and civil wars 
scarcely ceased one moment to lay waste the whole face of Europe, 
IX'ations oppressed by their sovereigns had no other resource than the pro- 
tection of the Pope, and sovereigns who wished to act as tyrants, had no other 
check than his authority, which they generally acknowledged, not only in 
spiritual, but also in temporal concerns. The Pope then, in his proceed- 
ings against several emperors of Germany and some other princes, besides 
acting conformably to the common jurisprudence of those times, merely did 
what the state of society and the circumstances in which he was placed, 
evidently required of him as the head of the Christian family, and the 
common father of all the faithful. 

The better to understand this, we shotiM revert to tiie epoch in which 
these important transactions took place. At a time when the nations of 
Europe closely adhered to the ancient faith, and preferred it to every thing 
else, the profession of Christianity and submission to the Roman Church 
were conditions absolutely requisite in sovereigns, to exact and enforce 
obedience from their subjects. If a prince happened to revolt openly 
against the Catholic religion, or to incur, by his crimes, the penalty of ex- 
communication, it was the prevailing opinion that the oath of allegiance 
taken to him was no longer binding, since he had ceased to be the reli- 
gious prince whom the nation had intended to acknowledge for its mon- 
arch..* "Thus," says Schlegel, "we hear the Saxons declare to the empe- 
ror Henry IV, that, the Christian name bein^ profaned by him, they were 
unwilling to disgrace themselves by having intercourse with a prince who 
insulted and despised the religion of Christ; and, since they had sworn 
fealty to him, on condition that he should reign for the edification and not 
for the destruction of the Church, were he to infringe this duty, they would, 
think themselves no longer bound by their oath of allegiance to him. 
Shortly after, the same Saxons wrote to the Pope, to lay before his tribunal 
both their grievances and the crimes of Henry, and concluded their letter 

* This is very well explained by Fenelon, who says : " Sensim Calholicarum gentium 
liiBC fuit sententia anunis altS impressa, scilicet, supremam potestatem committi noii 
posse nisi principi CathoKco, eamque esse legem sive conditionem appositam populog 
inter et piincipem, ut populi principi fideles parerent, modd princeps ipse Catholicae reli- 
gioiii obsequeretur. Qnk lege posita, putabant ontmes solutum esse vinculum, sacramenti 
iidelitatis a toti gente prajstitum, simuJ atque princeps, ek lege violate, Catholicae reli- 
gioni contumaci animo resisteret." 

Asrain : " Nihil est mirum si gentes Catholicae religioni quara maximS addictae, princi- 
pis excoijimunicati jugum excuterent. E& enim lege sese principi subditas fore pollicitap. 
<'j-ant, ut princeps ipse Catliolicae religioni pariter subditus esset. Princeps verd qui, ob 
ha^rcpim, vel oh facinoresam et impiam regni adminLstrationem, ab EcclesiA excommuni- 
catur, jam non censetur pius iJIe princeps, cui tota gens sese committere voluerat: unde 
solutum sacramenti vinculum arbitrsd)antur." ^ Fenelon, Dissert, de auctoritate Stmum 
l^umifids, c. XAXix). 
40* 



498 



KOTES. 



by saying that, such a prince being unworthy of the throne, they therefore 
requested the Sovereign PontiiF to make use of the authority which he had 
over the empire, and, through an assembly of the piinces, to procure for 
tliem a worthier and better monarch." 

"Not long before this, the emperor Henry 111 had expressly acknow- 
ledged the Church jurisdiction, even in temporal affairs, when he wished 
to oppose the rising pretensions of the king of Castile to the title of empe- 
ror. He referred the case to a council in which the legate of Pope Victor 
II presided, (a. r>. 1055). The result of the consultation being sent to 
Rome, a sentence was passed ; and King Ferdinand declared, in presence 
of the papal envoys, that he submitted to the decision of the Roman Pon- 
tiff. Hence, the high authority which Rome then exercised over kings 
and emperors, was grounded, first, on a political claim growing out of the 
circumstances which accompanied the revival of the western empire ; and 
secondly, on the general opinion of that time respecting the surbordination 
of the temporal to the spiritual power." (Schlegel, Philos. II. p. 137,- Theo- 
He sociale de VEvarigile; Memorial Catkol. vol. II. p. 375). 

"This doctrine," says Dr. Lingard, "hostile as it might be to the inde- 
pendence of sovereigns, was often supported by the sovereigns themselves. 
Thus, when Richard I was held in captivity by the emperor, his mother, 
Eleanor, repeatedly solicited the Pontiif to procure his liberation by the 
exercise of that authority which he possessed over all temporal princes. 
Thus, King John Lack-land (whose excesses afterwards provoked against 
himself the animadversion of the Church) invoked the aid of the same 
authority to recover Normandy from the king of France. At first, indeed 
the Popes contented themselves with spiritual censures: but in an age, 
when all notions of justice were modelled after the feudal jurisprudence, it 
was soon admitted that princes by their disobedience became traitors to 
God : that as traitors they ought to forfeit their kingdoms, the fees which 
they held of God: and that to pronounce such sentence belonged to the 
PontiiF, the vicegerent of Christ upon earth." (Lingard's Hist, of EngL 
vol. in, of the third London edition, p. 35, Tiote). 

It was in virtue of these and the like principles, as the same historian 
relates, that Pope Innocent III did against King John Lack-land what St. 
Gregory VII had done against the Emperor Henry IV, when, solicited by 
Englishmen themselves, and moved by the recital of the repeated crimes 
and enormities of their sovereign, he absolved them from their oaths of 
fealty. This he did however, as the sequel showed, rather with the secret 
intention of terrifying the king, and bringing him back to a sense of his 
duty, than with a real determination to ruin him for ever. 

From these examples and testimonies, to which others might be added, 
we may form an accurate idea of the temporal power occasionally exer- 
cised by the Popes during the middle ages. They exercised it with the 
implicit consent of the sovereigns themselves, who frequently appealed to 
the decisions of Rome in their temporal debates, and none of whom scarcely 
ever complained, except (as was natural) the individual affected by the 
sentence. They exercised it only against sovereigns who depended, more 
or less, on the free choice of their nation and the acknowledgment of the 
Holy See, as was particularly the case with the German emperors. They 
exercised it only in cases of paramount necessity, and after every other 
means, such as exhortations and remonstrances, had proved fruitless. They 
exeicised it for the interest of the people and of society, at the request of 
the people themselves, and upon their earnest entreaties to be delirered 
from the sway of wicked, impious and tyrannical princes; but nerer 
through caprice, nor for personal interest : on the contrary, those courageous 
»nd zealous Pontiffs, a Gregory, an Alexander, an Innocent, etc., saw before 



NOTES. 499 

them the prospect of sufferings, and of every kind of obstacles and dangers, 
which they had to encounter for the faithful discharge of their duty. 

Some Popes, it is true (though few in number), went farther, and, 
acting in their secondary quality of temporal princes, raised troops, and 
took a more or less active share in the military operations of other sove 
reigns. But, even that step was taken by them for laudable, nay, for 
necessary purposes ; viz. to recover or defend their own provinces, to repel 
unjust attacks, to support the independence of the Italian republics, and 
particularly to check the alarming progress of the Mussulmans. Can any 
fault be ibund with such conduct ; and does it not rather afford a new proof 
of the truth, that the Popes have been the preservers of civilization and 
social order, as well as of religion, in Europe ? This indeed was the grand 
object which they had in view, and the end at which they continua,lly 
aimed in the exercise of both their temporal and spiritual power. Having 
well understood the sublime office which they were called to perform, they 
discharged it with wonderful zeal and fidelity for the advancement of moral 
and religious principles. They protected the weak against their oppres- 
sors ; they restored peace and tranquillity among nations ; and, preventing 
the execution of wicked designs, they saved rising states and societies from 
the attacks of ambition, barbarity and licentiousness. Hence, in reading 
the history of the middle ages, it is impossible for a reflecting mind not to 
be struck with admiration at the sight of Christian Europe devoted to one 
form of worship, ruled by one grand principle, forming, as it were, but one 
empire, and acknowledging one supreme head whose exalted duty it was to 
promote the reign of the gospel upon earth. (See Mlchdiut, Histoire des 
Croisades, vol. iv, pp. 98, 99; — Count de Maistre, Du Pape,part ii, c. v, x). 

Not bitter censure, therefore, but real praise is due to the exertions of 
the Popes, and to their acts of authority with regard to temporal princes. 
This is at length candidly acknowledged by different writers of the Protes- 
tant communion, after the example of Leibnitz in several of his works, 
especially in his first dissertation Be Adorum Publicorum Usu. Very 
lately, two Protestant German authors, Hurter and Voigt, have published 
their excellent lives of Innocent III and Gregory VII, in which the charac- 
ter and the conduct of these great Popes are powerfully vindicated, and 
held up to the uniualified admiration of posterity. Let us hope that the 
clouds which have so long obscured this part of history, will be entirely 
dispelled by impartiality and truth; and that full justice will at last be 
rendered to the Roman Pontiffs, for their noble efforts to promote the 
spiritual and temporal welfare of society. 

There is another charge to be examined with regard to the Popes of the 
middle ages. We allude, not to the ridiculous tale of the pretended Popesa 
Joan, which is now rejected by all learned critics, whether Catholic or 
Protestant, but to the more serious charge of the vices of some Roman 
Pontiffs. It is true, a few among them gave great scandals to the Christian 
world in their private character and conduct; but it ought to be remem- 
bered, at the same time, that, through a special protection of Divine Provi- 
dence, the irregularity of their lives did not interfere with their public duty 
from which they never departed. The beneficial influence of sacred juris- 
diction does not depend on the private virtue of the persons invested with it, 
but OS their divine mission and appointment to feed the Christian flock. 
Christ did not say that there would never be scandals nor abuses, but that 
no power of darkness would ever prevail against his Church : nor did he 
promise personal sanctity to its chief pastors, but gave to them authority to 
Teach and govern the faithful ; and to the faithful, a command to follow their 
injunctions, without blindly imitating the bad example of a small number 
of them, whose conduct might not be edifying. 



500 NOTES. 

It is moreover certain that the number of bad Popes has been, by some 
writers, greatly exaggerated. There were but few of this character, and 
those few lived, nearly all, in the tenth and part of the eleventh century, 
during which time the prevalence of civil factions in Rome obstructed the 
freedom of canonical election. Even during that period, there existed 
many excellent Popes ; men distinguished by their exalted virtues and 
intellectual endowments, patrons, in an eminent degree, of science, letters 
and the arts. Roscoe himself, though a Protestant, does not hesitate to say 
in his life of Leo the tenth, (vol. i,p. 53), that "the Popes may in general 
be considered as superior to the age in which they have lived ;" and an 
American editor of statistics has lately confessed that "most of the Popes 
were excellent men." These, however, are the sovereigns, whom a recent 
and elementary author has, in his profound wisdom, thought proper to 
compare with the Mussulman caliphs, namely, with men who were either 
the most unjust conquerors, or the most indolent and insignificant monarchs 
that the world ever saw ; whereas the greatest enemy of the See of Rome 
might be boldly challenged to show any where in history a succession of 
princes, who have been half as eminent for their virtues and piety, for 
their talents and learning, and for their benefits to the great family of man- 
kind, as the Roman Pontiffs. 



NOTE 1. — PAGE 259. 

. CONQUEST OF IRELAND, 



Before we pass any judgment and censure upon past events, we should 
invariably weigh with great attention their causes, their nature and their 
real character, and also take into serious consideration, the manners, cus- 
toms and opinions of the age in which they happened. Had this equitable 
rule been constantly adhered to in historical composition, there would have 
been an end to those false assertions and unjust remarks which fill up the 
pages of Hume, Voltaire, and other equally bold and superficial writers. 
For want of this rule's being followed in the particular point of which we 
intend to treat in this note, " the conquest of Ireland," we shall find, upon 
diligent inquiry, that the conduct of Pope Adrian IV in this affair has been, 
in latter times, neither duly appreciated nor sufficiently understood. 

It was formerly a common opinion, that not only Ireland, but also every 
Christian island, was the property of the Holy See. "There is no doubt, 
as you yourself acknowledge," wrote the Pontiff to King Henry II, " that 
Hibernia and all the islands to which the sun of justice, Christ, has shone 
forth, belong to St. Peter and to the holy Roman Church; (Epist. i jidr. 
papa IV, in collect. Cone. iiol. x, Col. 1143). This belief, as we learn from 
John of Salisbury, who acted as negotiator between the king and the Pope, 
was founded on a certain donation of Constantine the Great, the authenti- 
city of which was never questioned by the critics of those ages : " All islands," 
says that author {Metalog. iv), "by ancient right and from a donation of 
Constantine, are said to belong to the Roman Church." This having been 
the case, it is hard to conceive why Adrian IV should be blamed for having 
performed (if he did perform), an act of high temporal jurisdiction over 
Ireland; since in doing so, he merely acted up to the tenor of an instru- 
ment which all believed to be authentic, and he merely exercised, over Chris- 
tian islands, that right of sovereignty which was conceded to him by the 
general opinion of his age. To find a real fault in his conduct, would be 



I 



NOTES. 501 



preposterously to require that the Popes of the middle ages should have 
divested themselves of the feelings common to their contemporaries, should 
have rejected the opinions which were then prevalent about temporal sove- 
reignty, and, through an anticipation of several centuries, should have fol- 
lowed our own views and modern political discoveries of which there was 
no idea in their time. 

' It would be equally wrong to assert, that Adrian IV was led, in this 
transaction, by human considerations, and that, being an Englisman by 
bir'ch, he did not hesitate to sacrifice the interests of Ireland to those of his 
own country. This charge, if seriously made, would involve a complete 
injustice against the well known character and uncommon virtue of that 
Tope. For, how can such base motives be fairly attributed to a Pontiff 

' whose whole life exhibited a perfect model of piety, whom personal merit 
alone raised from the lowest rank in the world to the highest dignity in the 
Church, and who constantly distinguished himself by the nobleness of his 
sentiments, as historians unanimously testify? So great indeed was his 
disinterestedness and delicacy of conscience, that he preferred to leave his 
mother in a state of indigence, rather than do any thing for her through pri- 
i/ate affection ; and he even contented himself, before dying, with recom- 
mending her to the charity and alms of the Church of Canterbury; (see 
Fleury, Hist. Eccles., ad ami. 1159). Is it credible then, is it even possible, 
that a Pontiff, so remarkable for the sanctity of his life and the purity of his 
view's, who scrupled to raise his nearest and dearest relatives ever so little 
above their distressed condition, should have betrayed his duty and con- 
science in order to gratify the ambition of a monarch from whom he had 
received nothing, and had nothing to apprehend? 

Nothing then but pure and disinterested views guided Pope Adrian IV 
in his share of the transaction which regarded Ireland, even in admitting 
the supposition which presents the less favorable side, viz: that he made a 
grant of that country to the British monarch. But, is it true after all, at 
Jfeust is it certainly proved, that he did so, and thus authorized the king to 
invade and conquer Ireland, as we find it almost every where asserted? 
We rather think not, and this is the reason why, in relating the fact (p. 259), 
we made use of expressions somewhat different from those in which it is 
mentioned by the generality of historians. It appears indeed certain, that 
the intention of Henry was, from the beginning of his reign, to add this 
important island to his dominions; and it is probable, likewise, that the 
Pope suspected his real design. Yet, it is not from half-concealed views 
or probable suspicions, that we should judge of the nature of the conces- 
sion made to Henry ; but from the manner in which the whole atTair wa« 
conducted, and from the authentic words in which both the request of th« 
king and the grant of the Pope were»,expressed. 

J\ow, we do not see that the English monarch asked the Pontiff's appro- 
bation of his design to conquer Ireland and to occupy it for his own advan - 
tage ; but he requested Adrian to consent that he might enter that country 
for the purpose of subjectins: its inhabitants to the laws, and repressing vice 
and disorder, ad subdendum ilium populum legibus, et viiiorum plantaria ind^ 
extirpanda. The ambassador whom he sent to the Pope, was charged to 
assure his Holiness that Henry's principal object was to provide instruction 
for the Irish people, to extirpate abuses firom the Lord's vineyard, etc. 
"but that, as every Christian island was the property of the Holy See, he 
did not presume to make the attempt without the advice and consent of 
the successor of St. Peter." (D. Lingard, reign of Henry II). 

i On the other hand, it is very remarkable that Adrian, in the instrument 
of concession which he addressed in answer to the king, does not mention 
any absolute grant of possession and sovereignty, much less of invasion 



502 NOTES. 

and conquest; he merely signifies his acquiescence in the icing's project: 
he is willing that Henry should enter Ireland for the zealous purposes 
above mentioned, and that he should be honorably received and acknoW' 
ledged as lord by the natives : " Gratum et acceptum habemus ut . . . insulam 
iilam ingrediaris, et quod ad honorem Dei et salutem illius terras specta- 
verit, exequaris, et illius terrs populus honorific^ te recipiat, et sicut doml- 
num veneretur," (in Epist. citata, colled, concil. vol. x, Col. 1143). Hence, 
in the expressions and intention of the Pontiff, the whole concession made to i| 
the king consisted in approving the laudable views which that prince had 
manifested through his ambassador, and his future right of sovereignty over 
Ireland depended on the free acknowledgement of" the natives. John of 1 
Salisbury, who negotiated the affair at the court of Rome, calls, it is true, 
this concession a grant of inheritance, " dedit Hiberniam haereditario jure 
possidendam:" but, as the same author, in proof of his assertion, refers to 
the rescript of the Pope, by immediately adding, "sicut litterae ipsius tes- 
tantur ;" his words, consequently, must be understood, like those of Adrian, 
to imply as a previous condition of the grant, the voluntary agreement and 
consent of the Irish people. At all events, we should always prefer the 
obvious meaning of the pontifical rescript to every other record &f the 
transaction ; for, if any one understood well the real intention of the Pope, 
it must certainly have been the Pope himself. 

The truth of these observations is supported by the conduct of the Eng- 
lish monarch, both before and after the conquest of Ireland. The answer 
of Adrian to his request, had been obtained in the year 1156, and it was 
not till after the lapse of almost twenty years, and when a great part of 
Ireland had already submitted to the British, that Henry thought of pro- 
ducing the letters of the Pope, and presented them to be read in a synod of 
Irish bishops. Now, is it reasonable to suppose that, if these letters had 
contained a real and absolute grant of sovereignty, he would have kept 
them in oblivion all that time, and deferred so long to enforce their execu- 
tion ? Would he not, at least, have exhibited them when the first English 
troops entered the island (A. D. 1169), in order to justify himself before 
the natives and gain them over to submission ? Since, then, Jje did not do 
so, but postponed the exhibition of the important instrument till three or 
four years later, and even then directed it solely to an assembty of pre- 
lates ; are we not entitled to conclude that, ambitious and interested as he 
was, he saw little in the concession of the Pope, of which he might boast 
as giving him a claim to rule over the Irish, independently of their own 
consent? 

Thus, the manner in which the affair was conducted, the expressions of 
the king and of the Pontiff, the conduct of Henry both before and after his 
attempt upon Ireland; every thing tends to prove or to render it at leas*- 
probable, that he received indeed an approbation of his zealous designs for 
the good of that country, and a wish that he might carry them into effect 
but no right to force the submission of the natives by invasion and con 
quest. — Let us add to this, that Adrian very probably was not ignorant of 
the project which had been already formed by several of the English 
monarchs, viz : Henry I and William the Conqueror, to subdue Ireland. 
In this critical situation of the Irish, continually exposed to the attacks of 
a formidable enemy, and divided among themselves, the best that could be 
done for them, since Henry II seriously entertained the same project and 
prepared to enter their country, was to procure that he should enter it with 
views the most favorable to the religion, the liberty and the improvement 
of the natives. This is exactly what the pope did, by the manner in 
which his letters of concession, or approbation of Henry's design, were 
written, discarding all notion of military conquest and absolute right of 



NOTES. 503 

sovereignty, bat exhorting the king always to bear in mind the laudable 
purposes and conditions which he himself had proposed. No blame, 
therelbre, can be attached to the conduct of this virtuous Pontiff; nor was 
it his fault, if his excellent and sincere intentions to pi'ocure the greater 
good of the Irish, were in subsequent ages so wofuUy frustrated. 



NOTE J.— P A G E 304 

PROSECUTION AND ABOLITION OF THE KNIGHTS-TEMPLARS. 



The authentic acts of the whole trial of the Knights -Templars, are 
tftili extant (apud Natal. Alexand. Dissert, x. in Sec. xiv. Qucest. ii, Jtrt. 
I ; — Brumoy, Hist, de VEglise Gall., I. xxxvi, ad ann. 1307 — 1312 ; — Du- 
Duy, — Baluze, etc). From those documents, it is manifest that the royal 
■ommissaries, men of exemplary virtue and probity, examined a vast num- 
er of Templars in the different parts of France, viz : one hundred and forty 
t Paris, one hundred and eleven at Troyes, eleven at Caen, ten at Pont-de 
r'Arche, forty-five at Beaucaire and in the neighboring places; and that all, 
except three, acknowledged themselves guilty of the denial of Christ, of 
sacrilege, and other abominable crimes. 

We have moreover the acts of the Council of Vienne (Labbe, CoUectio 
Condliorum, vol. xi, part ii, Col. 1557 — 1560), and the letters of Pope 
Clement V {ibid. Col. 1559 and 1572) concerning this affair. In one of 
these, addressed to all the Christian princes in Europe, the Pontiff declares 
that, when he himself examined at Poitiers seventy-two Templars on the 
charge of apostacy, sacrilege and other crimes, they expressly, spontaneously 
and repeatedly acknowledged the justice of the charges ; and that the same 
free and spontaneous acknowledgment was made, in presence of his dele- 
gates, by the grand-master and other chief personages of the Order. Nor 
was this depravity, although more common among the Templars in France, 
confined to that country ; several others were found guilty of the same 
enormous crimes in Tuscany, Lombardy, England, etc. (Natalis Alexander, 
in Dissertatione citatd vol. vii, pp. 505 and 512 ; — Hist, de VEgl. Gall. vol. 
xii, pp, 431 and 433). The Pope, therefore, with the approbation of the 
general council then assembled at Vienne, published his bull suppressing 
the institute, on account of the infamy of so many among its members, 
which had made it an object of contempt and scandal; and decreed that 
their property should be given for ever to the Knights Hospitallers of St. 
John of Jerusalem. 

The whole transaction being thus stated from original and authentic 
sources, it is impossible for any reflecting mind to consider the series and 
duration of the inquiries ; the fair manner in which they were conducted ; 
the great number of witnesses that were heard ; the perfect agreement ia 
the avowals made by the accused in so many different parts of Christendom ; 
the high standing and character of their judges, who were the first and 
most commendable personages of Church and State ; in fine, the delibera- 
tions and unanimous decision of the Pope and of three hundred prelates 
assembled in the council of Vienne: it is, I say, impossible to take all 
these circumstances into consideration, without being at once fully con- 
vinced that the Templars deserved to be suppressed, and that the sentence 
pronounced against their Order, in the council of Vienne, was not only 
proper and just, but even, being the only sure means to remove a s^^ > -n'^fnl 
scandal, ought to be considered as a very signal service rendered 
Clement V and King Philip, to religion and society. 



504 NOTES. 

Who will not, after this, feel astounded and indignant at the following 
narrative of Hume, when, having stated the indolence and degeneracy of 
the Templars, he adds, in his usual positive manner: i 

" But, though these reasons had weakened the foundations of this Order] 
once so celebrated and revered, the immediate cause of their destructior, 

Eroceeded from the cruel and vindictive spirit of Philip the Fair, who, 
aving entertained a private disgust against some eminent Templars, 
determined to gratify at once his avidity and revenge, by involving tliq 
whole Order in an undistinguished ruin. On no better information thad 
that of two Knights, condemned by their superiors to perpetual imprison-j 
ment for their vices and profligacy, he ordered on one day all the Templaiil 
in France to be committed to prison, and imputed to them such enormous 
and absurd crimes, as are sufficient of themselves to destroy all the credil 
of the accusation. Above a hundred of these unhappy gentlemen were pul 
to the question, in order to extort from them a confession of their guilty 
The more obstinate perished in the hands of their tormentors : several, to 
procure immediate ease in the violence of their agonies, acknowledged 
whatever was required of them : forged confessions were imputated to 
others ; and Philip, as if their guilt were now certain, proceeded to a con- 
fiscation of all their treasures." 

The writer then proceeds to relate, at great length, the punishment 
inflicted on the Templars, which indeed he does with affected pathos, bui 
not without several inaccuracies ; and at last concludes thus : ' 

"In all this barbarous injustice, Clement V, who was a creature of! 
Philip, and then resided in France, fully concurred ; and, without exam-! 
ining a witness, or making an inquiry into the truth of facts, he summarily,} 
by the plenitude of his apostolic power, abolished the whole Order. The! 
Templars, all over Europe, were thrown into prison; their conduct under-' 
went a strict scrutiny; the power of their enemies still pursued and op-j 
pressed them ; but no where, except in France, were the smallest traces of i 
their pretended guilt to be found. England sent an ample testimony ofl 
their piety and morals ; but, as the Order was now annihilated, the KnightsI 
were distributed into several convents, and their possessions were, by com- 
mand of the Pope, transferred to the order of St. John." (History of Eng- 
land, reign of Edward II ) . 

Such is, concerning the aifair of the Knights-Templars, the narrative of 
Hume, which evinces indeed much of Hie inventive imagination of an 
orator. But very little of the exactness and sincerity of an historian. Here 
we see an almost uninterrupted series of inaccuracies and falsehoods 
blended with some true statements, a violent spirit of rancor against one of 
the two interested parties, scarcely concealed under the veil of affected 
compassion for the other, and an inveterate desire of finding fault with the 
conduct of tlie Pontiff and the king. Throughout the whole'of his narrative, 
the author takes little care to relate facts in the order in which they hap- 
pened, and does not even know the names of several among the chief per- 
sonages of whom he speaks, calling the grand-master John instead of James 
of Molay ; and the companion of his punishment, a brother to the sovereign 
of Dauphiny, instead of a brother to the Dauphin of jSuvergne ; mistaking 
likewise the place in which they underwent their last trial, for that in 
which they suffered death. These blunders, however, are mere trifles, 
compared with the calumnious charges of precipitancy and want of invest 
ligation ; of violence employed to extort a confession of guilt ; of avarice 
and revenge ; of injustice and barbarity ; which he so readily lavishes on 
King Philip the Fair and Pope Clement V, and which we will now succes- 
eivefy examine. 

1st. It is wrong to state that King Philip ordered the imprisonment of 



NOTES. 505 

all the Templars in France on the mere deposition of two Knights. Before 
issuing this order, he had instituted new inquiries whirh gave additional 
strength to the former charges. Hence it is manifest that the imputation 
of enormous crimes to the Order of the Templars did not proceed from 
that monarch, as Hume asserts, but from the veiy members of the Order; it 
being, moreover, justified by their proverbially bad character, which gave 
rise to the expression, boire comrae un Templier. 

2d. It is equally false that the confessions of the Templars with regard to 
the crimes imputed to them, were forged, or wrung from them by the vio- 
1; Jice of torture. The one hundred and forty knights who were tried b} 
the royal commissaries at Paris, and the seventy-two others whom the Pope 
himself examined at Poitiers, were not tortured, but voluntarily and freely 
confessed their guilt (see again Brumoy ; — Natalis Alexander ; — especially 
the letters of Pope Clement V, quoted above ; — also Bergier, Diction. Theo- 
log. art. Templiers) . The grand-master and the chief commanders did the 
same, without any constraint whatever : liberi ac sponte, absque coactione 
qvdlibet ei timore. Most of them persevered in their avowals ; and, if seve- 
ral afterwards retracted what they had said, this circumstance may prove 
indeed that they could no longer bear to see themselves the object of public 
scorn, but not that they were sincere in their retraction. For, how many 
culprits are there, who obstinately maintain their innocence, notwithstand- 
ing the clear evidence of the crime 'laid to their charge ; or, changing their 
plan of defence, deny what they had previously confessed, and vice versd. 

3d. Notwithstanding the peremptory assertion of Hume, that no where 
but in France were there to be found the smallest traces of what he calls 
the pretended guilt of the Templars, the contrary is certain from various 
testimonies concerning the Templars of Tuscany, Lombardy, and even 
England, as Walsingham relates (Hist. Angl. in vitd Edward II), and Dr. 
Lingard acknowledges with regard to a few individuals (Hist, of Engl. vol. 
jn,p. 472). It appears, indeed, that in several countries, most of the accused 
were acquitted ; but this only proves what we before said, that the Order 
Vi'as not equally corrupt every where, and that the poison of Impiety and 
vice had not infected the whole body of the Knights-Templars, although it 
had tainted many of its members. — It was also incumbent on Mr. Hume to 
furnish some proofs of the reality of that violent and universal persecution 
wliich, he supposes, was carried on against the Templars, after the sup- 
pression of their institute : he probably thought it, as usual, an easier task 
to assert boldly than to prove. The truth is, there is no trace of such q. 
persecution to be found in history. 

4th. Groundless too is the assertion made by the same author, that King 
14iilip acted as a vindictive and avaricious tyrant. That prince may have 
been eager and hasty in his proceedings, at least with regard to the chief 
personages of the Order ; still, it ought to be observed that, in inflicting the 
ligorous punishment of death by fire, he merely followed the jurisprudence 
commonly adopted in"^hose ages against heinous crimes. With regard to 
(he confiscation of the property of the Templars in France, there are unde- 
niable proofs of the disinterestedness of Philip in this transaction: all that 
he did, had for its object to preserve that property for the public utility of 
Christendom, as the Pope and the general council should deem advisable; 
iior did any portion of it pass into his own hands, except what was requi- 
f^ite to defray the expenses which he had incurred in so long and so compli- 
cated a suit. The immense possessions of the Templars (except those 
situated in Spain and Portugal), were, as is well known, and as Hume 
himself acknowledges, transferred to the Order of St. John of Jerusaleaip 

5th. Still more iniquitous and atrocious than the preceding, is the charge 
i^f violence^ injuhiticfc; and barbanty dir'^cted ag-ainst Pone Clernejit ; who^ 



506 ■ HOTES-. 

far from acting as the unfaithful historian assures us he did, adopted the 
diametrically opposite course, as all the monuments and authentic acts of 
this important atiair invariably testify. He continually endeavored to tem- 
per the zeal of Philip ; he constantly recommended equity and prudence to 
the commissaries appointed to preside in this complicated trial ; neither he 
nor his legates had any thing to do with the precipitate condemnation of 
the grand-master. Whilst the papal commissaries heard upwards of two 
hundred witnesses either for or against the accused Order, Clement himself 
tried and examined seventy-two knights, with equal impartiality and care : 
he took all possible means to know the truth, and had recourse to all possi- 
ble sources of information ; in a word, he continued the inquiries with in- 
defatigable patience during five years, before he would come to a decision 
respecting the Order, the persons, and the property of the Templars. Is 
there, in such conduct, any thing that savors in the least of violence, in- 
justice and barbarity? 

6th. Moreover, what can be more equitable, prudent and wise than the 
decision which the Pontiff, after long deliberation, and many conferences 
with the cardinals and other prelates, published in the second session of 
the council of Vienne, on the third of April, 1312. In that document, he 
did not pronounce the whole Order guilty of the horrid crimes which had 
been the object of so many inquiries ; but, considering the state of acknow- 
ledged degeneracy into which it had fallen, the infamy with which it was 
loaded by the mere imputation of such disorders, and the well ascertained 
guilt of many of its members, he abolished it as having become^ not only 
useless, but even an object of scandal to all Christendom. 

Such was the dignified conduct which Hume has dared to brand with 
the appellation of barbarous injustice, and which another equally bold and 
superficial writer has presumed to call an infamous proscription. If there 
is, on this subject, any thing calculated to provoke the feelings of a just 
indignation, let the reader judge on which side it stands: on that of a Pon- 
tiff and a prince whose proceedings, throughout the whole of this grand 
affair, were marked with so much equity and disinterestedness; or on that 
of two unfaithful authors, who, careless about historical truth and justice, 
have ventured, without proof, and against all reason, to paint the important 
transaction in such sombre colors? 



NOTE K.— PAGE 347. 

INQUISITIONT. 



What has not been said about, or rather against, the Spanish Inquisi- 
tion? We everywhere see it depicted in the blackest colors, and repre- 
sented as the offspring of papal ambition and ecclesiastical tyranny : as a 
bloody tribunal, condemning innocent persons to death for mere thoughts 
and opinions; an institution, whose proceedings are the most terrific that 
human bigotry and malice could suggest; etc. 

In answer to these charges we will remark, in the first place, that (he 
Inquisition forms no part of the Catholic creed and of the obligatory disci- 
pline of the Church. We find, it is true, that it was established in some 
Catholic states as a political means to maintain the unity of religion within 
their liniits, and remove from them the disturbances occasioned by newly 
invented systems; but this was commonly done, either at the request, or 
by t|i,e wthority of the sovereigns themselves, e. g.^ of King rerdiii;a.u4 m 



NOTES. 507 

spam (A. D. 1480), of John III in Portugal (a. d. 1557)- This Inquisition 
therefore, besides being a local and temporary institution, was rather civtt 
than ecclesiastical in its origin. Its chief members, particularly in Spain^ 
were indeed selected from the ecclesiastical order, but they always remained 
under the authority of the king, without whose previous consent their de- 
crees could be neither executed nor even published. 

In the second place, the Inquisition, far from being as bloody and in- 
exorably severe as is commonly imagined, far from inflicting capital punish- 
ment even for mere thoughts and opinions, on the contrary never inflicted 
it even for open and atrocious crimes, the tribunal having never been au- 
thorized to pass sentence of death or of mutilation upon any person; this 
power resided entirely and solely in the civil authority. All that the council 
of the Inquisition had to do, was to pronounce the individual arraigned be- 
fore them guilty, on the clearest evidence, of a crime declared capital by 
the law of Spain. There they stopped ; and, instead of prosecuting to death, 
they rather displayed a degree of indulgence and clemency seldom witnessed 
in any other tribunal. If the culprit manifested sincere repentance, he was 
immediately si^reened from capital punishment, and condemned merely to 
undergo temporary and trifling penances. If, notwithstanding the convinc- 
ing proofs of his guilt, he remained obstinate and impenitent, then, and not 
till then, was he delivered over to the civil power to be dealt with accord- 
ing to law; and, even in this case, the inquisitors recommended the wretched 
individual to the mercy of the secular judge.* They had nothing to do with 
his death ; and, when, at the moment of execution, the priest appeared by 
the side of the guilty man, it was only to inspire him, if possible, with sen- 
iiments of repentance, to soothe his agony by words of consolation, and to 
prepare him for eternity. 

Even admitting that some inquisitors, from time to time, acted with ex- 
cessive rigor, which led to certain abuses and unjustifiable conclusions, still 
it is true that these proceedings should be charged only to the individuals 
in question, but not to the tribunal itself fairly considered in its nature, its 
end and its regulations, nor to the generality of its members, whose prudence^ 
justice and integrity have elicited the admiration of all attentive and impar- 
tial travellers (v. g., Abbifi de Vayrac, in his Voyage en Espagne et en Italiej 
1731 ; Bourgoing, Nouveau Voyage en Espagne ; and Journal de V Empire, 
1805). Again, these abuses, whatever they were, might be ascribed to the 
civil, but not to the ecclesiastical power, as is well explained by Count de 
Maistre in his two first letters on the Spanish Inquisition ; much less couM 
tiiey be imputed either to the Catholic church at large, of which the church 
of Spain is but a portion, or to the Roman See in particular, since the In- 
quisition at Rome greatly differed from that of Spain, and always displayed 
such moderation, indulgence and meekness, as to astonish the French infi- 
dels themselves (Encyclop. art. Inquisition). 

With regard to the awful and terrible forms which the Inquisition is said 
to have adopted, the charge may be partly adjnitted without furnishing any 
ground for invective; nor is it at all surprising that a tribunal should make 
an exterior show of rigor, the better to strike the minds of the people, and 
jthe more surely to prevent the perpetration of crime. It is, however, cer- 

I * The case of the famous heresiarch John Huss, in 1415, was conducted in the same 
Imanner. The council of Constance, not having been able, by remonstrances .and exhor- 
tations, to overcome his obstinacy and bring him to a retractation of his errors, handed 
^im over to the civil power, without however soUciting his punishment. The secular 
court was not so indulgent: the emperor Sigismond thought it his duty to punish the man 
who, besides repeatedly infringing the conditions of the safe-conduct he had received, 
every where preached seditious doctrines ; accordingly, John Huss was placed under the 
custody of the magistrate of Constance, who, following the jurisprudence of the age with 
regard to such trespasses, consigned him to tJie ^flames. 



508 NOTES, 

tain that, on this point also, there have been many exaggerations and 
slanderous reports. Thus, as Count de Maistre observes (lett. ii.), it is by 
no means true that the most trifling charge v^^as sufficient to cause a man 
to be arrested ; that the accused remained unacquainted with the reasons 
of his confinement, and v^as not allowed the privilege of a lawyer to defend 
his cause. The punishment of burning, too, far from being, as it is com- 
monly supposed, the ordinary one to which the convicted persons were 
condemned, was, on the contrary, very seldom employed, and that by the 
civil power only, and against such enormous crimes, sacrilege, apostacy, 
and the like, as were not more mildly treated by the other European 
nations. Faults of a less grievous nature were punished merely by exile 
or imprisonment, sentence of death being very rare, especially in latter 
times, when, as well natives as foreigners, who did not attempt to disturb 
religious or social order, could live with as much tranquillity and security 
in Spain as in any other country. 

When the Spaniards are reproached with the rigors, real or pretended, 
of this famous tribunal, their answer is, that, by punishing a few obstinate 
individuals, it saved their monarchy from the awful disturbances and civil 
w-ars which desolated Switzerland, Germany, Holland, France, etc., in the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; and did not, after ail, cause so much 
blood to flow in all their dominions together, as the Calvinian reformation 
did in the single kingdom of France. 



NOTE L.— PAGE 357. 

BULL OF ALEXANDER VI, CALLED THE BULL OF PARTITION. 



"Writers," says Dr. Lingard, "have not always sufficiently appre- 
ciated the benefits which mankind derived from the pacific influence of 
the Roman Pontiffs. In an age which valued no merit but that of arms, 
Europe would have been plunged in .perpetual war, had not Pope after 
Pope labored incessantly for the preservation or restoration of peace. They 
rebuked the passions, and checked the extravagant pretensions of sove- 
reigns : their character, as the common fathers of Christians, gave to their 
representatives a weight which no other mediators could claim : and their 
legates spared neither journey nor fatigue to reconcile the jamng interests 
of courts, and interpose the olive of peace between the swords of contend- 
ing armies," (Hisior. of Engl. vol. iv, ^.80). 

These general remarks on the happy influence exercised at different 
times by the Sovereign Pontiffs, are particularly applicable to the conduct 
of Pope Alexander VI, with regard to the Spanish and Portuguese sove- 
reigns. He had to settle between them, by a solemn decision, the respec- 
tive boundaries of their foreign possessions, and, by so doing, prevent the 
endless and sanguinary contests that might have otherwise followed; this 
the Pontiff did by issuing the famous bull Inter ccetera : he, at the same time, 
improved the opportunity of benefitting the natives of the newly discovered 
countries, by requiring of their conquerors that they should procure for 
them religious and Christian instruction.* Had he refused to listen to the 

* The words of the Pontiff are these : "Insuper mandamus vobis in virtute sanctae obe- 
dientiae (sicut polUcemini, et non dubitamus pro vestri maxima devotione et regii mag- 
Baiiimitate vos esse facturos) ad terras firmas et insulas prsedictas viros probos et Deum 
timentes, doctos, peritos et expertos, ad instiuendum incolas et habitatores praefatos in 
fide OathoUc&j et bonis morlbus imbuendum, destinare studeatis, omnem delvitam diligen- 
tiam in praemissis adhibentes." — Bulla Jiiter Ccetera, n. 7. 



NOTES. 509 

appeal of the interested parties, he might indeed have removed the danger 
of being charged with entertaining ambitious views ; but w^ould he not have 
incurred the ^uilt of unjustifiable M^ant of zeal and care, both to prevent 
the eftusjon oi human blood, and to promote the advantage of the defence- 
less Indians ? For, it should ever be remembered that the kings of Spain 
and Portugal would, in any hypothesis, have taken and kept possession of 
the lands lately described by their navigators, this having been their full 
determination from the beginning; hence, there would have existed, on 
one side, a continued subject of quarrels between the two nations for the 
determination of their foreign limits, and, on the other, there would have 
been no condition imposed on them to better the fate of the Indians, 
The decision, therefore, of Alexander VI, was not only conducive to the 
preservation of peace among the conquerors, but highly advantageous to 
the vanquished themselves, for whom it secured the blessings of civilization 
and Christianity. 

"Ferdinand," says the elegant historian of Columbus, "had despatched 
ambassadors to the Court of Rome, announcing the new discovery as an 

extraordinary triumph of the faith ,At least as politic as he was pious, 

he insinuated a hint at the same time, by which the Pope might pereeive 
that he was determined, at all events, to maintain his important acquisitions. 
His ambassadors were instructed to state that, in the opinion of many 
learned men, these newly discovered lands, having been taken possession of 
by the Catholic Sovereigns, their title to the same did not require the papal 
sanction ; still, as pious princes obedient to the holy chair, they supplicated 
His Holiness to issue a bull, making a concession of them, and of such 
others as might be discovered, to the crown of Castile," (Irving's Columbus, 
b. V. ch. VIII). 

From this it manifestly appears that the Spanish Sovereigns had not 
waited for the grant of the Pope, to take possession of the West Indies, 
"The question," says a learned critic, (Bergier, art. Demarcation) "was 
not to decide whether their conquests, and those of the king of Portugal, 
were lawful or not, but to remove, by the fixation of their limits, the evils 
of war which would have visited the European discoverers, without render- 
ing the fate of the Indians better." Hence, it is useless to ask what righl 
the Pontitf had to give lands and countries which did not belong to him, 
since his solemn award, although it seemed to contain a real grant, was 
simply a measure tending to prevent bloody quarrels between two jealous 
and powerful monarchs ; whilst it also provided for the civil and moral im- 
provement of their new subjects. To act the part of an authoritative arbi- 
trator, does not require to have jurisdiction over the object of the debate, 
but over the contending parties ; especially, if they themselves have re- 
ferred the case to their common acknowledged superior, and have asked 
his decision. 

Instead then of inveighing against the bull of Alexander VI, it would be 
better, as Feller and Count de Maistre observe, to regret that the time has 
passed, when a single word from the Roman Pontiff was sufficient to main- 
tain peace among kings and nations, and when his impartial voice and 
universally revered influence easily removed the danger of obstinate dis- 
sensions and sanguinary conflicts. 



43* 



510 HOTESo 



NOTE M.— PAGE 367. 

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN CHURCH ON" THE IMPROVEMENT OW 

SCIENCE-., 

AFFAIR OF GALILEO— THE CALENDAR. 



The Roman Church, as we have aheady noticed in several parts of this 
work, has rendered multiplied and signal services to the arts, sciences, and 
oelles lettres. Still, it is often said that she has, within the last ages, 
rather opposed their improvement -y. and were we to believe certain authors 
in their poetical, astronomical, and geographical descriptions, the very land 
and city in which there has always "been found, to the present day, a 
greater share of true taste and solid learning than any where else, should 
be considered a half barbarous and hardly civilized region. The principal 
fact adduced to support this unjust charge, is the affair of Galileo, whom a 
multitude of writers represent as having been persecuted on account of his 
astronomical discoveries, and condemned by the Roman inquisitors merely 
for teaching, according to tlie opinion of Copernicus, the true system of 
the world. But it is now well proved, from the letters of Guichardin and 
of Marquis Nicolini, both of them disciples, friends and protectors of Gali- 
leo, from the letters and writings of Galileo himself, that, for a long time, 
the public has been grossly imposed upon with respect to this point oi 
history. 

This celebrated man was not arraigned as an astronomer, but as a ba(^ 
tiieologian, and for having pretended to impute to the Bible dogmas of his 
own invention. His great discoveries, it is true, provoked envy against 
him; but his pretension to prove the Copernican system from the Bible 
was the real cause of his being summoned before the inquisitors at Rome ; 
and the restlessness of his mind, the only source of the troubles which he 
underwent on that account. 

In his first journeys to Rome (1611, etc.), Galileo found only admirers 
among the cardinals and other distinguished personages. The Pope him- 
self granted him a favorable audience, and Cardinal Bellarmine merely 
forbade him, in the name of His Holiness, to blend in future the Bible with 
his astronomical systems. Other learned prelates equally pointed out to 
him the course of prudence to be observed by him on this point ; but his 
obstinacy and vanity did not permit him to follow their advice. 

Some years after, he published his "Dialogues and Memoirs," in which 
he again took upon himself to raise the system of the rotation of the earth 
to the dignity of a dogmatical tenet. Being summoned before the tribunals 
of Rome, the lodging assigned to him in that city, was not a gloomy prison, 
not a frightful dungeon, but the palace of Tuscany, and, for eighteen days, 
the apartments of the attorney-general, where he had every facility to take 
exercise and carry on his correspondence. During the trial, the main 
object of his answers was not the scientific view of the question, since he 
had been allowed to defend his system as an astronomical hypothesis, but 
its pretended association with the Bible. Not long after having received 
his sentence and made his recantation, Galileo obtained leave to revisit his 
native country, and, far from being persecuted, was dismissed with new 
marks of esteem for his talents and of regard for his person. 

For these interesting documents respecting the affair of Galileo, we are 
indebted to the researches of an impartial Protestant, Mr. Mallet — Dupau 



NOTES, 611 

of Geneva, who wrote a dissertation on the subject, in the Mercure de 
France, 17 Juillet 1784, n. 29 — see B^raut-Bercastel, Histoire de VEghse, 
ad ann. 1634 ; and Bergier, Diction, de theoL, art. Monde, and Sciences. 

The Roman Church, far from impeding the progress of astronomy or of 
other sciences, on this or any other occasion, has on the contrary rendered, 
even in that respect, the most undeniable and signal' services. We allude 
chiefly to the reformation of the calendar, an event which took place under 
Pope Gregory XIII, some years before the time of Galileo, and which is 
well deserving of notice. 

By Calendar is meant a certain distribution of time adapted to religious 
and civil purposes, and pointing out the order and succession of the days, 
weeks, months and festivals of the year. All civilized nations have ever 
felt the necessity of having such a regular distribution of time ; but it 
required a long series of ages, a deep study of astronomy, and innumerable 
calculations, to contrive a good and exact calendar. 

In former times, the year was believed to be eleven minutes longer than 
it is in reality. This difference, though apparently trifling, had become, 
by being repeated from year to year during the course of many centuries, 
30 very sensible and material, that in the year 1582, the vernal equinox fell 
on the eleventh of March, whereas the calendar marked it on the twenty- 
first of the same month ; a day which had been assigned to it by the astrono- 
mers of Alexandria, in 325. The consequence was, that festivals were no 
longer celebrated in their proper time ; and Easter, in particular, which de- 
pends on the full moon of March, would, in the course of ages, have been 
successively found in Summer, Autumn and Winter. 

To remedy this confusion, Gregory XIII suppressed at once from the 
year 1582 ten entire days (those between the 4th and 15th of October), by 
which the real equinox was in advance of the equinox of the calendar ; thus 
making them again coincide, and restoring all Christian festivals to their 
proper epoch throughout the year. Moreover, measures and precautions, 
suggested by skilful mathematicians and astronomers, were taken to prevent 
the like confusion in future, and the whole work being completed, received 
the solemn sanction of the Pope, in his bull of the same year, 1582. 

These corrections in the calendar were successively adopted by nearly 
all Christian nations, even those separated from the See of Rome ; v. g., by 
the English, in 1752 ; by the Swedes, in- 1753 ; by the German States, in 
1776. The Russians are the only civilized people in Europe, who have 
hitherto refused to admit the important improvement, and still adhere to the 
old style ; the consequence of which is that they are now, in their computa- 
tion of the year, twelve days behind the real time ; thus preferring, as a judi- 
cious author pointedly remarks, rather to be at variance with Sie heavens 
and the stars, than to agree with the Roman Pontiff. 



NOTE N.— PAGE 397. 

MASSACKE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S DAY. 



Nothing perhaps is more common, and yet nothing can be more unjust, 
than to take advantage of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, to in- 
veigh against the Catholic community and the Catholic principles, as if the 
awful deed had proceeded from their influence. If we consult the authentic 
and contemporary documents collected and adduced by those persons who 
have made a deep and impartial study of the whole transaction (v, g 



512 NOTES. 

Caveirac, Dissert, surla St. Barthelemi ; — Lingard, viii, Note T.; — Daniel, 
Hist, de France, ad ann. 1572), we shall find that religion had nothing to 
do with it, except to check its course as much as possible, and to weep 
over the devoted victims of the Massacre ; that the whole affair was merely 
the effect of political resentment and of a sudden ebullition of anger; in fine, 
that a much smaller number of persons perished on the occasion than is 
comnionly believed. 

The series and close connexion of the events immediately preceding the 
massacre, are sufficient to show that it originated in. the animosity of the 
French court against the Protestant party, and was dictated by a violent 
desire of revenge. The mind of the young king, Charles IX, had been fre- 
quently harassed and exasperated by the repeated attacks of the Huguenots 
against his authority, and by the report of the many cruelties which they 
had committed throughout the kingdom during the last civil wars. Not- 
withstanding these causes of provocation, he would not have adopted the 
dreadful measure, had it not been for the positive assertion of his mother 
and chief counsellors, that he could no longer escape the plots of that party, 
without putting to death or in confinement its chief leaders, and that, were 
he to wait till next morning, his most faithful officers, his family, perhaps 
himself, would be sacrificed to their vengeance. The king then gave his 
consent to the projected massacre; the time was appointed, and the execu- 
tion took place during a considerable part of the following day, the twenty- 
fourth of August, 1572. 

Thus, the odious deed was not the result of a long premeditated and 
general plot, but the effect of a sudden fit of anger and revenge ; it was, 
moreover, projected against the leaders only of the Huguenot party, and 
intended to have taken place only in Paris. If the example of the capital 
was followed in many other cities, v. g., Lyons, Rouen, Toulouse, Bor- 
deaux, etc., this was owing chiefly to the violent excitement which the 
conduct and cruelties of the Calvinists, during the preceding insurrections, 
had produced in the minds of the Catholics. Far from sending orders to 
the provinces against Protestants, Charles IXj on the contrary, both in writ- 
ing and by word of mouth, frequently expressed his intention that the bloody 
scene should not be repeated, nor extended beyond the limits of Paris. And 
indeed, the great difference of the epochs at which the massacres were 
committed in the cities just mentioned, also shows that they ought to be 
attributed rather to sudden ebullitions of popular vengeance, than to any 
previously concerted and general plan. Every one may see the detailed 
proofs of these assertions in the two first authors above mentioned. 

Of the number of victims in all those towns, including the capital, it is 
impossible to speak with certainty. Among the Huguenot writers, some 
reckon seventy thousand ; others, thirty or twenty or fifteen thousand : but 
all these amounts seem to be exaggerated. " The reformed martyrologist 
adopted a measure of ascertaining the real number, which may enable us to 
form a probable conjecture. He procured from the ministers in the different 
towns where the massacres had taken place, lists of the names of the per- 
sons who had suffered, or were supposed to have suffered. He published 
the result in 1582; and the reader will be surprised to learn that in all 
France he could discover the names of no more than seven hundred and 
eighty-six persons. Perhaps, if we double that number, we shall not be 
far from the real amount." (Lingard in loco cit.) 

Above all, it is certain that religion had nothing to do with the massacre, 
whether as a motive or an encouragement. In the contriving of the 
wretched scheme, the passions of the French court, jealousy, animosity, 
revenue, were the real and only cause ; and the pretence was a supposed 
conspiracy of the Protestant leaders against the king, his servants and his 



I NOTES. 51 j 

family. No clergymen were consulted about the adoption of the awful 
Uieasure ; and, when they heard of it after its execution, far from obtaining 
their approbation, it rather excited in their bosoius feehngs of horror for the 
deed, and of commiseration for its victims. The only share which bishops, 
priests and monks took in it, was to save as many as they could of the Pj-o- 
testants, who, in many towns, v. g., Lisieux, Toulouse, Lyons, Bordeaux, 
had taken refuge in their hospitable dwellings. 

It is objected that Pope Gregory XITI publicly returned thanks to God 
on that occasion; — but what was the real object of this rejoicing? Charles 
IX, in order to palliate the shame of his murderous edict against the Pari- 
sian Huguenots, wrote to every 'court in Europe, that, having just detected 
their horrid plots against his authority and person, he had been fortunate 
enough to escape fi'om the imminent danger, by putting the conspirators to 
death without delay. The Pope then, under that impression, rejoiced, not 
for the death of the supposed traitors, whose rigorous punishment he on the 
conti-ary deplored, but for the preservation of the French monarch and of 
his kingdom from utter ruin : exactly, as in a case of war, and of a signal 
victory against invaders, public rejoicings would take place, and every 
sensible person would willingly share in them, not indeed at the blood shed 
in battle, but at the advantages gained over an unjust enemy ; and who 
could dare to find a fault in such conduct? 



NOTE O.— PAGE 414. 

REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES. 



Before attempting to present a vindication of this famous Revocation, 
we will quote the words in which it is recorded by Hume, in the eighth 
volume of his History. "Louis XIV," says he, "having long harassed and 
molested the Protestants, at last entirely revoked the Edict of Nantes, which 
had been enacted by Henry IV for securing them the free exercise of their 
religion; which had been declared irrevocable; and which, during the 
experience of near a century, had been attended with no sensible inconve- 
nience. All the iniquities inseparable from persecutions were exercised 
against those unhappy religionists, who became obstinate in proportion to 
the oppressions which they suffered, and either covered under a feigned 
conversion a more violent abhorrence for the Catholic communion, or 
sought among foreign nations for that liberty of which they were bereaved 
in their native country. Above half a million of the most useful and indus- 
trious subjects deserted France, and exported, together with immense sums 
of money, those arts and manufactures which had chiefly tended to enrich 
that kingdom. They propagated every where the most tragical accounts 
of the tyranny exercised against them, and revived among the Protestants 
all that resentment against the bloody and persecuting spirit of popery, to 
which so many incidents in all ages had given too much foundation." 

Such is, without tlie change of a single word, the lan^age of Hume con- 
cerning the Eevocation of the Edict of Nantes. That it is, in most points, 
and especially in the conclusion, the language of virulence, untruth and 
calumny, will appear manifest from the bare recital, in this, and the follow- 
ing note, of the facts connected with the important subject now before us, 
and of such notorious facts, too, as the most envious criticism cannot 
rationally deny. 

Previously to the reign of Louis XIV, the Huguenots, by dint of threats 



514 NOTES. 

and violence had extorted from the French kings, particularly from Henr^ 
IV in 1598, innumerable privileges, and a sort of separate government in 
the very heart of the kingdom. Their repeated insurrections under Louis 
XIII were checked, and their military forces annihilated by the genius of 
Richelieu ; still they continued, even under this powerful minister, to pos- 
sess a legal existence, and to enjoy the free exercise of their religion. 
Unfortunately, their spirit of rancor and animosity always continued the 
same ; they constantly manifested the most shameful opposition to the 
mterests of their own country, repeatedly endeavored to overturn her con- 
ititution and government, always favored her foreign foes, as was manifest 
Vom their authentic acts and writings, and" carried so far their hostile de- 
igns, as to open, as far as they were able, her frontiers to the Germans 
and the Dutch, and her maritime towns, Le Havre and La Rochelle, to the 
English, the greatest enemies of France; in a word, so multiplied were 
their infractions of several articles of the Edict of Nantes, that it required 
fio fewer than two hundred decrees of various courts of justice to check 
these new encroachments, as may be seen in the work of Abb^ Caveirac on 
this subject, pp. 195 — 246, and lxi — lxiii of the notes. 

Moreover, the bloody civil wars formerly excited by the Huguenots, 
tvere not yet forgotten, and the fresh remembrance of past evils inclined 
Ihe nation to adopt measures calculated to prevent their repetition. "I 
do not speak," says the illustrious pupil of Fenelon, the duke of Burgundy, 
in his memoirs, " of the calamities produced by the new doctrines in Ger- 
many, England, Scotland, Ireland, etc.; I speak of France only. Nor shall 
I enumerate one by one, the evils of which it was the theatre, and which 
are recorded in so many authentic documents ; the secret assemblies ; the 
leagues formed with foreign enemies ; the attempts against the govern- 
ment ; the seditious threats, open revolts, conspiracies, and bloody wars ; 
the plundering and sacking of towns ; the deliberate massacres, and atro- 
cious sacrileges : suffice it to say, that, from Francis I to Louis XIV, during 
seven successive reigns, all these evils and many others, with more or less 
violence, desolated the French monarchy. This is a point of history which, 
although it may be variously related, can neither be denied nor called in 
question ; and it is from this capital point that we should start in the 
political examination of this grand affair." 

Under the freSh recollection of so many trespasses and obnoxious deeds 
of the Huguenots, an intimate persuasion, founded on the natural rights of 
nations and the security of governments, had pervaded all classes of people, 
that the king was justifiable in adopting vigorous measures for the purpose 
of checking this ill-affected portion of his subjects. It was the general 
opinion, that the Edict of Nantes, both from its nature and on account of 
its numerous violations by the very party whom it favored, might be re- 
voked, since the good and tranquillity of the state called for its revocation. 
So little doubt did there exist concerning this right of repeal, that even 
Arnauld, a Jansenist, and Grotius, a Protestant, openly acknowledged it in - 
their writings;* nor indeed could it be denied without unjust partiality, 
since there was not, at this period, a single Protestant government in 
Europe, which, notwithstanding much more sacred ties or contracts, did 
not act more severely against their peaceful Catholic subjects, than the 
French court prepared to do against the restless and ever disaffected 
Huguenots. 

Moved by these considerations, the ministry under Louis XIV employed 

* The following are the words of the latter : " Ndrint illi, qui Reformatorum sibi impo- 
nunt vocabulum, non esse iJla fcedera, sed regum edicta, ob publieam facta utilitatem, ct 
revocabilia, si aliud regibus publica utilitas suaserit. — Rivetiani apologetici discussio, p. 22. 



NOTES. 515 

itself in gradually undermining their party, and taking away from them 
the power and opportunities of exciting new disturbances in France ; still 
nothing- appeared to threaten the entire abolition of their privileges, when, 
alarming symptoms of insurrection manifested by them throughout the 
southern and western provinces, caused it to become a matter of serious 
debate in the council of the king. The proposed measure passed by the 
unanimous vote of the counsellors and ministers ; the Edict of Nantes was 
revoked ; and, as the factious and hostile spirit of the Huguenot ministers 
was too well known to be safely tolerated, such of their number as refused 
to abjure their tenets within the space of two months, were commanded to 
quit the kingdom. As to the other Protestants, they were not only allowed, 
but even encouraged to remain in France, where they might freely carry 
on their business and commerce as before, and enjoy their property and 
their civil rights under the protection of the law, " without being troubled 
and vexed on account of their religion." These are the very terms of the 
repealing statute. 

It is, therefore, a gross inaccuracy to assert or suppose that the French 
Huguenots were promiscuously condemned to banishment, or doomed to 
oppression and all the iniquities inseparable from persecution in their native 
country. Many of them, it is true, preferred to follow their ministers into 
exile ; but this was a mere effect of their own choice, which the govern- 
ment never intended nor encouraged. It is true also that, in several places, 
acts of rigor, owing to unforeseen incidents, were exercised against them ; 
but this happened only in the places where the religionists, misunderstand- 
ing the moderate views of their sovereign, provoked his justice by their 
excesses and revolts. As to the acts of violence which some individuals 
occasionally recommended or practised, they were entirely repugnant both 
to the character and intentions of the monarch, who bitterly complained of 
this criminal abuse of his authority. 

He not only published new enactments to check these disorders, bat also 
endeavored to remove from the attendance of Protestants at religious in- 
structions even the appearance of constraint; following in this the advice 
of Bossuet, Fenelon, and other distinguished persons of the clergy, as Car- 
dinal de Bausset relates in the lives of these two illustrious bishops. Even 
before this, so remote were the ideas of the king from any thing like perse- 
cation, that, in a letter to the Intendants of the provinces, he said in express 
terms, that he recommended to them above all to treat the Protestants with 
mildness, Je vaus recommande surtout de menager avec douceur les espriis de 
ceux de ladite religion ; and, when information was given him that two of 
these governors had followed a different course, he severely reprimanded 
one, and recalled the other. 

But did not Louis XIV at least commit a great political fault, or, as some 
call it, a suicidal act against France, by giving occasion to so many indus- 
trious and useful subjects to leave the kingdom ? — So indeed it seems to 
several persons, but on what grounds does not appear. Even supposing 
the commercial and pecuniary disadvantage for some parts of France to 
have been as great as is commonly supposed, Louis XIV may have justly 
considered it a mere trifle, when weighed in the balance against the secu- 
rity and tranquillity of the whole kingdom. After all, there has evidently 
been much exaggeration in estimating the loss which France may have 
suffered on that occasion. Whatever were the complaints issued by some 
interested individuals, time and experience showed that arts, manufactures 
and trade had scarcely suffered any sensible detrime'nt ; or it was, at least, 
quickly repaired, since from nearly that period, commerce and industry 
became more and more flourishing in France, and no later than two years 
aJter the Edict of Revocation, the revenues of the crown, without any 



I 



516 NOTES. 

uarsh or oppressive measure, were augmented. Nor is it at all true that 
Ihe French refugees exported much money; the richest among them had 
remained in France, and those who freely chose to emigrate were mostly 
ivorkraen and laborers, rather requiring support from the countries which 
received them, than capable of enriching their benefactors, as their own 
historians confess; (apud Caveirac, pp. 93 — 97). Nor, in fine, did they 
materially contribute, except perhaps in Prussia, to the splendor of foreign 
manufactures, which were flourishing and prosperous before their arrival. 

As to the number of the emigrants, it is difficult to ascertain it, though we 
may be assured that there is another gross exaggeration in the amount of 
above half a million asserted by Hume. Larrey and Benoit, two Protestant 
authors, admit it to have been of about two hundred thousand persons ; but 
several critics think that it ought to be reduced, upon -fair calculation, to 
one-fourth or at least one-third of that amount. Among others, the Duke 
of Burgundy, whose candor and sincerity, as well as means of research, 
cannot be doubted, assures us that the French refugees were not more than 
sixty-eight thousand in all ; a number less than was carried off by a single 
civil war. 

So little injury was thought at the time to result to France from the revoca» 
tion of the Edict of Nantes, that Louis XIV received innumerable con- 
gratulations on this account. Both subjects and foreigners appeared more 
surprised at the rapid execution of the measure, than at the measure itself; 
even the famous Bayle proved to his fellov^ exiles that it was their own 
conduct that had forced the king to revoke their privileges, and that, after 
all, the laws enacted in most Protestant countries against Catholics were 
more stern and rigorous than any published by Catholic princes against 
Protestants, (jSvis aux Refugies, etc). If then the Huguenots filled the 
world with their invectives against the French government, no reasonable 
man will refuse to ascribe their conduct rather to the dictate of passion, 
than to their love of truth and justice. For, who does not know that the 
guilty commonly complain of the tribunal by which they were condemned? 
And who will ever consider as worthy of credit the historian who, lending 
an attentive ear to these complaints and invectives of one party, sets aside 
the victorious defence and the unexceptionable reasons of the other? 



NOTE P.— PAGE 460. 

ON KELIGIOUS PERSECUTION. 



To all persons ever so little acquainted v^ith the history of the last ages, 
it must be matter of the greatest surprise to see the charge of bloody and 
persecuting spirit so incessantly urged against the Catholic Church by those 
against whom it may be so easily and so victoriously retorted. Without 
again mentioning the rigors exercised by the late Prussian government, 
the oppressive yoke laid over Catholic Poland by the present autocrat of 
Russia, and the inhumanity of the former penal laws of England, etc., what 
violence and persecution did not the Catholics of the sixteenth century 
suffer in Denmark, Sweden and Scotland, although theirs was the ancient 
and established faith, whilst the doctrines of their persecutors were novelties 
both in Church and State! What cruelties w^re not committed against them 
m dilFerent parts of Germany, where it may be said that streams of blood 
marked the progress of the reformed religion; — in Holland, where the san- 
guinary Vanderrnerk slaughtered more unoffending Catholic persons in the 



NOTESe 517 

year 1572, than the severe Duke of Alva executed Protestant insurgents 
during- his whole government ; — in France, where the fury of the Hugue- 
nots, besides many particular atrocities, burnt nine hundred towns and 
villages in the province of Dauphin^ alone, and excited nine or ten civil 
wars, which cost the lives of more than two millions of men ; and that, too, 
upon avowed principle, and according to the maxims laid down by the very 
authors of the reformation, Luther, Calvin, Eeza, etc. 

On the contrary, we have proved, in different Notes, that neither the pas- 
tors, nor the tenets and principles of the Catholic Church, had any share in 
the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, in the Gun-powdei* Plot, in the 
abuses which may have accidentally taken place in the Spanish Inquisition, 
or in the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Sometimes, indeed, when 
there have existed sectarians, like the Albigenses, implacable disturbers of 
the public peace, and enemies of all social and religious order, the Church 
exhorted and requested the civil power to repress their excesses: but this 
surely cannot, without a manifest abuse of language, be termed persecution; 
otherwise we ought to call by the same name all civil laws enacted against 
robbers and murderers. As to the acts of real persecution, cruelty and 
violence of which some Catholics may have occasionally been guilty, they 
not only never met with any kind of encouragement or approbation from 
her; but she rather endeavored, as much as lay in her power, to prevent or 
check those ebullitions of individual and popular fury ; and, however zealous 
to propagate the Christian faith, she always inculcated that principle, which 
has even become a part of the Canon Law, that no one should embrace it 
by force. That this has been constantly, from the primitive ages down to 
the present time, her true spirit and the rule of her conduct, may be easily 
shown from a great variety of facts and testimonies, even confining ourselves 
to such as are connected with the events and personages mentioned in the 
course of this history. 

The first Christian emperor, Constantine the Great, was far from retaliating 
upon the heathens the rigor which his predecessors had exercised against 
tlie Christians. However great was his zeal for the diffusion of the true 
religion, in which he had been instructed by Catholic bishops, he did not 
so much as attempt to compel, but contented himself with mildly exhorting 
his subjects to embrace it, and even gave orders that no one should be in 
the least annoyed on account of his religion. See his life by Eusebius, b. ii. 
ch. 47, 48, etc. 

Another Christian emperor, Honorius, having in 410 passed very severe 
edicts to repress the horrid excesses and cruelties of the Donatists in Africa, 
St. Augustine and other orthodox prelates exerted all their influence to 
mitigate in favor of these wretched people the severity of the law, and to 
procure their conversion by instructions and conferences, rather than let 
their bodies perish by capital punishment. We learn from Possidius, the 
disciple and friend of St. Augustine, in the life of this holy doctor, (w. 14), 
that they had the satisfaction to succeed in their charitable undectaking. 

Pope St. Leo the Great, who lived at a time when the Church was at- 
tacked by very dangerous heretics, speaking of the Manicheans, the worst 
of all, says that " the ecclesiastical lenity was content, even in this case, 
with the sacerdotal judgment, and avoided all sanguinary punishments." 
A remarkable fact had recently proved the truth of his assertion. It was 
against a branch of these sectarians, the Priscillians, that the secular arm 
first exerted its severity, at Triers under the emperor Maximus, about the 
year 385. This event served to show how adverse the Catholic Church is 
to the bloody spirit of persecution: Pope St. Siricius, and the most holy 
prelates of the West, blamed the ri^or that has been exercised against the 
Priscillians, and the two bishops Itnacius and Idacius, who had obtained 
44 



I 



518 NOTES. 

their condemnation in a civil court, were themselves condemned for that 
ven'' reason in the councils of Milan (a. d. 390) and of Turin (401), 

When Ethelbert, King of Kent, was converted to the true religion by the 
apostle of Enoland, St. Austin, he had a great desire that all his subject 
should like him embrace Christianity ; but, as venerable Bede relates, he 
did not compel any one to do so, because he had learned from the Roman 
missionaries that the service of Christ ought to be voluntary. — Pope St. 
Gregory the Great, by whom these holy missionaiies were sent to England, 
evinced on many other occasions his firm adherence to this mild spirit of 
Christianity. ^^Writing to the bishop of Terracina, who had used some 
violence against the Jews, he said : " It is by mildness and exhortations, 
not by threats and terror, that the infidels must be induced to become 
Christians ;" and again, to a patriarch of Constantinople: "This is indeed 
a very strange way of preaching, which enforces the true faith by ill-treat- 
ment!" Such were the principles and the constant doctrine of that holy 
pontiff. 

St. Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux and the brightest ornament of his age, 
having learned that a fanatical preacher exhorted the people to murder the 
Jews as enemies of Christianity, rose against him with all the force of his 
eloquence, and rescued these devoted victims from the danger which threa- 
tened them. Pope Clement VI, in a similar ebullition of popular fury, 
hastened to forbiS, even under penalty of excommunication, any violence 
to be offered to them either in their persons or in their property ; and it is 
well known in general that the Jews never enjoyed greater protection than 
under the Roman Pontiffs ; so much so, that the city of Rome, where they 
occupy a separate quarter, with mere precautions of police, has been 
proverbially called the Paradise of the Jews. 

Robertson, in his History of America, renders full justice to the zeal and 
charity of the Spanish ecclesiastics in favor of the Indians of San Domingo, 
at the time when these unhappy people were harshly treated by their con- 
querors. "The missionaries," says he, " in conformity to the mild spirit 
of that religion which they were employed to publish, early remonstrated 
against this conduct." Besides the Dominican fathers, and the zealous Bar- 
tholomew Las Casas whose exertions in that noble cause are so justly 
renowned, the monks of St. Jerome also " neglected no circumstance that 
tended to mitigate the rigor of the yoke : and by their authority, their ex- 
ample and their exhortations, they labored to inspire their countrymen with 
sentiments of equity and gentleness towards the Indians." (6. iii, ad ann. 
1517). 

In the fifth book of his work, the same historian relates that Cortez having 
resolved, in his march towards Mexico, to destroy by open force the altars 
and the idols of the Tlascalans, was checked in his inconsiderate design by 
Father Olmedo, a chaplain to the expedition. This venerable man "repre- 
sented that religion was not to be propagated by the sword, or infidels to 
be converted by violence ; that other weapons were to be employed in this 
ministry, namely, patient instruction and pious example The remon- 
strances of an ecclesiastic no less respectable for wisdom than virtue, had 
their proper weight with Cortez: he left the Tlascalans in the undisturbed 
exercise of their own rites, requiring only that they should desist from their 
horrid practice of offering human victims in sacrifice." 

We have already noticed the charity and mildness displayed by the French 
clergy in favor of Protestants, at the time of the Massacre of St. Bartho- 
lomew's day and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. We may now 
make a similar remark concerning the penal statute passed, under the reign 
of Queen Mary, against her Protestant subjects, in consequence of the 
jirovocations which she had often experienced from their inordinate zeal 



NOTES. 519 

Motives of state policy actuated, indeed, the abettors of that ris:orous mea- 
sure ; but, far from being supported by any argument from ecclesiastical 
authority, it was on the contrary powerfully opposed by Cardinal Pole in 
the cabinet council, and even by King Philip's chaplain from the pulpit. 
When likewise, Emmanuel, king of Portugal, ordered some violent mea- 
sures to be resorted to, apparently for the good of religion, the celebrated 
Jesuit and historian Mariana observed, that the edict was most repugnant 
to the laws and statutes of the Christian Church, decreium a legibus et insti- 
tuiis Chnsiianis abhnrrens maxime. 

It was from these sacred statutes and laws, still more than from his own 
benevolent heart, that Fenelon drew the following beautiful maxims and 
counsels which he addressed to the son of King James 71, called the Pre- 
tender: "Above all, never force your subjects to change their religion. IN^o 
human power can reach the impenetrable recess of the free will of the 
heart. Violence can never persuade men ; it serves only to make hypo- 
crites Grant civil liberty to all, not in approving every thing 

as good, nor regarding every thing as indifferent, but in tolerating with 
patience whatever Almighty God tolerates, and endeavoring to convert 
men by mild persuasion." " Sur toutes choses, ne forcez jamais vos sujets 
a changer de religion. Nulle puissance humaine ne pent forcer le re tranche 
raent impenetrable de la liberty du cceur. La force ne pent jamais persua- 
der les hommes ; elle ne fait que des h3rpocrites Accordez a tons la 

tolerance civile, non en approuvant tout comrae indiiferent, mais en souf 
frant avec patience tout ce que Dieu souffre, et en tachant de ramener les 
hommes par nne douce persuasion." ( Vie de Fenelon, par Ramsay, p. 176 ; 
or by Cardinal Bausset, vol. iii.p. 208). 

The same benevolent and mild spirit of Catholicity has been also 
strikingly displayed on this side of the Atlantic. To prove this, we need 
merely refer to the history of the settlers of Maryland, the only one of the 
early British colonies that was founded by a body of Catholics. " Its his- 
tory," says Bancroft {vol. i, p. 268), "is the history of benevolence, grati- 
tude and toleration The Roman Catholics, who were oppressed by 

the laws of England, were sure to find a peaceful asylum in the quiet har- 
bors of the Chesapeake ; and there, too, Protestants were sheltered against 
Protestant intolerance." (See also Wilson, Amer. Revol. ch. ii, p. 21). 
Whilst the Episcopalians of Virginia would suffer no other form of worship 
than their own ; whilst the Puritans of New England punished with exile, 
fines, or tortures, the dissenters from their creed, the Catholics of Maryland 
alone, instead of imitating the example, invited the sufferers to come 
among them, and kindly received into their hospitable colony the victims 
of intolerance from the other settlements. 

Nor has the American Catholic of the present day degenerated from the 
maxims of his ancestors. However ready to defend his just rights against 
all illegal attacks and actual violence, he is equally disposed never to 
attempt the least unjust aggression against persons of a different creed. 
How strongly soever attached to his faith, it is only by a fair and mild ex- 
position of his doctrines that he seeks to vindicate them; being satisfied 
that the true religion neither needs nor requires to be defended or promoted 
by plots and associations, riots and conflagrations, misrepresentations and 
calumny ; he would be ashamed to use, and he is, above all, careful not to 
employ such unworthy weapons for the support of so sacred a cause. 

How falsely, then, do the enemies of the Catholic Church ascribe to her 
a bloody and persecuting spirit, than which nothing is more contrary to her 
constant maxims and conduct! Is it not rather evident that the same 
society to which we are indebted for the preservation of religion, civiliza- 
tion, literature and learning; for the complete revival of sciences and 



520 NOTES. 

belles-lettres in the age of Leo X, and their greatest splendor in the age of 
Louis XIV; for the most successful exertions in repelling the invasion of 
barbarians and saving the liberty of our European ancestors ; for the most 
useful institutions; for the most important discoveries; etc., enjoys also the 
honor of having always maintained the true spirit of Christianity upon 
earth, and ever practised, together with unshaken adherence to the deposit 
of faith, that effectual benevolence and genuine charity which is so much 
recommended in the Gospel ? Wonderful Providence of God towards man- 
kind in the institution of his Church, that, whilst she seems to have been 
established only to promote our spiritual and eternal welfare, she has, 
moreover, been rendered so zealously active and so vitally instrumental in 
procuring even our temporal happiness I 



TABLES 



COMEMrOEABY SOVEllEIGNS. 



K. B. THE DATES MARK THE BEGINNING OF EACH REIGS. 



44* 



r.99 



COXTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 



TABLE I. 


TABLE II. 


B. C. 

31 

A. D. 
14 

18 

37 
41 
50 
54 
68 
69 
69 
69 
79 
81 
90 
96 
98 
107 

117 
133 

138 

161 

180 
189 
193 
193 

193 

\ 

211 

214 
217 

\ 
j 218 

222 


ROMAN EMPE- 
RORS. 


PARTHIAN kings: 
ARSACIDES. 


A. D. 


ROMAN EMPE- 
RORS. 


PERSIAN kings: 
SASSANIDES. 


Caesar Augus- 
tus. 

Tiberius. 


Phraates„ 

Artabanus. 
Vologeses I. 

Pacorus. 
Chosroes. 

Vologeses II. 
Vologeses III. 

Artabanus. 

Empire of the 
Parthians de- 
stroyed in 226. 


235 

238 
244 
249 
251 
253 
253 
260 
268 
269 
270 
273 
275 
276 
282 
284 

284 

294 
305 

306 

310 
337 

361 
363 
364 

379 

395 
424 

455 
475 


Maximin 

Gordian 

Philip. 

Decius. 

Gallus. 

^milian. 

Valerian. 

Gallienus. 

Claudius II. 


in 226 Artax- 
erxes I. 
Sapor I. 

Hormisdas I. 
Varanes I. 
Varanes II. 

Narses. 
Hormisdas 11. 

Sapor II. 

Artaxerxes II. 
Sapor III. 
Varanes III. 

For the contin- 
uation, see table 
III. 


Caligula. 
Claudius. 


Nero. 

Galba. 

Otho. 

Vitellius. 

Vespasian. 

Titu^. 

Domitian. 


Aurelian. 


Tacitus. 

Probus 

Carus. 
CarinusandNu- 

merian, 
Diocletian and 

Maximian. 


Nerva. 
Trajan. 


Adrian. 


Constantius 
Chlorus and 
Galerius. 

Constantine the 
Great. 


Antoninus Pius. 

Marcus Aureli- 
us 

Commodus. 


Constantine II, 
Constans and 
Constantius. 

Julian. 

Jovian. 

Valentinian and 
Valens. 

Gratian, Valen- 
tinian II, and 
Theodosius the 
Great. The em- 
pire is divided. 

In the West. 
Honorius. 
Valentinian III. 

Eight short 
reigns {see p. 
133). 

Romulus Au- 
gustulus. 

Fall of the Wes- 
tern empire in 
476. 


Pertinax. 
Didius Julianus. 

Septimius Seve- 
rus. 

Caracalla. 


Heliogabalus. 
Alexander Se- 



CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 



523 



TABLE III. 



395 
399 

408 
420 
440 
450 
457 

474 

488 
491 
518 
527 
531 
565 
578 
579 
582 
590 
602 
610 
628 
632 



EASTERN OR 

GREEK 

EMPERORS. 



Arcadius 



Theodosius II. 



pfeRsiAN kings: 

SASSANIDES. 



TABLE IV. 



Marcian. 
Leo the 
cian. 
Zeno. 



Thra- 



Anastasius I. 
Justin I. 
Justinian I. 



Justin II. 
Tiberius II. 



Mauritius. 



Phocas. 
Heraclius. 



632 
634 
641 

644 
856 

661 

668 



Isdegerdes I. 

Varanes IV. 
Isdegerdes II. 

Peroses. 



Balasces. 
Cabades. 



Chosroes I. 

Hormisdas III. 
Chosroes II. 



Siroes. 

Isdegerdes III, 
the last of the 
Sassanides. 



Mahomet, the 
false prophet 

Arabian Ca- 
liphs. 

Abu-Beker. 

Omar. 



Constantine III, 
Constans II. 



685 
711 
713 



Constantine iV; 
or Pogonatus. 

Justinian II. 

Philippicus. 

Anastasius II. 

716lTheodosius III 

717 Leo the Isau- 

rian. 

Constantine V, 
or Coprony- 
mus. 



741 



744 



Othman. 
Ali. 

Ommiades. i 
Moavias. 

After his death,] 
there was a 
rapid succes- 
sion of twelve 
caliphs du- 
ring the space 
of sixty-four 
years, termi- 
nating in 

Mervan, the 
last of the 
lOmmiades. 



EASTERN OR 

GREEK 

EMPERORS. 



ARABIAN CA- 
LIPHS : ABAS- 
SIDES. 



750 

754 

775 

780 

785 
786 
802 
809 
811 
813 

820 

829 
833 

842 
867 

886 

911 
912 



919 



959 
963 

969 

976 

1025 



Leo Chazarus. 



Constantine VI 
and Irene. 



Nicephorus. 



Michael I. 

Leo the Arme- 
nian. 

Michael II, the 
Stammerer, 

Theophilus. 



Abul-Abbas. 
Abu-Giafar 

Almanzor. 
Mohammed — 

Mahadi. 



Hadi. 

Aaron-al-Ras- 
chid. 
Amin. 

Al-Mamon. 



Mutasem. 



1081 



Michael III. 

Basil the Mace 
donian. 

Leo the Philoso 
pher. 

Alexander. 

Constantine VII 
or Porphyroge- 
netes. 

Romanus I, Le- 
capenes ; and 
Constant. VII 
continued. 

Romanus II. 

Nicephorus 
Phocas. 

John Zimisces 

Basil II— tiU 

Then, after a se- 
ries of fifteen 
emperors, who 
just ?ippeared 
and disappear- 
ed, came 
Alexius Com- 
nenus, whose 
long reign be 
longs also to 
to the epoch of 
the crusades 



The succeed- 
ing caliphs, 
devoid of per- 
sonal merit, 
lost an im- 
mense portion 
of their pow- 
er, and retain- 
ed little more 
than a certain 
preeminence 
of honor. 



524 



CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 



TABLE V. 



A.D. 



EMPERORS OF GERMANY FROM 
THE REVIVAL OF THE WES 
TERN EMPIRE. 



KINGS OF ENGLAND FROM 
THE END OF THE HEP- 
TARCHY. 



800 
814 

827 
836 
840 
855 
857 
860 
866 
871 
875 



880 
887 
889 
894 
900 



912 



919 
924 
936 
940 
946 
955 
959 
973 
975 
978 
983 



House of France. 

Charlemagne. 

Louis I, the D^bonnaire. 



Lothaire I. 
Louis II. 



Charles the Bald. 

Interregnum of three years. 

Charles, the Big. 

Arnold. 

Guy. 

Lambert. 

Louis III 



House of Franconia. 
Conrad I. 

Hottse of Saxony. 
Henry I, the Fowler. 
Otho i, the Great*. 



Otho II. 
bVhaiilV 



Anglo' Saxon Kings. 



Egbert. 
Ethelwolf. 



Ethelbald. 
Ethelbert. 
Ethelred I. 
Alfred the Great. 



Edward the Elder. 



Athelstan. 

Edmund. 
Edred. 
Edwy. 
Edgar. 

Edward the Martyr. 
Etheked II. 



CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 



525 



TABLE VL 

1 


A.D. 


EMPEKORS OF 
GERMANY. 


KINGS OF ENG- 
LAND. 


KINGS OF FRANCE 

^0771 the beginning 
of the Capeiian 
dynasty. 


KINGS OF SPAIN, 

from the time 
when Castile 
was erected in- 
to a kingdom. 


987 

996 

1002 

1016 

1017 

1024 
1031 
1035 
1039 

1042 

1056 
1060 
1065 
1066 

1066 

1072 
1087 


House of Bava- 
ria. 


Anglo-Saxons, 
continued. 


Hugh Capet. 
Robert. 

Henry I. 


Ferdinand I. 

Sanchez. 

Alfonso I, in 
Castile, and VI, 
as king of Leon. 






Henry II, the 
Saint. 


Edmund Iron- 
side. 

Danish Kings. 

Canute the 
Great. 


House ofFran- 
conia. 


Conrad II. 




Harold I 


Henry III. 


Hardicanute. 

Saxon line re- 
stored. 

Edward the 
Confessor. 


PhiUp I. 


Henry IV. 








Harold II. 

Norman dynasty. 

William I, the 
Conqueror. 








William II, the 
Red. 







526 



CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 





TABLE VII. 


D.A. 


EMPERORS OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 


KINGS OF JKRUSALKM. 


1099 
1110 
1118 
1131 
1142 
1143 
1152 
1173 
1180 
1183 
1185 
1186 
1195 
1203 
1204 

1204 
1206 
1206 
1219 
1222 

1228 

1255 

1259 

1261 
1282 


Alexius Comnenus. 


Godfrey of Bouillon. 
Baldwin I. 
Baldwin II. 
Foulques of Anjou. 
Baldwin III. 

Almeric or Amaury. 
Baldwin IV. 

Baldwin V. 
Guy of Lusignan. 

Fall of the kingdom of Jerusalem. 

Greek Emperors at Nice. 
Theodorus Lascaris I. 

John Ducas Vatace. 

Theodorus Lascaris II. 
C John Lascaris. 
\ Michael Paleologus. 




John Comnenus. 




Manuel Comnenus. 




Alexius II. 
Andronic I. 
Isaac I'Ange 




Alexius III. 

Isaac and Alexius IV I'Ange. 
Alexius V Ducas, or Murzu- 
phlis. 

Constantinople taken by the Latins. 

Baldwin I ..••••.. 


Peter de Courtenay. 


C John of Biienne- 
I Baldwin II. 




Constantinople recovered by the 
Greeks. 

Michael Paleologus. 



CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 



527 



TABLE VIII. 



EMPEROBS OF 
GERMANY. 



House of Franco- 
nia. 



1100 
1106 
1108 

1109 
1125 

1126 
1135 
1137 
1138 

1152 

1154 
1157 



Henry V. 



Norman dynasty. 
Henry I. 



Lothaire II, tlie 
1 Saxon. 



KINGS OF ENG- 
LAND. 



KINGS OF 
FRANCE. 



House of Blois. 
Stephen. 



Capeiian dynasty • 



Louis VI, the 
Big. 



KINGS OF SPAIN. 



Conrad III. 
House of Suahia 
Frederic I, Bar- 
harossa. 



[1158 

1180 

'ill89 

|ll90 Henry VI. 

C Philip. 

\ Otho IV. 



Plantagenets 
undivided. 



Henry II. 



House of Bigorre. 



Alfonso VII. 
House of Burgun- 
dy. 
Alfonso VIII. 



Louis VII, the 
Youno-er. 



1198 



1199 
1214 
1216 
1217 
1218 
1223 



Richard I, Coeur 
de Lion. 



Philip II, Augus- 
tus. 



John, Lackland. 
Heniy 111.* 



Frederic II. 




Conrad IV. 
William of 
Holland. 



1252 
1256 

1270 
1272 
1273 

1284 
1285 
1292 

1295 



Interregnum. 
Anarchy. 



Sanchez III and 

Ferdinand II 
Alfonso IX. 



Louis VIII, Li- 
on-hearted. 

Louis IX, or St. 
Louis. 



Henry I. 

Ferdinand III, 
(St.) 



Rodolph I of 
Hapsburg. 



Adolph of Nas- 
sau. 



Edward I. 



Philip III, the 
Bold. 



Philip IV, the 
Fair. 



Alfonso X, the 
Wise. 



Sanchez IV 



Ferdinand IV. 



528 



CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 













TABLE IX. 




A.D. 


EMPERORS OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 


OTTOMAN SULTANS. 


1300 
1326 
1328 

1341 

1360 
1389 
1391 
1402 
1406 
1413 
1421 
1425 
1448 

1451 

1481 
1512 
1520 
1566 
1574 
1595 
1603 
1617 
1618 
1623 
1640 
1648 
1687 




Othman. 
Orcan. 

Amurat I. 
Bajazet I, Ilderim. 

Soliman I. 
Musa. 
Mahomet I. 
Amurat II. 

Mahomet II. 

Bajazet II. 

Selim I. 

Soliman II, the Magnificent. 

Selim II. 

Amurat III. 

Mahomet III. 

Achmet I. 

Mustapha I. 

Osman I. 

Amurat IV. 

Ibrahim. 

Mahomet IV. 

Soliman III. 




Andronic III. 
C John Cantacuzene and 
\ John Paleologus I. 




Manuel Paleologus. 








John Paleologus II. 
Constantine Paleologus, or Dra- 
gazes. 


Fall of ike Greek Empire. 



























CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 



529 



TABLE X. 



A.D. 



EMPERORS OF 
GERMANY. 



1298 

1307 

1308 

1312 
1314 



,'1316 
|l322 
1327 
1328 



1347 
1350 
1364 

1368 
1377 
1378 

1379 
1380 
1390 
1399 
1400 

1406 
1410 
1413 
1422 

1438 
1440 
1454 
1461 
1474 

1483 

1485 

;1493 
|14C8 
1504 
[1509 
i 



Albert I of Aus- 
tria. 



Henry VII of 
Luxeraburg. 



Frederic of 
Austria. 

Louis of Ba- 
varia. 



House of Lux- 
emburg. 
Charles "IV. 



Wenceslaus. 



Robert, Count 
Palatine. 



Si2:isinond. 



House of Austria, 
Albert II. 
Frederic III. 



Maximilian I. 



45 



KINGS OF ENG- 
I.AND. 



Plantagenets. 
Edward II. 



Edward III. 



Richard II, 

House of Lan- 
caster. 



Henry IV. 



Henry V. 
Henry VI. 

House of York. 



Edward IV. 



C Edward V... 
I Richard III. 

House of Tudor. 
Henry VII. 



Henry VIII. 



KINGS OF 
FRANCE. 



Capetians, 



Louis X. 

John I. Philip V. 
Charles IV. 
House of Valois. 
Philip VI. 



John II 

Charles V, the 
Wise, 



Charies VI. 



Charles VII. 



Louis XI. 
Charies Vllf ,* * 
Valois- Orleans. 

Louis XII. 



KINGS OF 

SPAIN. 



House of Bur 
gundy. 



Alfonso XI. 



Pedro the Cruel 



Henry II, Tran 
stamare 



Juan I. 
Henry III. 



Juan II. 



Henry IV. 

Isabella and 
Ferdinand V. 
Castile and Ar- 
ragon united. 

r Philip I of 
J Austria, and 
j Ferdinand V 
1^ of Arragon. 



530 



CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS, 





TABLE XI. 




A. D. 


OTTOMAN SUL- 
TANS. 


EMPEROKS AND 

EMPRESSES OF 

RUSSIA. 


KINGS OF 

PRUSSIA. 


PRESIDENTS OF 

THE UNITED 

STATES. 


1689 
1691 
1695 
1701 
1702 
1713 
1725 
1727 
1730 

1740 
1741 
1754 
1757 
1762 
1774 
1786 

1789 
1796 
1797 

1801 

1807 
1808 
1809 

11817 

!i8^r> 




Peter I, the 
Great. 


Frederic 1/ 

Frederic Wil- 
liam I. 

Frederic II, the 
Great. 

Frederic Wil- 
liam II. 


Washington, 
first president. 
John Adams. 

Jefferson. 

Madison. 
Monroe. 
John Quincy 

Adams. 
Jackson. 
Van-Buren. 

Harrison, Tyler. 

Polk. 
Taylor. 


Achmet II. 
Mustapha II. 


Achmet III. 






Catherine I. 
Peter II. 
Anne 

I wan. ......... 


Mahomet V, or 
Mahmoud I. 




Elizabeth. 

Peter Il-Cathe- 
rine II, the Grea1 


Osman II. 
Mustapha III. 


Abdul-Hamid. 


Selim III. 




Paul. 


Frederic Wil- 
liam III. 




Alexander. 


Mahmoud II. 












Nicholas. 




11829 
1837 
1839 
1840 

1R41 












Abdul Medjid. 




Frederic Wil- 
liam IV. 






1845 








1849 






' 











CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 



531 





TABLE XII. 




A. D. 


EaaPERORS OF GER- 
MANY. 


KINGS AND QOEENS 
OF ENGLAND. 


KINGS OF FRANCE. 


KINGS OF SPAIN. 


1515 
1516 
1519 
1547 
1553 
1556 
1558 
1559 
1560 
1564 
1574 

1576 

1589 

1598 
1603 
1610 
1612 
1619 
1621 
1625 
1637 
1643 

1649 

1658 

1660 

1665 
1685 

1689 

1700 
1702 

1705 
1711 
1714 
1715 
1727 
1740 


House of Austria, 
continued. 


House of Tudor, 
continued. 


Valois — Angou- 

leme, 
Francis I. 


House of Austria. 

Charles I; same 
as Charles V in 
Germany. 

Philip II. 

Philip III. 
Philip IV. 

Charles II. 

House of Bourbon 
Philip V. 






Charles V. 


Edward VI 

Mary. 


Henry II. 




Ferdinand I. 


Elizabeth. 


Francis II. 
Charles IX. 

Henry III. 

House of Bourbon 
Henry* IV, the 
Great. 








Maximilian II. 




Rodolph II. 


House of Stuart. 








James I. 


Louis XIII. 




Matthias. 
Ferdinand II. 






Charles I. 


Louis XIV, the 
Great. 


Ferdinand III. 




Commonwealth. 
Cromwell, pro- 
tector. 

Restoration. 
Charles II. 


Leopold I. 






James II. — Revo- 
lution. 
C Mary and 
I William III. 










Anne. 

House of Hanover 

or Brunsvnck. 
George I. 


Louis XV. 


Joseph I. 
Charles VI. 


Charles' 'vii'/of 
Bavaria. 


George II. 



532 



CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 



TABLE XII.— CONTINUED. 



A.D. 



1745 
1746 
1759 
1760 
1765 
1774 
1788 
1790 
1792 
1793 
1799 

1804 

1806 

1308 

1814 
1820 
1824 



1830 
1833 

1835 

il837 



EMPERORS OF GER- 
MANY. 



House of Lor- 
raine. 
Francis I. 



Joseph II. 



Leopold II. 
Francis II. 



Empire oj Aus- 
tria. 
Francis. 



Ferdinand. 



1843 

1848 Francis Joseph. 



KINGS AND QUEENS 
OF ENGLAND. 



House of Hanover 
or Brunswick. 



George III. 



George IV. 



William IV. 



Victoria. 



KINGS OF FRANCE. 



House of Bourbon 



Louis XVI. 



Revoluiion. 

Republic. 

Louis XVII. 

Napoleon, First 
Consul. 

Napoleon, Empe- 
ror. 



Restoration. 
Louis XVIII. 

Charles X. 
Branch of Or- 
leans. 
Louis Philip. 



KINGS AND QUEENS 
OF SPAIN. 



House of Bourbon 



Ferdinand VI. 
Charles III. 



Charles IV. 



Forced abdication 
Spain invaded. 
Ferdinand VII. 



Civil war and Re 

volutions. 
Regency of Queen 

Christina — 
Then, of Espar- 

tero. 
Isabella. 



Neio Revolution 
and Republic. 

Louis Napoleon, 
President. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 

OF 

MEMOEABLE EVENTS 

AND 

REM A UK ABLE PERSONAGES. 



N. B. The dates in the first column, denote the years in which the 
events happened ; — those placed in the second column, mark the years in 
which the persons mentioned there, died. 



PART I, 



B. C. 

31 

29 



20 
8 

A. D. 

4 

9 

15 

31 
33 



43 
60 
64 

80 

79 
93 

106 
.136 
162 



MEMORABLE EVENTS. 

Battle of Actium. 

Change of the Roman Repub- 
lic into an Empire. 

Roman Ensigns recovered from 
the Parthians. 

Temple of Janus shut. 

BIRTH OF CHRIST. 

Conspiracy of Cinna. 

Defeat of Varus in Germany. 

German War. 

Conspiracy of Sejanus. 

Passion of our Saviour — De- 
scent of the Holy Ghost — 
Foundation of the Church. 

Invasion of Great Britain. 

Conquest of Armenia. 

First persecution against the 
Church. 

Siege and destruction of Jeru- 
salem. 

Eruption of Mount Vesuvius. 

Second persecution. 

Third persecution. 

Final overthrow of the Jews. 

Fourth persecution. 

45* 



B. G. REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 

Cicero — Sallust — Varro — Cornelius 
Nepos, died about this time, or a 
little before. 

Young Marcellus died, b. c. 23 — 
Virgil, poet, 19 — Agrippa, general, 
12 — Drusus, general, 9 — Horace, 
poet, 8 — Maecenas, statesman, 8. 

A. D. 

Livy, historian, died a. d. 17 — Ovid, 
poet, 17 — Arminius, general, — Ger- 
manicus, 19 — Strabo, geographer, 
25 — Livia, empress, 29 — Velleius- 
Paterculus, historian, 31— Phaedrus, 
fabulist, 

— Quintus Curtius, historian, 

. . . . — Philo, Jewish doctor. . . . 

Persius, poet, 62 — Lucan, poet, 65 — 
Seneca, philosopher, 65 — Corbulo, 
general, 66 — Suetonius-Paulinus 

—St. Peter and St. Paul. 

Apostles, 67. 

Pliny, the Elder, naturalist, 79 — 
Agricola, general, 93 — Josephus, 
historian,. . . . — Quintilian, rheto- 
rician* • • • — St. John, the Evange- 
list, 101 — St. Ignatius, bishop and 



534 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



A. D. 



MEMORABLE EVENTS. 



174 Miracle of the Thundering Le- 
gion. 

193 The empire put up at auction. 

197 Battle of Lyons between Seve- 
rus and Albinus. 

202 Fifth persecution. 

226 Fall of the Parthian empire — 
New kingdom of Persia. 

235 Sixth persecution. 

249 Seventh persecution. 

257 Eigth persecution. 

260 Captivity of Valerian. 

262 Universal and dreadful pesti- 
lence. 

273 Destruction of Palmyra. 

275 Ninth persecution. 

286 Martyrdom of the Theban Le- 
gion. 

303 Tenth and last general perse- 
cution, the most bloody of 
all. 



REMARKA.BLE PERSONAGES. 

martyr, 107 — Tacitus, historian, 
. . . . — ^Pliny the Younger . . — Ju- 
venal, poet, 128 — Plutarch, histo- 
rian, 140 — Justin, historian. . . . 

St. Polycarp, bishop of Smjn'na and 
martyr, 166 — St. Justic, martyr, 
167. 

Between 140 and 180, died Ptolemy, 
the astronomer — Arrian, the histo- 
rian, and Lucian, the satirist. 

Galenus, physician, about 200. 

St. Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, 202 — • 
Clement of Alexandria, doctor, 216 
— Tertullian, about 220. 

Dio-Cassius, historian, about 230. 

St. Cornelius, pope and martyr, 252 
— Origen, 253 — St. Cyprian, arch- 
bishop of Carthage, 258 — St. Law- 
rence, martyr, 258. 

Plotinus, philosopher, 270 — Lon^i- 
nus, rhetorician, 273 — Zenobia, 
queen. 



PART U. 



312 Victory of Constantine over 

Maxentius Triumph' of 

Christianity. 

323 Licinius repeatedly defeated 
and finally overthrown by 
Constantine. 

325 First General Council, at Nice. 

330 Foundation of Constantinople. 

351 Battle of Mursa. 

863 The attempt of Julian to re- 
build the temple of Jerusa- 
lem, defeated by a splendid 
prodigy^ — His campaign and 
death in Persia. 

378 Battle of Adrianople. 

381 Second General Council at 
Constantinople. 

388 Defeat and death of the usur- 
per Pvlaximus. 

390 Fault and repentance of Theo- 
dosius. 

394 Miraculous victory of Theodo- 

sius over Eugenius and Ar- 
bogastes. 

395 Final division of the empire. 
402-5 Defeat of the Goths in Italy. 



Arnobius, rhetorician and doctor, 

about 320. 
Lactantius, historian and doctor, 

about 328. 

Eusebius, historian and coctrovertisl, 
338 or 339. 

St. Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, 368— 
St. Athanasius, Patriarch of Alex- 
andria, 373 — St. Basil, archbishop 
of Caesarea, 379. 

Between 364 and 394, died the his- 
torians Eutropius, Ammianus Mar 
celUnus and Aurelius Victor. 

St. Cyril, archbishop of Jerusalem, 
386 — St. Gregory Nazianzen, arch- 
bishop of Constantinople, 389— 
St. Gregory, bishop of Nyssa, 396. 

Rufinus, statesman, 395-^St. Am- 
brose, archbishop of Milan, 397 — • 
St. Epiphanius, archbishop ot 
Salamis, 403 — St. John Chrysos • 
torn, archbishop of Constantinople, - 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLIT. 



635 



A. D. 



MEMORABLE EVENTS. 



406-9 Gaul and Spain invaded by 
the Vandals and other bar- 
barians. 
410 Rome taken and plundered by 

the Goths. 
418 They settle in the Southern 
provinces of Gaui. 

420 Beginning of the French mo- 

narchy. 

421 Roman ' troops entirely with- 

drawn from Great Britain — 
Inroads of the Picts and 
Scots. 

430 Africa subdued by the Vandals. 

431 Third General Council, atEphe- 

sus. 
438 Publication of the Theodosian 

code. 
451 Ravages of the Huns — Battle 

of the Catalaunian plains. 

451 Fourth General Council, at 

Chalcedon. 

452 Pope St. Leo before Attila — 

Foundation of Venice. 

455 Rome plundered by the Van- 
dals. 

455 First establishment of the An- 
glo-Saxons in Great Britain. 

472-3 Spain conquered by the Visi- 
goths. 

476 Fall of the Western empire. 



REMARKABLE PERSOKAGIW. 

407 — Stilico, general and states- 
man, 408. 

Alaric, king of the Goths, 410 — Ru- 
finus of Aquileia, historian, 410 — 
Prudentius, poet, 410 — Claudian, 
poet; and Macrobius, historian, 
about 415. 

Sulpitius-Severus, historian, 420. 

St. Jerom, doctor of the Church, 420 
— Constantius, general and states- 
man, 421 — St. Augustine, bishop 
of Hippo, 430. 

Count Boniface, general, 432. 

Socrates, historian, about 440 — St. 
Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, 444 
— St. Peter Chrysologus, arch- 
bishop of Ravenna, 450 — Sozomen, 
historian, about 450. 

St. Pulcheria, empress, 453 — Attila, 
king of the Huns, 453 -S^tius, 
general, 454. 

St. Patrick, apostle of Ireland, about 
460. 



Theodoret, bishop of Cyre, 458 — St. 

Leo the Great, pope, 461. 
Ricimer, general and statesman, 472 

Genseric, king of the Vandals, 477. 



PART III 



486-96 Conquests of the Franks in 
Gaul — Their conversion 
to Christianity. 

489-93 Ostrogoths in Italy. 

526 Tremendous earthquakes- 



Overthrow and rebuilding of 
Antioch. 
Justinian code. 
First use of the Christian era in 

Italy. 
Kingdom of the Vandals de- 
stroyed. 
Silk manufacture brought from 

India to Europe. 
Fifth General Council at Con- 
stantinople. 
553-4 Kingdom of the Ostrogoths 
destroyed — Battle of Casi- 
lino 



529 
532 

534 

551 

553 



St. Sidonius ApoUinaris, bishop of 
Clermont, 482 — Evaric, king of 
the Visigoths, 484 — Odoacer, king 
of Italy, 493. 

Clovis, king of the Franks, 511 — 
Boetius, philosopher and states- 
man, 524 — Theodoric, king of 
the Ostrogoths, 526 — ^Amalasontes, 
queen, 535. 

St. Fulgentius, bishop of Rusp, 533. 

Dionysius Exiguus, the monk, 540 — ■ 
St. Benedict, founder of the Bene- 
dictine order, 543. 

Totila and Teias, kings of the Ostrc 
goths, 553-54. 






CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



A. D. MEMORABLE EVENTS. 

568 The Lombards in Italy — Exar- 
chate of Ravenna remains to 
the Greeks 

576 Battle of Melitine— Signal de- 
feat of the Persians. 

584 Extraordinar}^ inundations in 
Italy. 

587 Conversion of the Visigoths to 
the true faith. 

592 Bloody revolutions in Persia. 

597 Anglo-Saxons begin to embrace 
Christianity. 

602 Tragical end of the emperor 
Mauritius and his family. 

614-15 Ravages of the Persians in 
Syria and Palestine. 

622, etseq. Exploits of Heraclius 
against the Persians. 

622 Rise of Mahometanism. 

634 Saracens invade Syria. 

636 Persia. 

637 Palestine, 

639 Mesopotamia. 

640 Egypt. 

641 Burning of the Alexandrian 

library- 

651 Extinction of the second Per- 
sian monarchy. 

673 Invention of the Grecian fire — 
Siege of Constantinople du- 
ring seven years. 

680 Sixth General Council, at Con- 
stantinople. 

697 Northern Africa, subjugated by 
the Saracens — Destruction of 
Carthage. 

711 Invasion of Spain — Battle of 
Xeres, which put an end to 
the kingdom of the Visigoths. 

718 Saracens defeated by land and 
sea, near Constantinople. 

732 Battle of Tours— New defeat 
of the Saracens — Germany 
receives the light of the Gos- 
pel. 

762 Merovingian family succeeded 

on the throne of France by 
the Dynasty of Carlovingian 
kings-Exarchate of Ravenna 
conquered by the Lombards. 

755 Temporal dominion of the 

Popes. 

756 Foundation of the kingdom of 

Cordova in Spain. 

763 Excessive cold and heat. 



REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 

Cassiodorus, statesman and doctor, 
562 — Procopius, Historian; Beli- 
sarius, general, 565 — ^Narses, ge- 
neral, 568. 

Alboin, king of the Lombards, 574. 



Evagrius, historian — St. Gregory ol 
Tours, historian, 595 — St. Gregory 
the Great, pope, 604 — St. Augus- 
tine, first • archbishop of Canter- 
bur},', 607. 

Fortunatus, poet, 609. 

St. Isidore, archbishop of Seville, 636 
— St. Sophronius, patriarch of Je- 
rusalem, 638. 

About the middle of the 7th century, 
four celebrated Mussulmen gene- 
rals, Abu-Obeyda, Kaled, Amrou, 
Saad. 

Shortly after, four others, Moavias, 
Oucba, Zuheir, Assan. 



Callinicus, chemist, about 675. 



Pepin Heristel, statesman and gene- 
ral, 714. 



Venerable Bede, doctor and histo- 
rian, 735 — Charles- Martel, duke of 
France, 741 — Luitprand, king of 
the Lombards, 743 — St. Zachary, 
pope, 752. 



Sf. Boniface, apostle of Germany, 765. 



Pepin, king of France. 768. 



A. r. MEMORABLE EVENTS. 

774 Extinction of the kingdom of 
' the Lombards. 

■ 787 Seventh General Council, at 
Nice. 
796 The Saxons subdued, and the 
Avari prostrated by the arms 
of Charlemagne. 
800 Charlemagne crowned emperor 
of the West. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 537 

I REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 



St. John Damascene, doctor of the 

Church, 780. 
Adrian I, pope, 795 



Witikind, Saxon general, about 800, 



PART IV. 



811 

827 
841 
857 

869 

878 

912 

921 

939 
955 

971 



972 

987 



1038 
1022 

1030 

1035 

1053 



The emperor Nicephorus de- 
feated and slain by the Bul- 
garians. 

End of the English Heptarchy. 

Battle of Fontenay. 

Commencement of the Greek 
schism. 

Eighth General Council, at Con- 
stantinople. 

King Alfred compelled to take 
refuge in a small island ; then 
defeats the Danes, and re- 
covers his kingdom. 

Imperial crown transferred from 
the French to the German 
princes — Normans take pos- 
session of Neustria. 

Battle of Jonquera — Christians 



Paul of Aquileia, historian, 801. 
Alcuin, doctor, 804. 



Eginhard, historian, about 842. 

Rabanus, archbishop of Menlz, 856 
• — Lupus, abbot of Ferrieres, doc- 
— tor, 862 — Paschasius Radbertus, 
doctor, 865. 

Anastasius, the librarian, 880. 

Photius, first author of the Greek 
schism, about 892 — Alphonso III, 
king of Oviedo in Spain, 912. 



of Spain defeated by the 
Moors. 

Battle of Simancas — Moors de- 
feated by the Christians. 

Battle of Mersburg; Hunga- 
rians completely defeated bv 
Othol. ^ 

Tremendous battle of Drista 
between the Greeks and the 
Russians. 

Fatimites in Egypt. 

Capetian kings in France. — 
Invention of clocks with ba- 
lance. — Gothic Cathedrals. 

Normans in Italy. 

Invention of the Gamut, or 
scale of musical notes. 

First conquests of the Selju- 
kian Turks. 

The kingdoms of Castile and 
Anagon begin. 

Renewal of tjie Greek schism 
by Michael CcTrtiiarius 



Rollo, Norman chieftain, 932. 

Abderame III, king of Cordova, 961 
— St. Bruno, archbishop of Co- 
logne and statesman, 965 — Flodo- 
ardus, historian, 966. 



Fernando Gonzalez, count, sovereign 
of Castile, 979 — Mahomet Alman- 
zor, Saracen general, 998. 

Sylvester II, (Gerbert), pope. 1003. 
Guy, monk of Arezzo, about 1025. 
Fulbert, bishop of Chartres, 1020 



538 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



A. D. MEMORABLE EVENTS. 

1066 Battle of Hastings ; England 
conquered by the Normans. 

1085 Toledo taken from the Sara- 
cens. 

1095 Kise of the kingdom of Portu- 
gal. 



REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 

St. Peter Damian, cardinal and doc- 
tor, 1072. 

St. Gregory VII, (Hildebrand), pope, 
1085 — Lanfrancus, archbishop of 
Canterbury, 1089. 

Rodriguez Diaz-de-Bivar, (El Cid) 
general, about 1095. 



PART V. 



1095 Council of Clermont— First 
Crusade. 

1097 Siege of Nice, and battle of 

Dorylseumi 

1098 Siege of Antioch, and battle 

of Orontes. 

1099 Siege of Jerusalem, and battle 

of Ascalon. 
Kingdom of Jerusalem. 
Knights Hospitallers of St. 
John. 
1118 Knights-Templars. 
1147 Second Crusade. 

1169 British enter Ireland. 

1170 Military order of St. James. 

1187 The Christians defeated by 

Saladin in the battle of Ti- 
berias. 
Fall of the Kingdom of Jeru- 

1188 Third Crusade. 
1190 Teutonic Order. 
1196 Fourth Crusade. 
1200 Fifth Crusade. 

1204 Latin empire of Constantino- 
ple. 

1212 Prodigious victory of the 
Christians of Spain over 
the Moors at Murandal. 

1214 Battle of Bouvines, in which 
Philip Augustus conquers 
all his enemies. 

1217 Sixth Crusade. 

1220 Battle of the Jaxartes, be- 
tween Genghis-Kan and 
Sultan Mohammed. 

1230 Opposite parties of the Guelfs 
and Gibelins in Italy. — Ma- 
riner's compass, invented 
some time before, began to 
be used. 

1248 Seventh Crusade. 



Adh^mar de Monteil, bishop of Pay, 
A. D. 1098. 

Urban II, pope, 1099. — St. Bruno, 
founder of the Carthusian Order, 
1101. — Raymond, count of Tou- 
louse, 1105. — Robert, earl of Flan- 
ders ; and Bohemond, prince of 
Tarentum and Antioch, 1111. — 
Tancred, warrior, 1112. — Peter 
the Hermit, 1115. — Robert, duke 
of Normandy, 1134. 

William of Malmesbury, historian, 
towards 1150. — Suger, abbot of St 
Denis, 1152. — St. Bernard, abbot 
of Clairvaux, 1153. 

Nouradin, conqueror, 1174. — Alex- 
ander III, pope, 1181. — William, 
archbishop of Tyre, historian, 
about 1191. — Saladin, conqueror, 
1193. — Dandolo, doge of Venice.. 
1205. — Averroes, Arabian philoso- 
pher, 1206. 

Maimonides, Jewish rabbin, 1209. 

Villehardoin, historian, 1212. 

Innocent III, pope, 1216. 

Simon of Montford, general, 1218. 

St. Dominic, founder of the Domini- 
cans, 1221. 

St. Francis of Assisium, founder of 
the Franciscans, 1226. , 

Genghis Kan, Mogul conqueror, 1227 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



539 



MIIMORABLE EVENTS. 

Captivity of St. Louis. 

Bagdad taken by the Moguls ; 
end of the Arabian Cali- 
phate. 

Fall of the Latin Empire of 
Constantinople. 

Eighth and last Crusade. 

Death of St. Louis. 



REMARKABLE JPERSONAGK*. 

Blanche of Castile, queen, 1252. 
Matthew Paris, historian, 1259. 



PART VL 



Final overthrow of the Chris- 
tian power in Syria — Inven- 
tion of gun-powder about 
this time ; — also, according 
to many, of the magnifying 
glass and spectacles. 

Rise of the Ottoman Empire. 

Commencement of Swiss in- 
dependence. 

Conquest of Rhodes- by the 
Knights of St. John. 

Suppression of the Knights 
Templars. 

Battle of Bannockburn, m 
which the Scots signally 
defeated the English. 

Battle of Morgarten, which 
secured the independence 
of Switzerland. 

Awful and complete over- 
throw of the Moors at Ta- 
rifa. 

Universal and dreadful pesti- 
lence. 

Battles of Sluys, 

Crecy, Nevil's Cross 

Poitiers, i ^ q 

Navarette. J |H 

English fleet destroyed by the 
Spaniards near La Rochelle. 

Signal defeat of the Christians, 
at Nicopolis. 

Treaty of Calmar for the union 
of Denmark, Sweden and 
Norway. 

Tremendous battle of Ancyra 
between Sultan Bajazet I 
and Tamerlane. 

Siege of Orleans. 

Invention of the art of print- 
ing. 






St. Thomas Aquinas and St. Bona- 
venture, doctors of the church, 
1274. 

Charles of Anjou, conqueror of Na- 
ples and Sicily, 1285. 

Roger Bacon, mathematician, astro- 
nomer, etc., 1294. 



William Tell, warrior. 

Joinville, historian, 1318 ^Dante, 

poet, 1321 — Robert Bruce, king 

of Scotland, 1329. 



Petrarch, poet, 1374-Edward, prince 

of Wales, 1377 Bertrand du 

GuescUn, general, 13&0. 



Tamerlane, the Tartar conqueror, 
1405. 

Margaret, queen of Sweden and Den- 
mark, 1412. 



540 



CPTKONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



A. D. 



MF-MORABLE EVENTS, 



1450-1453 :Vhe English defeated at 
.Fourmigny and Cha- 
tilion — Lose their pos- 
sessions in France. 
1453 Fall of Constantinople. 
1456 Siege of Belgrade — Mahomet 

repulsed with great loss. 
1461 Destruction of the empire of 

Trebisond. 
1480 First siege of Rhodes. 
1492 Extinction of the power of 
the Moors in Spain. 



REMARKABLK PERSONAGES. 

Joan d'Arc, the maid of Orleans, 
1431. 

Hunniades, general, 1456. 
Scanderbeg, king of Albania, 1467. 
Guttemberg, Faust, ShceiFer, first 

printers. 
Thomas-a-Kempis, 1471. 
Warwick, general, 1471 — Margaret 

of Anjou, queen of England, 1482. 
Matthias Corvinus, king of Hungary, 

1490. 



PART VII, 



1492 
1497 

1497 

1509 
1515 
1517 
1517 

1519' 
1521" 

1522 
1525 

1529 

1530 

1531 C 
1534) 
1534 

1534 

1545 



Discovery of America. 
Discovery of the Northern 

American continent. 
Discovery of the Cape of 

Good Hope. 
League of Cambray. 
Battle of Marignan. 
The Protestant Reformation. 
Egypt subdued by the Turks. 
' First circumnavigation of the 

globe. 
Conquest of Mexico. 
Second siege of Rhodes. 
Battle of Pavia; Francis I 

taken prisoner. 
First siege of Vienna by the 

Turks. 
Malta ceded to the ISjiights 

of St. John. 

Conquest of Peru. 

England separates from the 
See of Rome. 

Foundation of the Order of 
the Jesuits. 

Opening of the Council of 
Trent, the last general coun- 
cil. 



1556 Abdication of Charles V. 

1557 The French defeated by the 

Spaniards, at St. Quentin. 

1558 The French recover Calais 

Irom the En£:lish. 



Picus, prince of Mirandola, 1494 — ■ 
Peter d'Aubusson, grand-master 
of the Order of St. John, 1503 — 

Christopher Columbus, 1506 

Gonzalez of Cordova, general, 
1512-^Bramante, architect, 1506 
— Albuquerque the Great, con* 
queror of the East Indies, 1515 — 
Ximenes, cardinal and statesman, 
1517 — MageUan, 1520 — Leo X 
(Medicis),pope, 1521--Emmanuel 
the Great, king of Portugal, 1521 
Bayard, warrior, 1524 — Vasco de 
Gama, 1525. 

Zuinglius, 1531 — Ariosto, poet, 15S3 

Wolsey, cardinal, statesman, 

1553 Villiers de I'Isle Adam, 

f rand-master of the Order of St. 
ohn, 1534 — Cajetan, cardinal, di- 
vine, 1534 Fisher, bishop of 

Rochester, and Thomas Moore, 
chancellor, 1535 — Erasmus, divine, 
1536 — Garcilaso de la Vega, poet, 
1536--Guicciardini, historian, 1540. 
Francis Pizarro, conqueror, 1541 — 
Copernicus, astronomer, 1543 — 
Luther, 1554 — Hernando Cortez, 
conqueror, 1547 — St. Francis Xa- 
vier, the apostle of East-Indies 
and Japan, 1552 — St. Ignatius of 
Loyola, founder of the society of 
Jesus, 1556 — Pole, cardinal, 1558 
— Julius Scaliger, physician, phi- 
losopher, etc., 1558 Cranmer, 

1556 — Robert Stephen, printer; 
1559— Calvin, 1564. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 







41 



MEMORABLE EVENTS. 



Siege of Malta. 

Battle of Lepanto. 

Massacre of St. Bartholomew's 
day. 

Portugal annexed to Spain. 

Republic of Holland pro- 
claimed. 

Reformation of the Calendar. 



Unjust execution of Mary 

Stuart, queen of Scotland. 

Defeat of the Spanish Armada. 

Invention of the telescope by 

Jansen. 
■ Invention of the thermometer 
' and the microscope by Dreb- 

Invention of the barometer by 
Torricelli. 

Beginning of the English and 
' French settlements in North 
America. 

F'^undation of New Amster- 
dam, or New York. 

Foundation of Boston. 
Foundation of the colony of 

Maryland. 
Treaty of Westphalia. 

King Charles I beheaded. — 
Commonwealth in England. 



Battle of Dunes. 
46 



REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 

Michael Angelo, painter and archi- 
tect, 1564— ^ida, poet, 1566— John 
la Valette, grand-master of St. John, 
1568— S. Pius V, pope, 1572— 
D. Juan of Austria, general, 1578^ — 
Camoens, poet, 1579 — Ferdinand 
Alvarez, duke of Alva, general, 
1582 — St. Theresa, foundress of 
the Carmelites, 1582— St. Charles 
Borromeo, archbishop of Milan, 
1584— Gregory XIII, pope, 1585 
— F. Louis Granada, divine, 1588 
— Sixtus V, pope, 1590. 

Alexander Farnesius, duke of Parma, 
general, 1592 — Tasso, poet, 1595 
— Drake, admiral, 1596. 

Tyco-Brahe, astronomer, 1601 — Ba- 
ronius, cardinal, historian, 1607 — 
Joseph Scaliger, historian, poet, 
etc., 1609 — Casaubon, historian, 
divine, etc., 1614— -F. Alfonso 
Rodriguez, divine, 1616 — Shaks- 
peare, dramatic poet, 1616 — Cer- 
vantes, Spanish writer, about the 
same time — Suarez, divine, 1617 
— Duperron, cardinal, controver- 
4;ist, 1618 — Bellarmine, cardinal, 
controvertist, 1621 — St. Francis of 
Sales, founder of the Visitation. 
1622— Mariana, historian, 1624. 

Herrera, historian, 1625 Bacon, 

philosopher, divine, 1626. 



Kepler, astronomer, 1630 — Spinola, 
general, 1630-Tilly, general, 1632- 
Gustavus Adolphus, king of Swe- 
den, 1632" Walstein, general, 1634. 

Cornelius a Lapide, divine, 1637 — 
Jansenius, 1638— -Rubens, painter, 
1640— Sully, statesman, 1641 — 
Richelieu, cardinal, statesman, 
1642— Galileo, astronomer, 1B42— 
Bentivoglio, historian, 1644 — Gro- 
tius, civilian, divine, 1645 — Gerard 
Vossius, historian, 1649 — Descar- 
tes, metaphysician, philosopher, 
1650 — Montrose, general, 1650 — 
Petavius, divine, historian, etc., 
1652-Van-.Tromp, admiral, 165.3- 
Usher, historian, 1655 — Gassendi, 
mathematician, philosopher, 1655 
— Blake, admiral, 1657 — Harvey, 
physician, 1657 — St Vincent o|' 



542 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



A. D. 

1659 

1669 

1672 

1674 
1674 C 
'«75^ 
i676 



1679 

1«80 

i682 
1683 

1685 

1686 

1688 
it)90 

1690 J 
16921 

1692 5 

1693 S 



MEMORABLE EVEWTS. 

Treaty of Pyrenees between 
France and Spain. 

Conquest of Candia by the 
Turks. 

Invasion of Holland by the 
French. 

Battle of Senef. 

Brilliant campaigns of Turen- 
ne in Alsace and Germany. 

Sea-fights near Messina be- 
tween the French and the 
Dutch. 

Peace of Nimeguen. 

Foundation of Charleston. 

Foundation of Philadelphia. 

Second siege of Vienna; Turks 
repelled with immense loss. 

Revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes. 

League of Augsburg. 

Revolution in England. 

Battle of Boyne in Ireland. 

Naval battles of La Manche 
and La Hogue ; French vic- 
torious in the first, defeated 
in the second. 

Splendid victories of Marshal 
Luxembourg over the allies 
at Steinkirk and Nerwinde. 



1697 Peace of Riswick between 
France, England, Germany 
and Spain. 

1697 Decisive battle of Zenta in 
favor of the Austrians 
against the Turks. 

3699 Peace of Carlo witz, between 
the Ottoman Porte, Austria, 
Venice and Poland. 

1700 Eight thousand Swedes defeat 

eighty thousand Muscovites 
near Narva. 

1701 War for the succession of 

Spain. 
1704 The French and their allies, 
defeated at Hochstadt. 

1706 Ramilies and Turin. 

1708 Oudenarde. 

1709— Malplaquet. 

1707 Victorious at Almanza. 

17 10 Villa- Viciosa. 

1712 Denain. 

1713 Peace of Utreeht. 



REMARKABLE PEnSONAGE^. 

Paul, founder of the Lazarists, and 
of the sisters of charity, 1660 — 
Mazarin, cardinal statesman, 1661 
— Pascal, mathematician, etc., 1662 

— BoUandus, historian, 1665 

Anne of Austria, queen, 1666 — 
MoHere., dramatist, 1673— Milton, 

poet, 1674 Turenne, general, 

1675 — Kiuperli, general and states- 
man, 1676 — Ruyter, admiral, 1676 
— Monk, general, 1679— Montecu- 

culli, general, 1680 Bernini, 

architect and sculptor, 1680 — Col- 
bert, statesman, 1683 — Corneillej 
dramatist, 1684 — Prince of Cond€, 
general, 1686-Solis, historian, 1686 
— Isaac Vossius, historian and phi- 
losopher, 1688 — Ducange, histO' 
rian, 1688 — Duquesne, admiral, 
1688— Lebrun, painter, 1690 — 
Charles, duke of Lorraine, general, 
1690 — Boyle, philosopher and di- 
vine, 1691. 



PufFendorf, civilian, 1694— Arnauld, 

controvertist, 1694. 

Tillotson, orator, 1694 Huygens, 

mathematician, astronomer, 1695 

• — Nicole, controvertist, 1695 

Thomassin, divine. 1695 — Luxem- 
bourg, general, 1695 — Lafontaine, 
poet, 1695 — Domat, civilian, 1696 
— Madame de S^vignd, 1696. — So- 
bieski, king of Poland, 1696— Til- 
lemont, historian, 1698--D'Orleans. 
historian, 1698 — Racine, dramatist, 
1699. 

Tourville, admiral, 1701 — Dryden, 
poet, 1701. 

Bossuet, bishop of Meaux 1704 — 
Bourdaloue, orator and divine, 
1704 — Locke, philosopher, 1704— 

Bayle, 1706 Marshal Vauban, 

1707 — Aureng-zeb, Mogul empe- 
ror, 1707 — Mabillon, historian, di- 
vine, etc., 1707 — Flechier, bisliop 
of Nismes, 1710 — Boileau, poet, 
1711 — Dominic Cassini, astrono- 
mer, 1712 — Malebranche, phiioso- 
pher, metaphysician, 1715--~F'",ue- 
ion. archbishop of Caniiuay, U\5, 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE, 



A.. X). 

1715 

1716* 
1717' 

1718 
1734 

1736 



1739 

1740 

1745 
1746 

1748 
1752 



1755 

1757 

1759 C 
1760^ 
1765 

1775 

1776 
1777 

1781 
1783 



MEMORABLE EVENTS, 

Regency ot the Duke of Or- 
leans. 

Turks signally defeated at Pe- 
terv/aradin and Belgrade by 
prince Eugene of Savoy. 

Treaty of Passarowitz. 

Naples and Sicily gained to 
the house of Bourbon. 

Voyages of the French mathe- 
roaticians to the North and 
to the Equator, for the pur- 
pose of ascertaining the true 
figure of the earth. 

Capture and plunder of Delhi, 
by Thamas Kouli Kan. 

War for the succession of 
Austria. 

Battle of Fontenoy. 

The Pretender in England 
and Scotland. 

Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Identity of lightning and elec- 
tricity ascertained by Fran- 
klin, at Philadelphia. 

About the same time, inven- 
tion of the achromatic tele- 
scope. 

Lisbon laid in ruins by an 
earthquake. 

The French are defeated at 
Rosbach. 

The French lose Quebec and 
all Canada. 

Stamp act, the first cause of 
the American revolution. 

Battles of Lexington and Bun- 
ker-hill. 

Declaration of independence. 

Surrender of Burgoyne. 

Surrender of Cornwallis. 

Treaty of Paris or Versailles. 

British troops evacuate New 

York — General Washington 

resigns his commission into 

the haaids of Congress. 



REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 

Leibnitz, mathematician, divine, etc.- 
1716— Charles Xf I, king of Swe» 
den, 1718 — Addison, poet, etc.j 

1719 Madame de Maintenon, 

1719 — Marlborough, general, 1722 
— Kang Hi, Chinese emperor, 1722 
— Prideaux, historian, 1724 — New- 
ton, astronomer, 1727 — Daniel, his- 
torian, 1728 — Scheltinacher, con- 
trovertist, 1733 — Villars, general, 
1734 — Ferreras, historian, 1735 — 
Prince Eugene of Savoy, general, 
1736 — Boerhaave, physician, 1738 
— Polignac, divine and statesman, 
1739. 

Rollin, historian, 1741 — J. B. Rous- 
seau, poet, 1741 — Montfaucon, his- 
torian and divine, 1741 — Halley, 
astronomer, 1742 — Massillon, bish- 
op of Clermont, 1743 — Pope, poet, 
1744 — Thamas Kouli Kan, the Pei'- 
sian conqueror, 1747 — Bernouilli, 

mathematician, 1748 Thomson, 

poet, 1748 — Count Saxe, general^ 
1750 — Calmet, divine, 1757-Bene- 
dict XIV, pope, 1758- Wolf, Mont- 
calm, generals, 1759, 



Clairaut, mathematician, 1765. 

Goldsmith, historian, poet, etc., 177^ 

—Hume, 1776 William Pitt, 

Lord Chatham, statesman, 1778 — 
Lebeau, historian, 1778 — Voltaire 
— J. J. Rousseau, 1778 — Linnaeus, 
naturalist, 1778 — Warburton, di- 
vine, 1779 — Cook, the navigator, 
1779 — Maria Theresa, empress, 
1780 — Blackstone, civilian, 1780 
— Aiban Butler, biographer, 1782 
— Berthier, historian, divine, 1782 
— Euler, mathematician, 1783, 






CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



PART VIII 



A. D. MEMORABLE EVENTS. 

1783 Balloons invented by Mont- 
goifier. 

During the following years of 
this and the next century, 
great progress of the natural 
sciences, chemistry, minera- 
logj;', geology, natural his- 
tory ; invention of rail-roads, 
steam-boats, etc. 

Formation of the Federal 
Constitution of the United 
States. 

Federal government carried 
into operation — Washing- 
ton unanimously elected 
president. 

Turkey and Poland humbled 
and almost prostrated by the 
arms of the Russians. 

French revolution — Persecu- 
tion against the clergy and 
nobles — Emigration. 

Battles of Jemmapes and Val- 
my; the Austrians and 
Pi-ussians repelled from the 
French territory. 

Death of Louis XVI and 
Marie Antoinette on a scaf- 
fold. 

The first general coalition 
against France. 

Battle of Fleurus — Fall of the 
tyrant Robespierre. 

Total dismemberment of Po- 
land Holland conquered 

by the French — The Direc- 
tory — Rise of Napoleon Bo- 
naparte. 
'Brilliant campaign of Bona- 
parte in Italy — Victories of 
J Lodi, Areola, Rivoli — Cap- 
I ture of Mantua — Treaty of 
1 Campo-Formio— Extinction 
(^ of the Venetian republic. 

Ecclesiastical State occupied 
by the French — Pope Pius 
VI dragged into captivity 
and exile. 

Second coalition against 
France. 



1787 
1789 



1787 
1793 

1789 
1792 

1792 



1793 

1793 
1794 
1795 



1796 
1797 



1798 



REMARKABLE PERSONAGlf. 



Dr. Johnson, 1784 — Greene, general) 

1786. 



BufFon, naturalist, 1788. 

Franklin, philosopher and statesman, 
1790 — Bergier, divine, 1790- 
Laudon, general, 1790 — Roman- 
zow, general, 1790. 



Rodney, admiral, 1792 Mozart, 

musical composer, 1792 — Robert- 
son, historian, 1793 — Gibbon, 1794 
— Lavoisier, chemist, 1794. 



Wayne, general, 1796— Bur&e, states- 
man, 1797. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



545 



A. D. MEMORABLE EVENTS. ' 

Expedition of Bonaparte in 
Egypt — Battle of the Pyra- 
mids and Aboukir. 

1799 Bonaparte, on liis return to 

Paris, becomes, the head of 
government under the title 
of Consul — Kingdom of Na- 
ples subdued by the French, 
who are soon after driven 
from Italy by Suwarrow. 

1800 Election of a new pope — Sit- 

ting of the American Con- 
gress at Washington for the 
first time — Invention of the 
Galvanic battery — Battle of 
Marengo — Exploits of Gen- 
eral Moreau in Germany — 
Malta surrenders to the 
English. 

1801 French evacuate Egypt 

Peace of Luneville between 
France and Austria. 

1802 Treaty of Amiens between 

England and France — Re- 
establishment of the Catho- 
lic worship in France, in 
virtue of a concordate passed 
the year before. 

1803 San-Domingo entirely lost to 

the French — Republic of 
Hayti. 

1804 Napoleon crowned emperor. 

1805 Third coalition — French and 

Spanish fleets destroyed at 
Trafalgar by Admiral Nel- 
son. 
Signal victories of the French 

1805 At Austerlitz, over the Aus- 

trians. 

1806 . . .Jena, over the Prussians. 

1807 . . .Friedland, over the Rus- 

sians. 
1807 Treaty of Tilsit. 

1807 C Invasion of Portugal and Spain 

1808 I by the French-Their defeat 

at Baylen — Siege of Sara- 
gossa. 

1809 Fourth coalition — Prodigious 

efforts of the Austrians ren- 
dered unavailable by the 
courage and activity of Na- 
poleon — Battle of Wagram 
terminates the war — Peace 
of Vienna — Attempt of the 



REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 



Pius VI, pope, 1799 — Washington, 
first president of the United States, 
1799 — Patrick Henry, statesman, 
1799— Saussure, naturalist, 1799. 



Suwarrow, general, 1800- — Blair, 
rhetorician, 1800. 



Feller, biographer, 1802— O'Learj^, 
controvertist, 1802 — Gerdil, cardi- 
nal, metaphysician, divine, etc., 
1802. 



Pichegru, general, 1804 — PriestleyB 
chemist, 1804. 



Nelson, admiral, 1805. 

William Pitt, the younger, and 
Charles J. Fox, orators and states- 
men, 1806 — Walker, 1807 — La- 
lande, astronomer, 1807. 



Haydn, musical composer, 1809 
Lannes, general, 1809. 



546 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



A. D. MEMORABLE EVENTS. 

French emperor on the Ec- 
clesiastical State— Pope and 
cardinals persecuted. 

1812 America declares war against 

England — Disastrous cam- 
paign of Napoleon in Russia. 

1813 Fifth coalition — Campaign of 

Saxony — French victorious 
at Lutzen, Bautzen and 
Dresden, are entirely de- 
feated at Leipzic, and lose 
all their conquests in Ger- 
many — Driven also from 
Spain by Wellington ; bat- 
tle of Vittoria — A British 
flotilla on Lake Erie all 
captured by the Americans. 

1814 Neve defeat of the English on 

Lake Champlain Victo- 
rious at Washington, they 
are foiled in their attempt 
on Baltimore. 
Allies enter France — Abdica- 
tion of Napoleon. 

1815 Second American war closed 

by the signal victory of New 
Orleans. 
Return of Napoleon from Elba 
— Sixth coalition against 
France — Decisive battle of 
Waterloo, vehich prostrates 
the power of the French 
emperor — His second fall, 
and exile to St. Helena. 

1816 Independence of Buenos- 

Ayres. 

1818 Independence of Chili. 

r Columbia. 

1820 J Bolivia, 

1824] Peru. 

(^ . . , Mexico. 

1820 Discovery of Electro-Magne- 
tism. 

1823 Civil war in Spain — Success- 
ful exertions of the French 
in favor of Ferdinand VII. 

1827 Naval battle of Navarino, 
which secured the indepen- 
dence of Greece. 

1829 Emancipation of the British 

Catholics. 

1830 Conquest of Algiers by the 

French— Revolution of July. 



REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 



Koutousoff, general, 1813 — Moreau, 
general, 1813 — Prince Poniatow- 
ski, 1813. 



Berthier, general, 1815 — Ney, gene» 
ral, 1815 — Murat, king of Naples, 
1815 — Robert Fulton, the inventor 
of steam-boats,- 1815. 

John Carroll, first archbishop of Bal- 
timore, 1815. 



Sheridan, orator and poet, 1816. 

Kosciusko, general, 1817 — Massena, 
general, 1817 — Blucher, general, 
1819 — Count Stolberg, historian, 

controvertist, 1819 Count de 

Maistre, statesman, controvertist, 
1821 — Napoleon Bonaparte, tlie 
fallen emperor of the French, 1821 
— Castelreagh, statesman, 1822 — 
Hersehell, astronomer, 1822 — Pius 
VII, pope, 1823. 

Milner, controvertist, 1826. 

Fifty years exactly after the declara- 
tion of independence, Thomas Jef- 
ferson and John Adams, its chief 
supporters in Congress, die both on 
the fourth of July, 1826 — Laplace, 
astronomer, 1827 — ^Davy, chemist, 
1829. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 



547 



A. D. 

1833 

1S36 
1840 



1840 

1842^ 

1843 
1844 

1845 

1846 

1847' 

1848 



1849 



1850 



MEMORABLE EVENTS. 

New disturbances in Spain 
after the death of Ferdinand 
VII. 

Formation of the republic of 
Texas. 

Intervention of England, Rus- 
sia, Austria and Prussia, in 
favor of the Turkish sultan 
against the encroachments 
of the pacha of Egypt. 

War between China and G. 
Britain, terminates to the 
advantage of the English. 

Fall of the Regent of Spain, 
Espartero. 

Petition for the annexation of 
Texas, laid before the Ameri- 
can Congress. 

Annexation of Texas. 

Mexican War — Victories of the 
Americans at Monterey, 
Buena Vista, Churubusco, 
&c. — Capture of Vera Cruz 
and Mexico. 

Peace between Mexico and the 
United States. 

Great disturbances in Europe, 
especially in France, Italy, 
and Germany. 

France, a Republic. 

Signal victories of the Aus- 
trians in Italy and Hungary. 

Intervention in the affairs of 
Rome — The factious con- 
quered by the French — Re- 
storation of the Papal go- 
vernment. 

Return of Pope Pius IX. to 
Rome. 



REMARKABLE PERSONAGES. 

Bolivar, general, 1830 — Cuvier, natu- 
ralist, 1832 Lafayette, general, 

1834— Humboldt, geographer, 1835 
— Marshall, chief justice, historian, 
1835 — Bowditch, astronomer, 1838 
— Talleyrand, statesman, 1838 — 
Moehler, controvertist, 1838. 



John- England, bishop of Charleston, 
1842. 

Bernadotte, king of Sweden, 1844 — 
Cardinal Pacca, statesman, histo- 
rian, 1844. 

Jackson, general, and former president 
of the United States, 1845. 



Vice, astronomer, 1848. 
Berzelius, chemist. 

Chateaubriand, prose writer and states 
man. 



Calhoun, statesman, 1850. 
Wordsworthj poet. 



TABLE OF THE AUTHOKS AND WOEKS, 



CHIEFLY USED IN THE COMPOSITION OF THIS HISTORY. 



Alexander (Natalis) : Historia Eccle siastica, 8 vols, foho, Paris, 

1699 ; — the 6th and 7th vols, have been used. 
Anq,uetil: Histoire de France^ 6 vols. 8vo; or 14 vols. 12mo. 
Precis de Vhistoire universelle; Paris edition, 1818, 8 vols. 

8vo. 
Augustine (St.) : De civitate Dei, 7th vol. of the Benedictine edition, 

folio and 4to. Paris 1679 and 1838. 
Baldassari: Histoire de VeiiUvemtnt et de la captivite de Pie VI, 

translated from the Italian, 1 vol. 8vo. 
Bancroft: History of the United States, 3 vols. 8vo. 3d edition, 

Boston, 1838. 
Beraut-Bercastel : Histoire de VEglise, 12 vols. 8vo. edition of 

Pelier de Lacroix, Paris, 1830; — ^Nearly all the volumes have been 

used, especially the notes of the editor, and Discours sur le second 

dge de VEglise, at the end of the 12th vol. 
Bletterie (La): Histoire de Julien VApostat, 1 vol. 12mo. 

Histoire de VEmpereur Jovien, 1 vol. 12mo. 

Bossuet: Discours sur Vhistoire universelle, avec la continuation, 2 

vols. 12mo. 
Bougeant (F.) : Histoire du traite de Westphalie, 6 vols. 12mo. Paris, 

1744; a master-piece in almost every respect. 
Butler (Alban) : Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs, and other principal 

Saints, the notes having been particularly useful; London edit. 

1756, 4 vols. 8vo. bound in 6— and French edit., translation of 

Abbe Godescard, 16 vols. 12mo. Lille, 1824. 
Cavetrac : Apologie de Louis XIV et de son Conseil sur la revocation 

de Vedit de JVantes, and Dissertation sur lajoumee de la St. Barthi- 

lemi; 1 vol. 8vo. 
Clemencet : Art de verifier les dates, folio, Paris, 1770. 
Coyer: Histoire de Jean Sobieski, roi de Pologne, 3 vols. 12mo. 

Warsaw, 1761. 



TABLE OF AUTHORS. 649 

Crevier: Histoire des Empereurs Romains, 12 vols. 12mo. Paris^ 1763.' 
Daniel (F): Histoire de France, 3 vols, folio, Paris, 1713. 
Abrege de P histoire de France, 12 vols. 12mo. Paris, 

1751. 
Desormeaux : Jlbrege chronologique de Vhistoire d'Espagne, 5 vols. 

12rao. Paris, 1759. This author, generally exact in the historical 
I part, is frequently wrong and unjust in his remarks. 

EsPAGNAC : Histoire de Maurice, Cornte de Saxe, 2 vols. 12mo. Tou- 
louse, 1789. 
EusEBius : Ecclesiast. History, translated by C. P. Cruse, 1 vol. 8vo. 

Philadelphia, 1834; and also, together with the Life of Constantine 

the Great, edit, of Henri de Valois (Greek and Latin), 1 vol. folio, 

Paris, 1659. 
Feller: Dictionnaire historique, ou Histoire abrigee des hommes ciU~ 
^ bres. The text of Feller being sometimes altered in the latest 

editions, those who desire to have it pure and untouched, should 

have recourse to the more ancient ones; v. g. to that of Lvons, 

1821, 12 vols. 8vo. 
Flechier: Histoire de VEmpereur Theodose-le-grand, 1 vol. 12mo. 
Fleury : Histoire Ecclesiastique, 25 vols. 8vo. Nismes, 1779. 
Frantin: Jhmales du Moyen dge, 8 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1825. 
Frost: History of the United States, 1 vol. 12mo. Philadelphia, 1841. 
G.*'** (M.) : Pouvoir du Pape an moyen dge, 1 vol. 8vo. Paris, 1839. 
Gahan: History of the Church, 1 vol. 12mo.; short, and having some 

little inaccuracies, yet generally full of sound information. 
Gregory of Toup-s (St.) : Historice Francorum Ldbri decern, 1 vol. 

small 8vo. Paris, 1561. 
Guyard de Berville: Histoire de Bertrand Duguesclin, 2 vols. 

l2mo. 
Histoire de la Revolution Fran^aise, 1 vol, 12mo. Paris, 1838. 
Histoire de VEglise Gallicane, remarkable for soundness of criticism 

and purity of style; 18 vols. 8vo. Nismes, 1780-81. 
Histoire de Venise, 1 vol. 12mo. Tours, 1839. 
Histoire du Bas-Empire (a. m. ss. c. g.): 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1838. 
Histoire Universelle (translated from the English), 125 vols. 8vo. 

Paris, 1779. The volumes containing the history of the Arabs, 

the Tartars, the Ottomans, America, Spain, England, France and 

Germany, have been particularly useful. 
History of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, 2 vols. 

12mo. Cork, 1815. 
Hurter: Histoire du Pape Innocent III, translated from the German 

by Alexandre de St. Cheron, 3 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1838. 
Irving (Washington) : History of the Life and Voyages of Christo- 

pJier Colu'ivhus, 2 vok 8vo. New York, 1831. 



550 TABLE OF AUTHORS. 

Irving (Washington) : Conquest of Granada^ 2 vols. 12mo. Phila- 
delphia, 1839. 

JosEPHusy^the Jewish historian: last book of his Antiquities, and the 
seven books of his Jewish War; English translation of Whitson, 
or French of Arnaud d'Andilly. 

Kent (Chancellor): vol. 1. of his Commentaries on Law, 2d edi- 
tion, 4 vols. 8vo. New York, 1832. 

Laebe : Sacrosanda Concilia, vols, x and xi. 

Lacroix: Geographic, 2 yo\s. 12mo.; too old as a geographical work, 
yet full of information. 

Lactantius: De morte Persecutorum; to be found in the end of the 
16th and last vol. of the Lives of the Saints, Lille, 1824. 

Ladvocat; Dictionnaire historique, 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1755. 

La Harpe : Ahrege de Vhistoire des voyages, continued by Baron de 
Roujoux ; 30 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1830. ^ 

Lebeau: Histoire du Bas-Empire, 29 vols. 12mo. Paris, 1757. This 
work, and that of Frantin, mentioned above, although generally 
excellent and very well written, are not to be implicitly relied on 
in the remarks and judgments which they contain about different 
transactions and personages j their authors having too easily fol- 
lowed the prejudices of their time concerning certain historical 
points of great importance. 

Lebrun: Aventures et conquetes de Fernand Cortez, 1 vol. 12mo. 
Tours, 1839. 

..... Conquete du Perou et Histoire de Pizarre, 1 vol. 12mo. 
Tours, 1840. 

Lefranc: Histoire du Moyen Age, 1 vol. 12mo. 

Histoire Modeme, 2 vols. 12mo. Lyons, 1840. 

Histoire de France, 2 vols. 12mo. Lyons, 1838. 

Lenglet du Fresnoy : Tablettes chronologiques de Vhistoire univer- 
selle, 2 vols. 12mo. Paris, 1744. 

Lingard: Jhitiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church; either the London 
edition, 1810, or the first American edition, Philadelphia. 
History of England, 14 vols. 8vo. London, 1825. 

LoRiciuET (F.) : Histoire de France, 2 vols. 12mo. 

Maistre (Count de): Du Pape, 2 vols. 8vo. Lyons, 1819. 

Lettres sur V Inquisition Espagnole, 1 vol. 

8vo. Paris, 1822. 

Marles: Histoire de Marie Stuart, Reine d^Ecosse, 1 vol. 12mo. 
Tours, 1840. 

Marshall: Colonial History, 1 vol. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1824. 
Life of Washington, 2 vols. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1832. 

Marsollier: Histoire du minist^'e du Cardinal XimenP.s, 2 vols 
12mo. Paris, 1704. 



TABLE OF AUTHORS. i>ol 

M.CHAUT Histcire des Croisades, 4tli edition, 6 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1825^ 
Mtg.not : rlisioire de Venipire Ottoman, 1 vol. 4to, or 4 vols. 12mo. 

1771. 
Mame. ed.t. Hisioire de. Vempereur Charles-Quint 1 vol. Tours. 

12mo. i.-'38. 
Moore: History of Ireland, I vol. 8vo. 
Myijus: History of England, 1 vol. 12mo. 
Nonnotte: Erreurs de Voltaire, 2 vols. 12mo. BesaiKjon, 1818. 
Orleans (F. D') : Histoire des Revolutions d^Angleterre, 4: yo\s. 12mo. 

Amsterdam, 1766. 
Histoire des Revolutions d'Espagne, from the bes* 

Spanish historians, Mariana and others ; 3 vols. 4to. Paris, 1734. 
Pacca: Memoiresdu Cardinal Pacca sur la captivite du Pape Pie VII^ 

translated from the Italian, 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1833. 
Perefixe : Histoire de Henri le Grand, roi de France et de JYavan'ej 

1 vol. 12mo. 

Petavius : Rationariwm Temporum, 2 vols. 12mo. Paris, 1703. 
Proyart: Vie du Dauphin (Duke of Burgundy), p^re de Louis XV, 

2 vols. 12mo. 

Histoire de Stanislas, roi de Pologne, due de Lorraine et 

de Bar, 1 vol. 12mo. 
Raguenet : Histoire du Vicomte de Tivrenne, 1 vol. 12mo. 
Robertson: History of America, 2 vols. 4to. London, 1777. 
of the reign of the emperor Charles V, 3 vols. 

8vo. 2d American edition, Philadelphia, 1812. 
Roscoe: The life and pontificate of Leo X, 4 vols. 8vo. Philadelphia, 

1805. 
Roy : Histoire de Charlemagne, 1 vol. 12mo. Tours, 1838. 

de Jeanne d^Jlrc, 1 vol. 12mo. Tours, 1840. 

Sadler : Lingard's History of England continued, 1 vol. 12mo. PanSj 

1836. 
SiDONius Apollinaris : Epistolce et Carmina, edit. Sirmoiidi, Paris, 

1614. 
Socrates and Sozomenes, Greek historians, edit, of Henri de Valois, 

1 vol. folio, Paris, 1668. 
SoLis : Conqnista de la JVueva Esnana. I vol. 4to. 
Suetonius: Duodecim Ccesares, 2 "Vujs. 8vo., which are the 98th and 

99th of the Collection of Classics, or Bibliotheca Latina Classica, 

Paris, 1828. 
SuLPiTius Severus : Hist&rice Sacrce libri duo, 1 vol. 18mo. edit, of 

Mercier, Paris, 1659. 
Tacitus, the gravest, the most concise and energetic of historians, 

1 vol. 12mo, in the edition of Lallemant. — 4 vois.8vo, in the Col- 
lection of Classics, from voL 100 to 104. 



552 TABLE OF AUTHORS. 

Tertullian : Apologeticus adversics gentes et de Prcescriptiombus ad- 

versiis hcer.; 1 vol. 8vo. Paris^ 1828. 
Theodoret, Greek historian, edit, of Henri de Valois, Paris,^ 1673. 
Tkomassin: Discipline de VEglise, 3 folios, Paris, 1725; particularly 

the first book of vol. ii, ch. xcii — cii. 
TiLLEMONT (Le Nain de) I Histoire des Empereurs, 6 vols. 4to. Paris, 

1690; so learned, and so exact in his continual quotations of ancient 

authors, that, for the historical parts of which he treats, he can 

supply the deficiency of all other historians. 
Velleius Paterculus: Historim libri duo; 1 vol. 12mo. edit, of 

Abbe Paul, or the 125th vol. 8vo. in the Collection of Classics. 
Vertot: Histoire des Revolutions de Portugal, 1 vol. 12mo. 

des Chevaliers deMalte, abre gee en 1 vol. 12mo. Tours, 1837. 

VoiGT : Histoire du Pape Ch'egoire VII, translated from the Germao. 

by Abbe Jager, 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1838. 
Voltaire : Histoire de Charles XII, 1 vol. 12mo. 
Walter Scott: The life ofJYapoleon Bonaparte, 2 vols. 8vo. Exete% 

1839. 
Wilson: History of the American Revolution, 1 vol. 12mo. Balti- 
more, 1834. 

Many other works have been occasionally resorted to and consulted, 
which we purposely omit mentioning, because their enumeration 
would be of little or no utility to the reader. 

It is almost superfluous to observe, that several of the authors here 
mentioned, v. g. Roscoe, Walter Scott, Robertson, etc., have been 
resorted to as historians, but not as pohticians or philosophers ; and 
have been followed when they relate well-substantiated facts, but not 
when they bring forward their own private views and religious 
prejudices. 



THE END. 






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